EXCHANGE 


WOMEN'S   EDUCATIONAL   AND    INDUSTRIAL 
UNION,  BOSTON 

DEPARTMENT  OF  RESEARCH 


STUDIES  IN  ECONOMIC  RELATIONS  OF  WOMEN 


VOLUME  I,  Part  1.  Vocations  for  the  Trained  Woman1.  Out  of 
print 

Part  2.  Vocations  for  the  Trained  Woman1:  Agriculture, 
Social  Service,  Secretarial  Service,  Business  of  Real  Estate. 
By  Eleanor  Martin,  Margaret  A.  Post,  Fellows  in  the  De- 
partment of  Research  and  the  Committee  on  Economic 
Efficiency  of  College  Women,  Boston  Branch,  Association 
of  Collegiate  Alumnae.  Prepared  under  the  direction  of 
Susan  M.  Kingsbury,  Ph.D.,  Director.  1914.  8vo.  Cloth. 
Price,  $1.50  net.  Postage  extra. 

Part  3.  Opportunities  for  Women  in  Domestic  Science*. 
Prepared  under  the  direction  of  Susan  M.  Kingsbury,  Ph.D., 
by  Marie  Francke,  Fellow  in  the  Appointment  Bureau  and 
Research  Department,  in  cooperation  with  and  published 
by  the  Association  of  Collegiate  Alumnae.  1916.  8vo. 
Cloth.  Price,  $0.80  net.  Postage  extra. 

VOLUME  II.  Labor  Laws  and  their  Enforcement;  with  Special 
Reference  to  Massachusetts1.  By  Charles  E.  Persons, 
Mabel  Parton,  Mabelle  Moses  and  Three  "  Fellows.'*  Edited 
by  Susan  M.  Kingsbury,  Ph.D.,  Director.  Preface  by 
Edwin  F.  Gay,  Ph.D.,  Harvard  University.  1911.  8vo. 
Cloth.  Price,  $1.50  net.  Postage  extra. 

VOLUME  III.  The  Living  Wage  of  Women  Workers1.  A  Study 
of  the  Incomes  and  Expenditures  of  450  Wage-earning 
Women  in  the  City  of  Boston.  By  Louise  Marion  Bosworth, 
Fellow  in  the  Department  of  Research.  Edited  with  an 
introduction  by  F.  Spencer  Baldwin,  Ph.D.,  Boston  Univer- 
sity. 1911.  8vo.  Cloth.  Price,  $1.00  net.  Postage  extra. 

VOLUME  IV.  Dressmaking  as  a  Trade  for  Women.  By  May 
Allinson,  Ph.D.,  Fellow  and  Associate  Director  of  the  De- 
partment of  Research.  Prepared  under  the  direction  of 
Susan  M.  Kingsbury,  Ph.D.,  Director.  Published  by  United 
States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics.  1916.  8vo.  Cloth. 
Price,  $0.80  net.  Postage  extra. 


Longmans  Green  &  Company,  Publishers,  New  York  City. 

Published  as  "  Bulletin  No.  2"  of  the  Association  of  Collegiate  Alumnte. 


V 

WOMEN'S   EDUCATIONAL   AND    INDUSTRIAL 
UNION,  BOSTON 

DEPARTMENT  OF  RESEARCH 
STUDIES  IN  ECONOMIC  RELATIONS  OF  WOMEN 


VOLUME  V.  Millinery  as  a  Trade  for  Women1.  By  Lorinda 
Perry,  Ph.D.,  Fellow  in  the  Department  of  Research.  Pre- 
pared under  the  direction  of  Susan  M.  Kingsbury,  Ph.D., 
Director,  and  Marion  Parris  Smith,  Ph.D.,  Associate  Pro- 
fessor of  Economics,  Bryn  Mawr  College.  1916.  8vo.  Cloth. 
Price,  $1.50  net.  Postage  extra. 

VOLUME  VI.  The  Boot  and  Shoe  Industry  as  a  Vocation  for 
Women.  By  the  Department  of  Research.  Susan  M.  Kings- 
bury,  Ph.D.,  Director,  May  Allinson,  Ph.D.,  Supervisor  of 
the  Investigation,  Lila  Ver  Planck  North.  Editor.  Pub- 
lished by  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics. 
1916.  8vo.  Cloth.  Price,  $0.80  net.  Postage  extra. 

VOLUME  VII.  Industrial  Home  Work  in  Massachusetts.  Pre- 
pared under  the  direction  of  Amy  Hewes,  Ph.D.,  Supervisor 
of  the  Investigation  for  the  Department  of  Research.  In 
cooperation  with  and  published  by  the  Massachusetts 
Bureau  of  Statistics.  1915.  8vo.  Cloth.  Price,  $0.80  net. 
Postage  extra. 

VOLUME  VIII.  The  Public  Schools  and  Women  in  Office  Service. 
By  the  Department  of  Research.  Prepared  under  the  direc- 
tion of  May  Allinson,  A.M.,  Associate  Director.  Published 
by  the  Boston  School  Committee.  1914.  8vo.  Cloth.  Price, 
$0.80  net.  Postage  extra. 

VOLUME  IX.  Industrial  Experience  of  Trade-School  Girls  in 
Massachusetts.  By  the  Department  of  Research.  Pre- 
pared under  the  direction  of  May  Allinson,  Ph.D.,  and 
Susan  M.  Kingsbury,  Ph.D.  Published  by  the  United  States 
Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics.  1917.  8vo.  Cloth.  Price, 
$0.80  net.  Postage  extra. 

VOLUME  X.  The  Food  of  Working  Women  in  Boston.  By  the 
Department  of  Research.  Prepared  under  the  direction  of 
Lucile  Eaves,  Ph.D.,  published  by  the  Massachusetts  Depart- 
ment of  Health.  1917.  8vo.  Cloth.  Price,  $1.00  net.  Postage 
extra. 


Longmans  Green  &  Company,  Publishers,  New  York  City. 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE 

OF  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS  IN 

MASSACHUSETTS 


BY 

THE   DEPARTMENT   OF   RESEARCH 

WOMEN'S    EDUCATIONAL   AND    INDUSTRIAL    UNION 
BOSTON,  MASS. 


PREPARED  UNDER  THE   DIRECTION   OF 

MAY    ALLINSON,   PH.D. 

ASSOCIATE    DIRECTOR 


STUDIES  IN/" 
ECONOMIC    RELATIONS   OF   WOMEN 


VOLUME   IX 

1917 


CONTENTS. 

Page. 

Chapter  I. — Introduction 

Problem  of  trade  1  raining  for  girls 7,  8 

Growth  of  trade  schools  for  girls  in  kfM&chumtti 8,0 

New  questions  involved  in  industrial  education 0,  10 

Methods  and  scope  of  this  survey 10-13 

Chapter  n.— The  school  problem 15-66 

The  school 15-22 

Growth  of  enrollment  in  trade  schools 15, 16 

Noncompetitive  character  of  trade  and  ordinary  schools 16-18 

Courses  offered  in  the  different  trade  schools 18-20 

Relative  demand  for  the  different  courses 20-22 

The  pupils  and  the  school 22-65 

Age  and  previous  schooling  of  pupils  entering  the  trade  schools 22-26 

Degree  to  which  trade  training  is  utilized 26,  27 

Relation  of  age  at  leaving  school  to  utilization  of  trade  training 27-30 

Relation  between  amount  of  previous  schooling  and  tendency  to  enter 

trade  for  which  trained 30-34 

Relation  between  length  of  trade-school  course  and  use  of  trade  training .  34-41 

Time  actually  spent  in  trade  school 35-38 

Distribution,  by  length  of  trade  training,  of  girls  using  their  trades.  38-41 

Placement  by  Boston  Trade  School 41-44 

Reasons  for  leaving  trade  schools 44-46 

Prevailing  misconceptions  of  scope  of  trade-school  work 46-48 

Adjustment  of  trade-school  pupils  to  the  trade 48-55 

School  tests  for  ascertaining  trade  ability 55-58 

Special  methods  for  adapting  pupils  to  trade  demands 58-60 

Stability  of  trade-school  girls  in  trade  positions 60-63 

Cooperation  between  trade  school  and  employers 63,  64 

Methods  by  which  trade-school  pupils  secure  positions 64,  65 

Summary 65,  66 

Chapter  m. — Industrial  experience  of  Boston  trade-school  girls 67-96 

Difficulty  of  determining  effectiveness  of  trade-school  training 67-69 

Statistical  basis  of  study  of  industrial  experience 69-72 

Age  and  length  of  working  experience  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls 

studied > 70-72 

Girls  who  did  not  use  the  trade  for  which  they  were  trained ,  72-75 

Girls  who  used  the  trade  for  which  they  were  trained 75-95 

Stability  in  industry 75-78 

Sifting-out  process  in  school 75-77 

Industrial  distribution  at  end  of  specified  periods  out  of  trade 

school 77,  78 

Stability  in  trade  for  which  trained 78-90 

Age  in  relation  to  permanence  in  trade 84,  85 

Shifting  of  individual  trade-school  girls 85-88 

Movement  of  trade-school  girls  from  one  trade  to  another,  or  from 

one  position  to  another 88-90 

Secondary  employments 90-93 

Reasons  for  leaving  primary  trade 93-95 

Summary 95,  96 

371948 


Page.. 

Chapter  IV. — Wages  of  Boston  Trade  School  Girls 97-147 

Introduction 97  98 

Reasons  for  studying  wages. 97 

Real  versus  nominal  wages 97  95 

Difficulty  of  securing  data 98 

Average  weekly  wages  in  successive  years 98-106 

Girls  remaining  in  trade  for  which  trained  and  those  leaving  it  for  other 

occupations 99, 100 

Girls  who  never  used  trade  for  which  trained 100, 101 

Time  required  by  different  groups  to  reach  $8  a  week 101 

Rate  of  advance  in  different  groups 101, 102 

Relation  of  wages  of  individual  workers  to  average  wage 102, 103 

Average  wages  of  trade-trained  workers 103-105 

Average  wages  of  trade-school  girls  compared  with  those  of    trade- 
trained  workers 105, 1 06 

Classified  weekly  wages  in  successive  years  in  sewing  trades 107-113 

Initial  wage  of  the  trade-school  girl , 114-116 

Policy  of  school  in  respect  to  initial  wage * 114 

Initial  wage  for  two  five-year  periods 114, 115 

Rate  of  wage  advanced  compared  with  initial  wage 115, 116 

Wages  and  occupations  of  trade-school  girls  at  specified  periods  in  their 

working  experience 117-127 

Girls  remaining  in  trade  for  which  trained  and  those  leaving  it  for  other 

occupations 117-123 

Girls  never  using  trade  for  which  trained 124 

Comparative  wages  of  trade-school  and  trade-trained  dressmakers  and 

factory  sewers  at  specified  periods 124-127 

Factors  determining  wage  advancement 127-142 

Length  of  working  experience 127-133 

Age  at  beginning  work 133-138 

Effect  on  wages  of  trade-school  girls 133-136 

Effect  on  wages  of  trade-trained  girls 136-138 

Academic  education 138-142 

Wages  of  trade-school  dressmakers,  classified  according  to  previous 

schooling 138-141 

Wages  of  trade- trained  dressmakers,  classified  according  to  previous 

schooling 141,142 

Wages  and  length  of  working  season 143-146 

Length  of  season,  by  trades,  for  533  trade-school  girls 143-145 

Wages  of  trade-school  girls  trained  for  sewing  trades,  classified  accord- 
ing to  length  of  working  season  and  trades 145, 146 

Summary 146,147 

Chapter  V. — Industrial  experience  and  wages  of  Worcester  and  Cambridge 

trade-school  girls 149-172 

,    Worcester  Girls'  Trade  School '. 149-165 

Age  and  industrial  distribution  of  girls  studied 149, 150 

Employment  in  successive  years 150-153 

Length  of  working  experience  and  employment 153, 154 

Age  and  employment 154 

Reasons  for  not  using  trade 154, 155 

Average  wages  at  specified  periods 155-157 

Classified  wages  at  specified  periods 157 

Wages  and  occupations  at  specified  periods 157-160 


CONTENTS.  5 

Chapter  V.— Industrial    experience   and  wages  of  Worcester  and  Cambridge 
trade-school  girls—Concluded. 

Worcester  Girls'  Trade  School— Concluded.  Page. 

Factors  affecting  wages 160-163 

Length  of  working  experience 160-162 

Age  at  beginning  work 162 

Arad.Muir  and  tiadc-srliool  training 162,163 

Wages  and  length  of  working  season 163-103 

Trade- trained  sewing  girls  in  Worcester 165-168 

Cambridge  Girls'  Trade  School 169-171 

Age,  industrial  distribution,  and  wages  of  girls  studied 169-171 

Summary : 171, 172 

Chapter  VI.— The  girl  who  has  been  trained  in  the  trade  school 173-194 

Location  in  regard  to  school 173-176 

Area  from  which  Boston  Trade  School  girls  are  drawn 173, 174 

Distance  from  school  and  persistence  in  attendance 174, 175 

Distance  from  school  and  use  of  trade 175, 176 

Nativity  of  trade-school  girls 176-181 

Economic  status  of  families  of  trade-school  girls 182-188 

Occupations  of  fathers  of  trade-school  girls 182-184 

Girls  employed  during  interval  between  grammar-school  and  trade- 
school  attendance 184—186 

Age  at  beginning  work 186-188 

Family  condition  of  trade-school  girls 188, 189 

Contribution  to  family  income 189-192 

Marriage  as  an  interruption  to  working  career 192. 193 

Summary 193, 194 

Chapter  VII. — Industries  for  which  trade  schools  train 195-233 

Basis  of  trade  training 195 

Women's  clothing  trades 195-199 

Decrease  in  number  of  custom  workers 196, 197 

Decrease  in  proportion  of  .young  workers  employed 197-199 

Custom  sewing  trades 200-210 

Evolution  of  custom  dressmaking 200-205 

Attitude  of  employers  toward  beginners 201,  202 

Attitude  of  employers  toward  trade  schools  and  trade-school  girls  202-205 

Evolution  of  the  millinery  trade 205-209 

Growth  of  factory  and  decrease  of  custom  work 205-208 

Attitude  of  employers  toward  trade-school  girls 208,  209 

Summary  of  effect  of  changes  in  custom  sewing  trades  upon  opportuni- 
ties for  trade-school  girls 209,  210 

Power  machine  sewing  trades 210-233 

Need  of  training  for  these  trades 211-213 

Extent  and  character  of  these  trades  in  Boston  and  Worcester 213,  214 

Analysis  of  characteristics  of  production  in  factories  making  light- 
weight products „ 214-217 

Opportunities  and  requirements  in  different  branches  of  these  trades  217-230 

Dresses  and  waists 217-221 

Neckwear , 221,  222 

Children's  dresses 222,  223 

Underwear 223-225 

Shirts 225 

Aprons  and  rompers 220 

Curtains 227 

Skirts 227,  228 

{Straw  hats...  229,  230 


6  CONTENTS. 

Chapter  VII. — Industries  for  which  trade  schools  train — Coufhuled. 

Power  machine  sewing  trades— Concluded.  Page. 

Methods  of  learning  in  the  trades 230,  231 

Cost  of  teaching  in  the  factory 231,  232 

Amount  of  shifting  among  factory  employees 232,  233 

Summary 233 

Chapter  Vm. — Summary  and  conclusions 235-242 

Appendix  A. — Courses  and  administration  of  the  trade  schools  for  girls  in 

Massachusetts 243-256 

Courses  in  the  trade  schools 243-246 

Courses  of  departments  in  the  Worcester  Trade  School 246-253 

Dressmaking 247,  248 

Power-machine  operating 248,  249 

Millinery 249,  250 

Trade  cooking 250 

Academic,  art,  cooking  (general)  courses,  and  physical  education. . .  250-253 

Administration  of  girls'  trade  schools 253-256 

Appendix  B  .—Evening  industrial  schools  for  girls 257-269 


This  study  was  undertaken  in  September,  1014,  by  the  Department  of  Research  of 
the  Women's  Educational  and  Industrial  Union  of  Boston,  under  the  direction  of 
Dr.  May  Allinson,  associate  director,  and  with  the  advice  and  criticism  of  Dr.  Susan 
M.  Kingsbury,  director  of  the  department.  The  study  covered  a  period  of  eleven 
months,  seven  months  being  devoted  to  field  work  and  four  months  to  writing  the 
report.  Three  fellows,  Louise  Moore,  Edith  Gray,  and  Cora  Parkhurst,  with  two 
secretaries  in  the  office,  constituted  the  working  force.  Special  recognition  should 
be  given  Louise  Moore  for  her  independent  work  in  planning  and  presenting  the 
material  in  Chapter  II  on  The  school  problem,  her  analyses  of  the  machine-operating 
trades  (pp.  210  to  233),  and  for  Appendixes  A  and  B. 


BULLETIN  OF  THE 
U.  S.  BUREAU  OF  LABOR  STATISTICS. 

WHOLE  NO.  215.  WASHINGTON.  OCTOBER,  1917. 

INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE  OF  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS 
IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 

CHAPTER  I.— INTRODUCTION. 

PROBLEM  OF  TRADE  TRAINING  FOR  GIRLS. 

Trade  training  for  girls  has  proved  to  be  one  of  the  most  difficult 
problems  of  present-day  education.  Federal,  State,  and  private 
reports  on  industrial  conditions  under  which  women  work  show  the 
need  for  some  kind  of  more  adequate  preparation  for  life.1  With  an 
appreciation  of  the  significance  of  these  conditions  has  come  a  new 
conception  of  education:  a  realization,  first,  that  some  sort  of  edu- 
cation must  be  developed  for  those  girls  who  can  not  be  profited  by 
existing  forms  and,  second,  that  teaching  for  trades  must  be  under- 
taken by  educators  in  cooperation  with  employers. 

Naturally,  conflicting  theories  have  arisen  as  to  where,  when,  and 
how  this  trade  trainiug  can  best  be  given.  First,  some  educators 
and  employers  insist  that  it  can  and  should  be  given  only  in  the 
factory.2  Second,  some  maintain  that  systematic  training  can  be 
given  only  in  special  trade  schools,  because  training  and  production 
on  a  profit  basis  are  incompatible.3  Third,  others  are  still  debating 
as  to  whether  this  trade  training  can  best  be  given  preliminary  to 

1  Massachusetts.    Report  of  the  Commission  on  Industrial  and  Technical  Education.    April,  1906. 
National  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Industrial  Education.    Reports  and  bulletins. 

United  States  Bureau  of  Education,  A  trade  school  for  girls,  Bulletin,  1913,  No.  17. 
United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics  publications: 

Bui.  No.  145.    Conciliation,  arbitration,  and  sanitation  in  the  dress  and  waist  industry  of  New- 
York  City.    Appendix  I— A  study  of  the  dress  and  waist  industry  for  the  purpose  of  industrial 
education,  p.  155. 
Bui.  No.  146.    Wages  and  regularity  of  employment  and  standardization  of  piece  rates  in  the  dress 

and  waist  industry:  New  York  City. 

Bui.  No.  193.    Dressmaking  as  a  trade  for  women  in  Massachusetts. 
Report  on  condition  of  woman  and  child  wage  earners  in  the  United  States  (S.  Doc.  Xo.  645,  61st 

Cong.,  2d  sess.).    1910-1912. 
All  bulletins  in  Women  in  Industry  series. 
Reports  of  the  Massachusetts  Minimum  Wage  Commission. 
Lorinda  Perry:  Millinery  as  a  trade  for  women.    New  York,  1916. 

Mary  Van  Kleeck:  Wages  in  the  millinery  trade.    (In  Fourth  Report  of  New  York  State  Factory  In- 
vestigating Commission,  1915.    Vol.  II,  pp.  361-469.) 

Mary  Van  Kleeck:  Women  in  the  bookbinding  trade.    Russell  Sage  Foundation,  New  York,  1913. 
Mary  Van  Kleeck:  Artificial-flower  makers.    Russell  Sage  Foundation,  New  York,  1913. 

2  Anna  C.  Hedges:  Wage  worth  of  school  training.    Teachers'  College,  Columbia  University,  New  York, 
1915. 

8  Florence  M.  Marshall:  Industrial  training  for  women.    Bulletin  4,  National  Society  for  the  Promotion 
of  Industrial  Education,  October,  1907. 


INDUSTRIAL    EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL    (URLS. 

employment  or  in  the  form  of  continuation  schooling,  either  in  part- 
time  day  classes  or  in  evening  classes.1  Fourth,  still  others  oppose 
special  industrial  schools  for  the  14  to  16  year  old  child  on  the  ground 
that  they  must  either  deplete  or  unnecessarily  duplicate  the  present 
educational  system  and  tend  toward  class  distinction.2 

Whether  a  long  or  short  period  of  training  is  required,  what  pro- 
portion of  time  should  be  devoted  to  practical  trade  work  and  what 
to  related  academic  training,  and  how  the  academic  and  trade  work 
can  best  be  combined,  are  questions  still  argued.  The  administrative 
system  by  which  these  schools  shall  be  controlled  is  another  source 
of  controversy  and  both  the  unit  and  dual  systems  exist  in  Massa- 
chusetts.3 

Even  if  an  agreement  were  reached  upon  the  where,  when,  and  how 
of  industrial  education,  the  most  perplexing  question  of  all,  What  shall 
constitute  the  basis  of  trade  training — that  is,  for  what  trades  shall 
these  schools  train  ? — is  after  ten  years  still  an  open  question. 

GROWTH  OF  TRADE  SCHOOLS  FOR  GIRLS  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 

The  first  so-called  trade  school  for  girls  in  the  United  States  was 
established  by  private  initiative  in  New  York  City  in  1902.  It  was 
planned  to  meet  local  problems  and  to  train  girls  for  the  sewing 
trades  which  occupy  so  important  a  place  in  that  city,4  and  which 
offer  good  opportunities  for  the  girl  who  has  sufficient  fundamental 
training  to  gain  entrance.  In  1904,  the  Boston  Trade  School  for 
Girls  was  established  by  private  initiative,  also  giving  its  main  em- 
phasis to  training  for  the  custom  sewing  trades,  which  occupy  a 
much  smaller  place  in  Boston,  but  still,  at  that  tune,  presented  good 
openings.  After  five  years'  experimentation  under  private  manage- 
ment, both  schools  were  taken  over  as  a  part  of  the  public-school 
system.  In  1911,  the  Worcester  and  Somerville  schools  were  estab- 
lished, in  Worcester  as  a  part  of  the  Independent  Industrial  Schools 
and  in  Somerville 5  as  a  part  of  the  public-school  system.  In  1913,  tlio 
Cambridge  Trade  School  was  established  as  a  part  of  the  public-school 
system. 

1  Massachusetts,  Board  of  Education:  Special  report  on  the  needs  and  possibilities  of  part-time  educa- 
tion, 1913.    Also  Mary  Van  Kleeck:  Working  girls  in  evening  schools.    Russell  Sage  Foundation,  New 
York,  1914.    Also  Anna  C.  Hedges:  Wage  worth  of  school  training. 

2  John  Dewey:  Industrial  education  and  democracy,  in  Survey,  Mar.  22, 1913,  p.  870.    See  also  David 
Snedden  and  John  Dewey:  Communications  on  vocational  education  in  New  Republic,  May  15, 1915,  pp. 
40-43. 

3  The  question  of  the  dual  system,  in  Survey,  Jan.  18,  1913,  p.  490. 

H.  E.  Miles:  Work  and  citizenship — The  Wisconsin  experiment  in  industrial  education,  in  Survey, 
Fob.  15,  1913,  p.  682. 
K.  H.  Fish:  Revolution  in  school  control,  in  Survey,  June  21, 1913,  p.  407. 

4  Mrs.  Mary  Schenck  Wool  man:  The  making  of  a  girls' trade  school.    Columbia  University  i-'rr->,  New 
York,  1909. 

6  The  Somerville  School  was  changed  to  the  Vocational  School  for  C  iris— offering  training  for  home  mak- 
ing—in 1913-14. 


TXTcnnrrrroN. 

All  the  trade  schools  have  been  organized  on  tho  inodol  of 
Manhattan  Trade  School,  giving  the  main  emphasis  to  the  custom 
sowing  trades.  But,  while  tho  Manhattan  Trade  School  might  train 
and  place  advantageously  any  number  of  girls  who  applied  for  t min- 
ing in  the  custom  sewing  trades,  the  Massachusetts  trade  schools  soon 
found  that  this  opportunity  was  limited.  In  Worcester,  for  instance, 
only  a  small  proportion  of  the  young  girls  trained  for  dressmaking 
and  millinery  can  utilize  their  training  in  a  wage-earning  capacity 
because  of  the  limited  number  of  openings  in  this  city.  The  schools 
in  the  different  localities,  therefore,  are  gradually  being  forced  to 
adjust  their  training  to  local  trade  conditions,  and  to  realize  certain 
fundamental  facts :  First,  that  there  is  a  fairly  constant  but  very  lim- 
ited demand  for  young  girls  with  some  degree  of  skill  and  maturity 
in  the  custom  sewing  trades,  and,  second,  that  the  school  must  de- 
velop new  lines  of  work  for  those  without  special  aptitude  in  the 
trades  originally  selected  by  the  school. 

NEW  QUESTIONS  INVOLVED  IN  INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION. 

Trade  schools  at  first  met  much  serious  criticism  and  there  was  a 
conscious  emphasis  by  their  supporters  on  their  educative  value  and 
their  development  of  the  girl  as  a  future  home  maker.  After  these 
new  schools  became  established  as  a  recognized  part  of  the  school  sys- 
tem, a  new  and  more  insistent  issue  was  faced — that  of  the  pupils'  ca-  ~" 
pacity  to  meet  trade  standards.  The  new  emphasis,  therefore,  is  laid 
on  trade  efficiency.  But  since  trade  efficiency  means  personal  ad- 
vancement,, the  two  motives  are  by  no  means  divorced  but  very 
intimately  connected. 

A  new  and  most  serious  situation,  however,  now  confronts  the  trade 
schools  for  girls,  for  the  sewing  trades  have  undergone  a  tremendous 
industrial  evolution  during  the  twelve  or  more  years  these  schools 
have  been  training  for  these  trades. 

Opportunities  for  trade-school  pupils  are  decreasing  in  the  custom 
trades,  not  only  from  the  standpoint  of  decreasing  numbers  employed  ^ 
but  also  because  of  the  industrial  demands  for  increasing  maturity, 
skill,  and  experience.  The  insistent  problem  of  the  immediate  future 
is,  therefore,  twofold:  To  develop  a  type  of  trade  training  in  accord- 
ance wjth  the  specific  industrial  needs  of  each  of  these  custom  trades, 
and  to  divert  the  pupils  to  some  extent  into  other  lines  of  work,  so 
that  the  number  of  trained  workers  turned  out  shall  not  exceed  tho 
capacity  of  their  trades  to  provide  them  employment. 

Industrial  education  thus  involves  many  new  questions  which  are 
increasingly  demanding  consideration. 

1 .  A  trade  school  must  know  the  trend  and  the  demands  of  the 
1  fades,  (a)  from  the  standpoint  of  numbers  that  it  may  not  over- 


10  IXDUSTTUAL    F.XPEPIKXC F.    ^v    TH  VD'-.-SCHOOL    GIRLS. 

^ stock  the  supply,  and  (b)  from,  the  standpoint  of  qualifications  <  f 
the  workers  that  its  pupils  may  be  able  to  meet  trade  demands. 

2.  Trade  practice  and  products  which  change  greatly  and  without 
reason  in  the  fashion  trades  constitute  the  basis  of  instruction. 

3.  A  new  conception  of  school  administration  becomes  a  necessity, 
for  the  trade  school  must  be  allowed  a  large  degree  of  independence, 
flexibility,  and  correlation  with  and  adjustment  to  the  industries  to 
which  it  caters.     Its  methods,  hours  and  atmosphere  must  approxi- 
mate trade  rather  than  school  conditions. 

-  4.  Since  the  efficiency  of  a  vocational  school  is  judged  by  the  suc- 
cess of  its  pupils,  the  trade  school  must  study  the  industrial  experience 
of  its  pupils  that  it  may,  on  a  basis  of  concrete  knowledge,  develop 
and  readjust  its  curriculum  to  meet  the  changing  needs  and  condi- 
tions. 

METHODS  AND  SCOPE  OF  THIS  SURVEY. 

To  provide  some  concrete  facts  on  these  many  points  of  debate, 
this  study  was  undertaken.     The  mam  purpose  has  been  to  see  to 
\  what  extent  the  trade  school  can  equip  a  girl  as  an  efficient  producer. 
To  draw  fair  and  intelligent  conclusions,  we  must  know: 

1.  What  proportion  of  the  girls  complete  their  trade  course— that 
•is,  what  degree  of  selection  is  represented  by  the  girls  who  utilize 
their  training  in  a  wage-earning  capacity  ? 

2.  What  has  been  the  aim  of  the  school  and   the  methods   by 
which  it  has  sought  to  prepare  the  girl  for  wage  earning  ? 

3.  What  are  the  processes  and  conditions  of  employment  in  the 
industries  and  what  demands  do  they  make  on  their  workers  ? 

4.  How  does  the  trade-school  girl  meet  these  demands  in  compari- 
son with  the  girl  who  has  acquired  her  training  in  the  industry  itself  ? 

Because  of  the  comparatively  short  existence  of  these  schools,  it 
was  within  reason  to  attempt  a  complete  survey  of  the  total  number 
who  had  gone  out  from  the  three  trade  schools,  Boston,  Worcester 
and  Cambridge,  as  a  basis  for  conclusion,  rather  than  to  employ 
the  more  usual  sampling  method.  The  records  of  all  girls  leaving 
school  were  taken  from  the  school  files,  2,044  girls  leaving  the  Boston 
Trade  School  from  September,  1904  to  September,  1914,  343  from 
the  Worcester  Trade  School  from  September,  1911  to  February, 
1915,  and  113  from  the  Cambridge  Trade  School  from  February, 
1913  to  February,  1915,  making  a  total  of  2,500  trade-school  girls. 

Since  the  trade  schools  make  an  effort  to  place  their  pupils  and 
to  keep  a  record  of  their  subsequent  experience,  some  index  wTas 
provided  as  to  those  using  and  not  using  their  training  in  a  wage- 
earning  capacity.  These  records  also  provided  data  on  the  date  of 
birth,  previous  schooling,  date  of  entering  the  trade  school,  course, 
and  usually  the  father's  occupation,  taken  at  the  time  of  registration. 


INTIIOI'I  (T!  o\.  11 

An  intensive  study  of  the  working  experience  through  personal  inter- 
views with  all  girls  who  used  their  training  in  a  wage-earning  capacity 
and  all  others  who  attended  the  trade  school  nine  months  or  more  was 
determined  on  for  Boston  and  Worcester,  and  of  the  total  group  from 
the  Cambridge  Trade  School,  since  the  comparatively  small  number 
made  this  possible.  Because  the  effort  has  been  made  to  give  a 
complete  picture  of  all  girls  who  used  their  training,  the  total  number 
is  accounted  for  in  most  of  the  tables,  even  though  there  may  be  no 
data  on  some  one  point,  because  the  girl  could  not  remember  this 
particular  item. 

In  Boston,  records  were  found  of  788  who  had  used  their  training 
one  week  or  more  and  of  135  who  had  attended  the  trade  school  nine  „ 
months  or  more  but  had  not  used  their  trade,  making  a  total  of 
923,  or  45.2  per  cent  of  the  total  number  leaving  during  the  school's 
10  years'  existence.  This  number  was  checked  from  every  possible 
source.  Girls  from  different  classes  went  through  the  lists  and  fre- 
quently contributed  helpful  information.  All  girls  visited  in  their 
homes  were  asked  for  information  concerning  their  classmates  and 
sometimes  contributed  new  names  which  had  not  appeared  on  the 
trade-school  records.  Forty-four  additional  girls  whose  names  were 
secured  in  this  way  were  followed  up  on  one  clue  or  another,  but 
were  found  not  to  have  used  their  trade.  Seventy-four  of  the  923 
could  not  be  located,  leaving  849,  of  whom  744  used  their  trade  and 
105  attended  the  trade  school  nine  months  or  more  but  did  not  use 
their  trade. 

The  problem  was  simpler  in  Worcester  because  the  experience  of 
the  school  covered  only  three  years.  Of  a  total  of  343  girls,  166 
had  used  their  trade  or  attended  the  trade  school  nine  months  or 
more  and  all  were  found  and  interviewed.  In  spite  of  the  short 
period  (two  years)  covered  by  the  Cambridge  Trade  School,  15  of 
the  total  113  girls  could  not  be  located,  making  98  girls  the  basis  of 
study  for  this  school. 

Of  the  total,  2,500  girls,  therefore,  leaving  the  three  trade  schools,  \ 
1,202  girls,  or  48. 1  per  cent,  were  chosen  for  an  intensive  study  of 
their  working  experience,  and  of  these  1,113,  or  92.6  per  cent,  were 
found  and  interviewed. 

Naturally  many  difficulties  were  encountered  in  securing  these 
" experience"  records.  Some  of  the  addresses  dated  10  years  back, 
and  a  long  trip  to  a  remote  suburb  sometimes  brought  the  investi- 
gator to  an  empty  lot  or  to  a  big  factory  where  once  may  have  stood 
a  house.  The  girls  had  scattered  to  all  parts  of  the  United  States, 
and  a  few  of  the  records  had  to  be  secured  by  correspondence,  several 
letters  sometimes  being  required  to  clear  up  one  fact.  One  record 
came  from  Detroit,  another  from  Austin,  Tex.,  another  from  New 
York,  another  from  New  Jersey.  Names  had  changed  for  various 


12  INDUSTRIAL    EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL    GIRLS. 

reasons.  Mary  Smith  was  reported  by  a  neighbor  to  have  married  a 
Mr.  Pistachio,  who  worked  in  the  Palace  of  Sweets  in  Lynn.  A  letter 
to  Mrs.  Pistachio  brought  no  response,  and  as  a  last  resort,  before 
making  the  trip,  the  investigator  secured  telephone  connection  with 
the  Palace  of  Sweets  and  asked  for  Mr.  Pistachio.  The  blur  of  sounds 
served  the  investigator  well,  for  the  voice  at  the  other  end  asked, 
"You  wish  Mr.  Rustaccio?"  The  investigator,  assenting,  found  that 
Mr.  Rustacdo  was  the  husband  of  Mary  Smith  and  received  a 
hearty  invitation  to  come  to-morrow  afternoon  at  3  o'clock  and  she 
would  be  sure  to  be  at  home. 

Maria  Martinucci  was  sought  far  and  near.  Neighbors,  teachers, 
settlement  workers  in  the  neighborhood  were  interviewed.  Tracer 
letters  were  sent  to  no  avail.  One  day  another  trade-school  girl 
mentioned  that  Maria  was  working  at  Madame  X's.  The  investi- 
gator hurried  to  the  shop  and  was  met  with  the  statement  that  no 
such  person  ever  worked  there.  "Ask  Madame  X,"  insisted  the 
investigator,  "if  she  knows  her."  Madame  came  out  and,  after  listen- 
ing to  the  story,  said,  "Oh,  }^ou  must  mean  Mary  Martin."  Mary 
Martin  was  called  out  and  proved  to  be  Maria  Martinucci,  the  trade- 
school  girl. 

Clues  no  more  definite  than  "I  don't  know  where  she  lives,  but 

she  is  cashier  in ,  in  the  grocery  department  on  the  fifth  floor, 

right  opposite  the  meat";  or  "Ask  the  undertaker  on  the  corner;  he 
buried  her  brother  last  year,"  brought  the  investigator  in  touch  with 
girls  from  whom  the  trade  school  had  had  no  information  for  years. 
The  most  difficult  situation  to  surmount  was  occasioned  by  precau- 
tionary measures  against  being  traced  by  bill  collectors.  In  several 
cases  the  investigator  secured  certain  information  of  a  girl  but  could 
not  personally  reach  her.  "Oh,  she's  a  friend  of  mine:  I  wouldn't 
put  a  collector  on  her  track,"  was  the  reply  to  inquiries  and  all  efforts 
to  locate  her  proved  futile. 

From  these  girls  was  sought  their  complete  working  experience  by 
successive  years,  after  leaving  the  trade  school,  that  information 
might  be  gained  on  such  points  as  these: 

1.  What  types  are  coming  to  the  trade  school  for  training  and  how 
do  they  correspond  to  the  types  already  in  these  trades  ? 

2.  What  are  the  requisite  qualifications  for  success  and  what  pro- 
portion complete  the  course  of  training? 

3.  What  proportion  enter  their  trade  and  in  what  length  of  time  do 
they  become  self -supporting  ? 

4.  What  influences  determine  advancement  and  success  '( 

For  some  basis  of  comparison  it  was  decided  to  secure  the  experi- 
ence record  of  100  girls  in  dressmaking  and  in  the  cloth  machine- 
operating  trades  in  Boston.  The  method  by  which  these  should  be 
secured  was  one  for  serious  consideration.  The  first  attempt  was 
made  to  secure  cases  from  the  educational  certificates  in  the  school 


INTRODUCTION.  13 

offices,  all  girls  of  16  to  21  yrnrs  being  so  registered  by  law.  This 
\  ;is  soon  found  impracticable  as  tho  sole  basis,  since  the  new  law 
of  1913,  under  which  a  new  system  was  inaugurated,  had  been  in 
force  only  one  year,  and  the  types  secured  by  this  means  proved  to 
be  below  normal,  drifting  from  industry  to  industry  and  from  shop 
to  shop.1  Complete  lists  of  all  girls  not  exceeding  25  years  were 
next  taken  from  pay  rolls  of  typical  shops  and  factories.  This 
method  excluded  the  drifter  in  most  cases,  since  the  girl  remaining 
less  than  one  week  did  not  appear  on  the  pay  roll.  The  lists  were 
supplemented  by  names  secured  through  other  girls,  or  from  people 
in  touch  with  girls  in  the  sewing  trades.  Forty-six  girls  who  were 
under  25  years  and  were  employed  in  the  sewing  trades  in  Worcester 
were  secured  through  the  Worcester  Evening  Trade  School.  Through 
these  different  methods  a  group  of  girls  were  secured  who  corre- 
spond to  a  surprising  degree  in  age,  education,  and  wage  with  the 
trade-school  girls. 

A  study  of  the  three  trade  schools  to  discover  their  purpose,  the 
needs  which  they  attempt  to  meet,  and  the  methods  by  which  they 
are  trying  to  fulfill  their  aim,  and  a  cursory  survey  of  the  industries 
to  see  to  what  extent  the  school  has  grasped  its  problem  rounded 
out  the  study. 

The  folio  wing  chapters  therefore  seek  to  show: 

1.  The  problems  with  which  the  trade  school  has  been  confronted 
from  the  standpoint  of— 

(a)  The  girl  who  comes  for  training. 
(7;)  The  industries  for  which  it  trains. 

2.  The  specific  problems  which  it  has  attempted  to  solve  and  the 
extent  to  which  it  has  succeeded  or  failed. 

3.  The  conclusions  which  may  be  drawn  for  future  development 
and  adjustment. 

i  See  Table  50,  p.  87. 


CHAPTER  II.— THE  SCHOOL  PROBLEM. 


THE  SCHOOL. 

The  leaders  in  the  movement  to  establish  trade  schools  for  girls, 
an  experiment  in  education  begun  outside  the  regularly  established 
school  system,  found  it  necessary  very  early  to  formulate  a  state- 
ment of  their  aim.  This,  briefly  stated,  is  to  "give  girls  an  educa- 
tion that  will  fit  them  for  industrial  work  as  distinguished  from  office 
work  and  teaching."0  That  the  public  desires  this  type  of  education 
is  proved  by  the  adoption  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls  by 
the  Boston  School  Committee  and  the  Massachusetts  State  Board  of 
Education,  and  by  the  founding  of  similar  schools  in  the  cities  of 
Worcester  and  Cambridge. 

GROWTH  OF  ENROLLMENT  IN  TRADE  SCHOOLS. 

The  action  of  these  three  cities  seems  to  have  been  justified  by 
the  number  of  girls  who  have  taken  advantage  of  the  opportunity 
thus  presented.  The  growth  in  membership  of  the  trade  schools  as 
compared  with  the  growth  of  the  other  schools  under  public  manage- 
ment is  striking.  In  1905  the  enrollment  in  the  Boston  day  schools 

TABLE  1.— RELATIVE  INCREASE  IN  ENROLLMENT  IN  TRADE  SCHOOLS  AND  OTHER 
PUBLIC  SCHOOLS  IN  BOSTON  AND  WORCESTER,  BY  YEARS,  1906  TO  1914. 


Year. 

Boston. 

Worcester. 

Per  cent  of  increase  in  enrollment  in- 

Day  schools.1 

High  and 
normal 
schools.1 

Trade  school 
for  girls.' 

Day  schools.3 

High  schools.3 

Trade  school 
for  girls.4 

Over 
pre- 
ced- 
ing 

year. 

Over 
1905. 

Over 
pre- 
ced- 
ing 
year. 

Over 
1905. 

Over 
pre- 
ced- 
ing 
year. 

Over 
1905. 

Over 
pre- 
ced- 
ing 
year. 

Over 
1912. 

Over 
pre- 
ced- 
ing 
year. 

Over 
1912. 

Over 
pre- 
ced- 
ing 
year. 

Over 
1912. 

1906... 

2.2 

1.2 
2.0 

2.9 

5.2 
51.1 

3.6 
1.2 
3.1 

2.2 

3.4 
5.5 
8.6 
8.3 
7.2 
11.0 
12.3 
15.8 

4.2 
1.6 
6.7 
20.9 
12.9 
9.6 
7.  7 
1.5 
5.1 

4.2 

5.9 
13.0 
36.6 
54.2 
69.1 
82.0 
84.8 
94.3 

14.0 
5.4 
63.5 
58.9 
523.6 
25.0 
15.3 
28.6 
17.9 

14.0 

20.2 
96.5 
212.3 
138.6 
198.2 
243.9 
342.  1 
421.1 

1907... 

1908  

1909  

1910... 

1911  

1912  

1913 

2.1 
4.9 

2.1 

7.1 

7.4 
5.6 

7.4 
13.4 

«6.7 
21.  S 

66.7 
102.9 

1914 

i  From  annual  reports  of  the  Boston  School  Committee,  1905  to  1914. 

*  From  annual  reports  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls,  1905  to  1909;  annual  reports  of  the  Boston 
School  Committee,  1910  to  1914. 

3  From  annual  reports  of  the  Worcester  Public  Schools,  1912  to  1914. 

*  From  data  furnished  by  the  Worcester  Trade  School  for  Girls. 
6  Decrease. 

a  Worcester,  Report  of  Trustees  of  Independent  Industrial  Schools  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1911, 
p.  622. 

15 


16  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

\vas  102,880,  in  the  high  and  normal  schools  8,115,  and  in  the  trade 
school  for  girls  114.  In  1912,  when  the-Worcester  Trade  School  for 
Girls  was  opened,  the  enrollment  in  the  Worcester  day  schools  was 
23,539,  in  the  high  schools  3,101,  and  in  the  trade  school  102.  Table  1 
shows  the  relative  increase  in  enrollment  for  these  various  schools, 
giving  both  the  increase  each  year  over  the  enrollment  of  the  preceding 
year  and  the  increase  over  the  year  in  which  the  trade  school*  wore 
founded,  respectively. 

In  Boston  the  average  annual  increase  in  the  total  enrollment  of 
the  day  schools  from  1905  to  1914,  inclusive,  was  1.7  per  cent,  in  the 
high  and  normal  schools,  7.9  per  cent,  and  in  the  trade  school  for 
}girls,  22.8  per  cent.  That  is,  the  enrollment  in  the  trade  school  has 
increased  about  thirteen  times  as  rapidly  as  that  of  all  the  public  day 
schools,  and  almost  three  times  as  fast  as  that  of  the  high  and  normal 
schools.  During  the  whole  period,  while  the  enrollment  in  all  day 
schools  has  increased  by  a  little  less  than  one-sixth  and  the  enroll- 
ment in  the  high  and  normal  schools  has  not  quite  doubled,  the 
enrollment  in  the  trade  school  for  girls  has  more  than  quadrupled. 
The  trade  school  in  Worcester  has  had  a  far  shorter  period  of  growth, 
but  is  showing  the  same  tendency  to  a  rapid  increase.  During  the 
first  year  of  its  history  its  enrollment  increased  two-thirds,  and  the 
next  year  a  little  more  than  one-fifth.  The  total  number  of  pupils 
registered  in  1914  was  a  little  more  than  twice  the  number  enrolled 
in  1912.  Meanwhile,  the  day  schools  had  increased  their  numbers 
by  7.1  per  cent  and  the  high  schools  by  13.4  per  cent. 

Striking  as  these  comparative  percentages  of  increase  are,  they  do 
not  tell  the  whole  story,  since  the  actual  enrollment  has  not  at  any 
time  since  the  first  year  represented  all  who  wished  to  enter  the  trade 
schools.  Since  then  the  schools  have  been  unable  to  accommodate 
all  applicants,  so  the  number  has  been  limited  and  pupils  are  allowed 
to  enter  as  vacancies  occur,  in  the  order  of  their  application.  The 
consistently  rapid  growth  of  the  trade  schools  for  girls  shows  the 
value  set  upon  this  sort  of  training  by  the  community,  the  girls,  and 
their  parents. 

NONCOMPETIT1VE  CHARACTER  OF  TRADE  AND  ORDINARY  SCHOOLS. 

The  very  rapid  increase  in  the  trade-school  enrollment  naturally 
raises  the  question,  ''Are  these  schools  competing  with  ordinary  high 
and  grammar  schools  or  are  they  satisfying  a  need  not  previously 
met  by  other  educational  institutions?"  Certainly  they  are  not 
competing  on  the  same  terms,  owing  to  the  great  difference  between 
the  trade-school  courses  and  those  offered  in  any  otiher  kind  of  schools. 
There  is  good  reason  for  thinking,  however,  that  they  are  not  com- 
peting at  all.  A  comparison  between  the  rate  of  increase  shown  in 
the  preceding  table  for  the  high  schools  and  the  trade  schools  does 
not  indicate  that  the  high  schools  have  suffered  from  the  establish- 


'HIE    SCHOOL 


17 


ment  of  the  trade  schools.  In  both  Boston  and  Worcester  the  per- 
centage of  increase  in  the  high  schools  since  the  establishment  of  the 
trade  schools  has  been  normal,  the  increase  being  in  Boston  about 
five  times  as  rapid  as  in  all  schools  and  in  Worcester  about  twice  as 
rapid.  Moreover,  in  the  years  1908  and  1909,  when  the  Boston 
Trade  School  showed  the  largest  increases,  63.5  per  cent  and  58.9  per 
cent,  respectively,  the  high  school  increases,  also,  were  unusually 
large  (6.7  per  cent  in  1908  and  20.9  per  cent  in  1909).1  As  to  com- 
petition with  the  grammar  schools,  the  age  of  the  trade-school  pupils 
seems  to  show  that  if  it  exists  at  all  it  is  too  small  to  have  any  impor- 
tance. Girls  may  not  enter  the  trade  schools  until  they  are  14  years 
of  age,  and  in  the  Boston  school  two-thirds  of  the  total  number  of 
pupils  enrolled  since  its  opening  have  been  over  this  age.  (See  Table 
5.)  But  in  June,  1914,  only  1.9  per  cent  of  all  pupils  in  the  elemen- 
tary schools  of  Boston  were  over  147  and  in  1913  the  proportion  was 
3.9  per  cent.2  Evidently  the  field  of  possible  competition  between 
grammar  and  trade  school  is  very  limited. 

Another  indication  that  the  trade  schools  reach  a  type  of  girl  not 
attracted  to  the  regular  school,  or,  at  least,  not  held  by  it,  is  found  in 
the  rather  large  proportion  of  the  pupils  in  both  the  Boston  and  the 
Yforcester  trade  schools  who  had  been  out  of  the  regular  schools  for 
some  time  before  entering  the  trade  schools.  In  Boston  849  girls 
and  in  Worcester  166  were  visited.  The  following  table  shows  how 
many  of  these  had  been  out  of  school  for  four  months  or  more  before 
entering  the  trade  school: 

TABLE  2.— INTERVAL  BETWEEN  LEAVING  REGULAR  PUBLIC  SCHOOLS  AND  ENTER- 
ING TRADE  SCHOOL,  FOR  164  GIRLS  IN  BOSTON  AND  45  IN  WORCESTER. 


Time  intervening. 

Number  of  girls  out  of  school 
specified  length  of  time  be- 
fore entering— 

Total. 

Boston  Trade 
School. 

Worcester 
Trade  School. 

4  and  under  8  months 

58 
34 
28 
11 
2 
11 
10 
5 
5 

17 
6 
13 
3 
1 
3 
2 

75 
40 
41 
14 
3 
14 
12 
5 
5 

8  and  under  12  months  

12  and  under  16  months 

16  and  under  20  months  

20  and  under  24  months     -.  

2  and  under  3  jrears. 

3  and  under  4  years 

5  years  or  more 

Total  

1G4 

45 

209 

It  appears  from  this  that  in  Boston  nearly  one-fifth  of  the  girls 
visited    (18.1    per  cent),   and  in  Worcester  more   than   one-fourth 

1  The  rapid  increase  in  the  number  of  pupils  in  the  high  schools  of  Boston  in  1909  was  partly  due  to  chang- 
ing the  number  of  grades  in  the  grammar  school  from  nine  to  eight,  thus  throwing  into  the  high  school  the 
pupils  of  one  grade  which  had  previously  been  included  in  the  grammar  course. 

2  Report  of  the  Boston  School  Committee,  1913,  Document  9,  p.  17;  1914.  Document  6,  p.  15. 

85225°— 17— Bull.  215 2 


18  INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE   OF   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 

(27.1  per  cent)  had  been  out  of  the  regular  public  schools  from 
four  months  to  nearly  four  years  before  entering  the  trade  schools. 
If  the  girls  visited  are  representative  of  the  whole  body  of  pupils — 
and  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  they  are  not — it  is  evident  that 
there  is  a  considerable  proportion  of  the  trade-school  pupils  for  whom 
the  question  of  competition  between  the  two  kinds  of  schools  could  not 
arise ;  they  had  definitely  left  one  before  planning  to  enter  the  other. 

When  the  trade  schools  were  started  it  was  with  the  purpose  of 
reaching  the  kind  of  girl  who  did  not  wish  to  attend  high  school,  or 
who  could  not  afford  the  time  for  it,  and  this  purpose  has  been  borne 
in  mind  throughout.  In  both  the  Boston  and  the  Worcester  trade 
schools  it  is  customary  to  send  back  to  the  grammar  and  high  schools 
all  pupils  who  their  instructors  have  reason  to  think  will  do  better  in 
academic  than  in  trade  work.  In  Worcester  7.3  l  per  cent  of  all  the 
pupils  leaving  the  trade  schools  for  any  reason  returned  to  other 
schools.  On  the  Boston  records  11.6  1  per  cent  are  set  down  as 
having  returned  to  school. 

Summing  up  the  situation,  then,  such  information  as  is  available 
seems  to  show  that  the  trade  school  is  not  a  competitor  of  the  regular 
grammar  and  high  schools,  because:  (1)  The  character  of  the  work 
done  is  so  different  from  that  carried  on  in  other  public  schools 
that  it  would  scarcely  attract  children  likely  to  make  a  success  of  the 
ordinary  school  studies.  It  is  primarily  attractive  to  the  girl  whose 
chief  interest  is  to  earn  money  as  soon  as  possible,  but  who  is  willing 
and  able  to  give  a  short  time  for  preparation.  (2)  The  pupils  do  not 
come  in  any  large  measure  from  those  of  ordinary  grammar  school 
age.  (3)  No  change  in  the  percentage  of  increase  in  high  and  nor- 
mal schools  can  be  discovered  in  the  10  years  subsequent  to  the 
founding  of  the  trade  school  in  Boston.  (4)  Many  of  the  pupils 
(20.6  per  cent  of  those  visited  in  Boston  and  Worcester)  had  definitely 
left  the  regular  public  schools  before  entering  the  trade  schools. 
(5)  The  trade  schools  have  sent  back  to  grammar  and  high  school  10.5 
per  cent  of  the  whole  number  of  pupils  leaving  the  trade  schools.  The 
increase  in  the  enrollment  seems  to  indicate,  therefore,  that  the  trade 
schools  are  filling  a  need  not  hitherto  met  in  the  system  of  education, 
and  that  instead  of  competing  with  the  other  schools  they  supplement 
them,  giving  a  training  which  the  regular  schools  can  not  supply  but 
for  which  there  is  a  real  demand. 

COURSES  OFFERED  IN  THE  DIFFERENT  TRADE  SCHOOLS. 

The  courses  offered  hi  the  trade  schools  differ  essentially  from  those 
given  in  any  other  educational  institution,  both  in  object  and  in 
method  of  presentation.  The  selection  of  the  trades  to  be  taught 
in  the  several  communities  has  been  a  matter  of  much  difficulty. 

i  See  Table  28,  p.  45. 


THE   SCHOOL  PROBLEM.  19 

The  bases  of  selection  may  be  three :  First,  a  general  survey  of  trade 
opportunities  for  women  in  the  city,  including  occupations  for  which 
women  are  generally  supposed  to  be  best  adapted,  particularly  those 
connected  with  the  making  of  clothing  and  the  preparation  of  food; 
second,  a  scientific  survey  of  a  community  to  determine  which  lines 
of  work  offer  the  best  opportunities;  and,  third,  the  experience  of 
the  school  itself,  resulting  in  the  modification  of  old  courses  and  the 
introduction  of  new  ones,  in  accordance  with  the  demands  of  the 
public  with  which  the  school  comes  in  contact. 

Boston  followed  the  first  of  these  plans.  From  a  study  of  such 
data  as  were  available  it  was  decided  that  "  clothing  trades  offer 
women  the  greatest  opportunities/7  1  A  brief  survey  of  the  dress- 
making, millinery,  and  ready-made  clothing  industries  was  then 
made  to  determine  the  content  of  the  proposed  courses.  Sewing 
only  was  offered  hi  the  summer  course  given  in  1904,2  and  millinery 
and  power-machine  operating  on  cloth  were  added  in  the  fall. 
In  addition  to  these  three  trades,  selected  on  the  basis  of  the  first 
general  survey,  training  in  three  other  trades  is  now  offered,  as  a 
result  of  the  experience  of  the  school.  Power-machine  operating  on 
straw  hats  has  been  taught  since  1905-6,3  and  trade  cooking  and 
design  were  first  offered  in  1 9 12-1 3. 4 

In  the  other  three  cities  the  second  plan  of  selection  was  followed. 
The  board  of  trustees  of  the  Independent  Industrial  Schools  in 
Worcester  and  the  superintendents  of  schools  in  Cambridge  and 
Somerville  were  instrumental  in  securing  a  survey  of  their  cities 
before  the  girls'  trade  schools  were  established.5  Dressmaking, 
millinery,  and  power-machine  operating  on  cloth  have  been  taught  in 
Worcester  since  the  opening  of  the  school;  trade  cooking  was  intro- 
duced in  September,  1914.  In  Cambridge,  at  first,  dressmaking, 
cooking,  and  millinery  were  offered.  The  course  in  millinery  was 
discontinued  in  October,  1914,  because  the  management  believed 
that,  as  a  trade,  it  offered  too  little  opportunity.  In  Somerville, 
dressmaking  and  millinery  were  taught  in  1911-12.  The  following 
year,  the  household  arts  side  of  the  training  received  more  emphasis 
than  the  trade  side,  and  in  1913-14  the  name  of  the  school  was 
changed  from  the  Trade  School  for  Girls  to  the  Vocational  School  for 
Girls.  Dressmaking,  millinery,  and  cooking  are  taught  as  home- 
making  vocations  with  trade  standards. 

In  1914-15,  then,  the  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls  offered  six 
courses,  dressmaking,  millinery,  power-machine  operating  on  cloth, 

1  Fifth  Annual  Report  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls,  1909,  p.  11. 

2  First  Annual  Report  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls,  1905,  pp.  6,  7. 
a  Second  Annual  Report  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls,  1906,  p.  14. 

<  Trade  School  Bulletin  IV,  April,  1912;  Trade  School  Bulletin  VI,  May,  1913. 

6  Department  of  Research,  Women's  Educational  and  Industrial  Union:  A  trade  school  for  girls,  United^ 
States  Bureau  of  Education,  Bulletin,  1913,  No.  17,  p.  9. 


20 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


power-machine  operating  on  straw  hats,  catering,  and  design;  the 
Worcester  school  trained  girls  in  four  subjects — dressmaking,  mil- 
linery, power-machine  operating  on  cloth,  and  trade  cooking.  In 
Cambridge,  instruction  was  offered  in  dressmaking  and  in  trade 
cooking. 

Besides  these  trade  courses,  of  which  each  girl  selects  one,  supple- 
mentary courses  in  cooking,  art,  academic  branches,  and  physical 
training  are  required  of  all  pupils.  The  Boston  Trade  School,  ever 
since  it  was  founded,  has  required  its  pupils  to  take  design  and 
physical  training.1  The  course  in  cooking,  with  household  arts  in- 
tent, has  been  obligatory  since  the  summer  of  1905,  and  academic 
work  since  1906-7.2  The  other  schools,  founded  since  the  Boston 
Trade  School,  and  profiting  by  its  experience,  have  had  supple- 
mentary work  since  the  beginning. 

RELATIVE  DEMAND  FOR  THE  DIFFERENT  COURSES. 

The  number  of  girls  enrolled  in  each  course  in  the  several  schools 
since  their  foundation  shows  where  the  emphasis  of  the  teaching  has 
been  placed.  The  following  table  shows  the  distribution  of  the 
2,500  pupils  among  the  courses  offered: 

TABLE  3.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  GIRLS  TRAINED  IN  EACH  SPECIFIED  TRADE 
IN  BOSTON,  WORCESTER,  AND  CAMBRIDGE  TRADE  SCHOOLS. 


Course. 

Girls  trained  in  specified  trades. 

Number. 

Per  cent.1 

Boston. 

Wor- 
cester. 

Cam- 
bridge. 

Total. 

Boston1. 

Wor- 
cester. 

Cam- 
bridge. 

Total. 

r>re<<qn'iaTcinor 

1,255 
426 

178 
137 
19 
10 
19 

224 
53 

61 

78 
21 

1,557 
500 

239 
137 
33 
10 
24 

62.  0 
21.0 

8.8 
6.8 
.9 
.5 

66.  3 
15.7 

18.0 

69.0 
18.6 

62.9 
20.2 

9.7 
5.5 
1.3 
.4 

Millinery..  

Power-machine  operating  on— 
Cloth 

•Straw  hats 

""ii" 

Trrule  cool-'ing 

12.4 

"Pgeju-n 

5 



Total 

2,  014 

343 

113 

2,500 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

i  Based  on  the  number  of  girls  whose  course  was  reported. 

It  will  be  seen  that  of  all  the  girls  who  have  gone  out  from  the 
three  trade  schools,  almost  two-thirds  (62.9  per  cent)  have  taken 
dressmaking  and  one-fifth  have  been  trained  in  millinery.  That  is, 
four-fifths  of  the  girls  (83.1  per  cent)  have  been  trained  in  the  two 
custom  or  hand  sewing  trades,  while  only  one-fifth  have  taken  advan- 
tage of  the  other  four  trades  offered.  These  proportions  have  been 


1  First  Annual  Report  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls,  190",  p.  9. 

2  Third  Annual  Report  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls,  1907,  p.  14. 


THE   SCHOOL   PROBLEM. 


21 


nearly  the  same  in  all  tho  schools,  even  in  Boston,  which  offers  tho 
greatest  variety  of  other  courses.  Worcester  shows  a  much  larger 
percentage  than  Boston  of  girls  learning  power-machine  operating  on 
cloth,  and  Cambridge  has  relatively  a  large  proportion  who  have 
chosen  trade  cooking,  but  in  each  of  the  three  cities  more  than  80 
per  cent  of  the  pupils  have  enrolled  in  the  two  hand-sewing  trades. 

A  study  of  the  enrollment  in  1915  shows  that  this  situation  has  not 
changed.  The  following  table,  compiled  from  data  furnished  by  the 
three  trade  schools,  shows  the  number  enrolled  in  the  different  courses 
in  January,  1915: 

TABLE  4.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  PUFILS  ENROLLED  IN  SPECIFIED  COURSES 
IN  BOSTON,  WORCESTER,  AND  CAMBRIDGE  TRADE  SCHOOLS  AT  THE  TIME  OF  THE 
INVESTIGATION,  JANUARY,  1915. 


Course. 

Girls  enrolled  in  specified  trades. 

Number. 

Per  cent.1 

Boston. 

Wor- 
cester. 

Cam- 
bridge. 

Total. 

Boston. 

Wor- 
cester. 

Cam- 
bridge. 

Total. 

73.0 
11.6 

6.0 
4.1 
5.2 

Dressmaking  

343 

70 

26 
30 

14 

108 
15 

18 

82 

533 

85 

44 
2 

71.0 
14.5 

5.4 
6.2 
2.9 

70.6 
9.8 

11.8 

87,2 

Millinery 

rower-machine  operating  on— 
rioth 

Straw  hats                     

Trade  cookins; 

12 

12 
2 

7.8 

12.  S 

N  ot  reported  

Total 

483 

153 

96 

732 

100.0 

100.0 

103.0 

100.0 

1  Based  on  the  number  of  girls  whose  course  was  reported. 

The  proportions  shown  here  in  the  two  custom  sewing  trades  are 
curiously  close  to  those  shown  in  the  preceding  table.  In  all  three 
cities  millinery  has  lost  ground  and  dressmaking  has  gained,  but  these 
two  trades  still  account  for  over  four-fifths  of  the  total  enrollment. 
Of  the  other  trades  offered,  cooking  is  the  only  one  that  shows  a 
gain,  and  its  increase  is  less  than  half  of  that  shown  by  dressmaking. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  these  proportions  fail  to  correspond  to 
the  trade  demands  in  any  of  the  three  cities.  The  emphasis  on 
training  for  the  custom  sewing  trades  is  due  not  so  much  to  the  needs 
of  the  industries  as  to  the  attitude  of  the  schools  and  their  patrons. 
One  important  reason  for  the  numbers  found  in  these  courses  is  the 
disfavor  in  which  factory  work  is  held.  Power-machine  operating 
leads  to  factory  work,  which  the  girls  do  not  wish  to  enter.  This 
dislike  is  probably  due  mainly  to  misconceptions  and  lack  of  knowl- 
edge of  conditions  in  the  modern  clothing  factory,  which  compares 
favorably  with  the  custom  shop  in  sanitary  conditions,  wage  oppor- 
tunities, and  working  conditions  in  general.  Again,  dressmaking  and 
millinery,  occupations  which  have  always  been  followed  by  women, 


22 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE   OF   TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


have  been  offered  as  trade  courses  since  the  schools  were  opened,  and 
consequently  training  in  these  subjects  has  been  more  closely  studied 
and  is  organized  on  a  more  careful  analysis  of  processes  than  is  the 
case  with  some  of  the  newer  trades.  The  schools  therefore  tend  to 
make  these  courses  more  attractive  to  the  pupils.  Moreover,  dress- 
making and  millinery  can  always  be  utilized  by  the  girl  at  home, 
and  the  public,  the  school,  and  the  pupil  are  likely  to  overemphasize 
this  phase,  forgetting  that  the  function  of  a  trade  school  is  to  fit  for 
a  trade,  and  that  processes  such  as  cutting  and  fitting,  which  are 
essential  for  home  use,  are  not  given  except  to  the  more  mature 
pupils  who  return  for  advanced  training,  since  they  would  not  be  of 
immediate  value  to  the  young  beginner  in  the  shop. 

THE  PUPILS  AND  THE  SCHOOL. 

AGE  AND  PREVIOUS  SCHOOLING  OF  PUPILS  ENTERING  THE  TRADE  SCHOOLS. 

Although  the  trade  schools  have  a  clearly  defined  aim  and  a  fairly 
simple  program  of  activities,  they  face  a  difficult  problem  in  adjusting 
this  program  to  the  varied  age  and  educational  acquirements  of  their 

TABLE  5.— AGE  AT  ENTRANCE  OF  GIRLS  ENTERING  THE  BOSTON,  WORCESTER,  AND 
CAMBRIDGE  TRADE  SCHOOLS  AND  THE  VOCATIONAL  SCHOOL  OF  SOMERVILLE. 

NUMBER. 


Age  at  entering  trade  school. 

Pupils  of  specified  age  entering— 

Boston  Trade  School. 

Worces- 
ter 
Trade 
School. 

Cam- 
bridge 
Trade 

School. 

Total 
entering 
trade 

schools. 

Somer- 
ville 
Voca- 
tional 
School. 

1904- 
1909 

1909- 
19141 

Total. 

289 
236 
157 
77 
26 
12 
4 
5 
2 

392 
354 
240 
143 
43 
22 
9 
20 
11 

681 
590 
397 
222 
69 
34 
13 
25 
13 

'  143 
93 
56 
24 
13 
6 
2 
1 
5 

41 
32 
21 
6 
7 
3 
1 
1 
1 

865 
715 
474 
252 
89 
43 
16 
27 
19 

2,500 

52 
50 
38 
16 
8 
3 
2 
2 
1 

172 

15  and  under  16  vcars                  

18  and  under  19  years    

19  and  under  °0  ve^irs 

21  years  and  over        

Total              

808 

1,236  I     2,044 

343 

113 

PER  CENT  OF  EACH  SPECIFIED  AGE.- 


35.9 

32.0 

33.5 

42.3 

36.6 

34.9 

30.4 

15  and  under  16  vears    .          

29.3 

28.9 

29.0 

27.5 

28.6 

28.8 

29.2 

16  and  under  17  years                        

19.5 

19.6 

19.5 

16.6 

18.8 

19.1 

22.2 

9.6 

11.8 

10.9 

7.1 

5.4 

10.2 

9.4 

3.2 

3.5 

3.4 

3.8 

6.3 

3.6 

4.7 

1.5 

1.8 

1.7 

1.8 

2.7 

1.7 

1.7 

20  and  under  21  ^ears    

.5 

.7 

.6 

.6 

.9 

.6 

1.2 

21  rears  and  over  

.6 

1.6 

1.2 

.3 

.9 

l.i 

1.2 

Total                            

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

1  From  July.  1904,  to  August,  1909,  inclusive,  the  Boston  Trade  School  was  under  private  management 
and  from  September,  1909,  was  a  part  of  the  public-school  system. 

2  Based  on  number  of  pupils  whose  age  at  entering  trade  school  was  reported. 


Til  K    SCHOOL    PKOiiLEM.  23 

pupils.  The  only  limitation  on  admission  to  the  trade  schools  made 
by  the  State  hoard  of  education  relates  to  age.  Up  to  its  capacity 
each  school  admits  all  applicants  who  are  14  years  old  and  under  25. l 
This  results  in  a  condition  which  does  not  exist  in  any  other  part  of 
the  day-school  system.  The  trade-school  pupils  range  in  age  from 
14  to  20  and  over  and  in  previous  schooling  from  those  who  have<^ 
never  gone  beyond  the  third  grade  to  high-school  graduates.  Natu- 
rally this  wide  variation  in  age  and  acquirements  increases  materially 
the  difficulty  of  adapting  the  courses  to  the  needs  of  the  pupils. 
Table  5  shows  the  classification  by  age  at  entrance  of  the  pupils  of  the 
three  trade  schools  and  the  one  vocational  school. 

Considering  the  whole  group  who  have  entered  the  trade  schools, 
it  appears  that  over  one-third  were  under  15  at  the  time  of  entrance, 
and  that  only  in  Worcester  does  this  proportion  differ  much  in  the 
individual  schools.  The  next  largest  group  is  also  the  next  most 
youthful  group,  the  girls  between  15  and  16  years  forming  nearly 
three-tenths  of  the  total.  In  other  words,  more  than  three-fifths 
have  been  under  16  when  they  entered  the  trade  schools.  Nearly 
three-tenths  have  been  16  but  under  18,  while  those  aged  18  or  over 
form  only  7  per  cent  of  the  whole. 

It  is  interesting  to  notice  that  a  trade  school  seems  to  attract  a 
younger  group  when  first  opened  than  later.  During  the  first  five 
years  of  the  Boston  Trade  School's  existence,  65.2  per  cent  of  the 
pupils  were  under  16  when  they  entered;  during  the  next  five  years 
this  proportion  sank  to  60.9  per  cent.  Again,  15.4  per  cent  of  those 
entering  from  1904  to  1909  against  19.4  per  cent  of  those  entering 
from  1909  to  1914  were  17  or  over  at  entrance.  In  Worcester  the 
trade  school  was  opened  in  1911  and  in  Cambridge  in  1913,  so  that 
both  these  schools  may  be  regarded  as  still  hi  then-  first  period. 
In  Worcester  69.8  per  cent  and  in  Cambridge  65.2  per  cent  of  the 
pupils  have  entered  before  they  were  16.  These  proportions  corres- 
pond very  closely  to  those  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  up  to  1909,  as 
do  also  the  13.6  per  cent  in  Worcester  and  the  16.2  per  cent  in  Cam- 
bridge entering  at  17  or  over. 

From  a  school  point  of  view  this  variation  in  age  makes  an  extremely 
difficult  situation,  since  pupils  of  14  and  16  must  be  tawght  in  the 
same  classes.  Girls  of  16  can  be  taught  with  older  girls  mors  easily 
than  with  younger  girls.  The  36.3  per  cent  of  the  pupils  who  enter 
when  they  are  16  or  over  present  a  serious  problem  for  adjustment 
on  the  part  of  the  school. 

The  variation  in  previous  schooling  at  tune  of  entrance  is  even 
greater  than  the  variation  in  age.  The  following  table  shows  the 
extent  of  variation  in  this  respect: 

1  Massachusetts  Acts  of  1911,  ch,  471,  sec.  3. 


24 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE    OF   TEADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


TABLE  6.— NUMBER  AND  PERCENT  OF  BOSTON,  WORCESTER,  AND  CAMBRIDGE  TRADE 
SCHOOL  PUPILS  HAVING  EACH  SPECIFIED  AMOUNT  OF  PREVIOUS  SCHOOLING. 


Previous  schooling. 

Pupils  with  specified  schooling. 

Number. 

Per  cent.i 

Boston  Trade 
School. 

Wor- 
cester 
Trade 
School. 

Cam- 
bridge 
Trade 
School. 

Total. 

Boston  Trade 
School. 

Wor- 
cester 
Trade 
School. 

Cam- 
bridge 
Trade 
School. 

Total. 

0.1 
1.1 
2.5 
6.9 
14.8 
15.2 
4.0 
31.3 
.6 
3.0 

1904- 
1909 

1909- 
1914 

Total. 

1904- 
1909 

1909- 
1914 

Total. 

GRAMMAR  SCHOOL. 

Third  grade  

1 
4 
26 
54 
124 
133 
2S 
286 
1 
12 

2 
16 
21 
71 
143 
156 
44 
432 
14 
57 

3 
20 
47 
125 
267 
2S9 
72 
718 
15 
69 

3 

28 
61 
170 
367 
376 
98 
774 
15 
75 

0.1 
.5 
3.2 
6.7 
15.4 
16.5 
3.5 
35.4 
.1 
1.5 

0.2 
1.3 
1.7 
5.8 
11.7 
12.8 
3.6 
35.  4 
1.1 
4.7 

0.1 
1.0 
2.3 
6.2 
13.2 
14.3 
3.6 
35.4 
.7 
3.4 

Fourth  grade  . 

4 
10 
31 
65 
75 
25 
31 

4 
4 
14 
35 
12 
1 
25 

1.2 
3.0 
9.3 
19.4 
22.4 
7.5 
9.3 

3.6 
3.6 
12.7 
31.8 
10.9 
.9 
22.7 

Fifth  grade 

Sixth  grade  

Seventh  grade  

Eighth  grade 

Ninth  grade  
Graduate  

Foreign  

Unclassified  " 

5 

1 

1.5 

.9 

Total,  grammar 
school.  .  .  . 

669 

956 

1,625 

230 
94 
26 
3 
29 
15 

246 

51 
26 
7 
1 
2 
1 

96 

6 
6 

1,967 

287 
126 
33 
4 

82.9 

10.3 
4.7 
.6 

78.3 

80.1 

73.4 

87.3 

79.5 

11.6 
5.1 
1.3 
.2 
1.3 
.6 

SECONDARY  SCHOOLS. 

Hip,h  school: 
First  year  

83 
38 
5 

147 
56 
21 
3 
22 
13 

12.0 
4.6 
1.7 
.2 

11.3 
4.6 
1.3 
.  1 

15.2 
7.8 
2.1 
.3 

5.5 
5.5 

Second  year  

Third  year 

Fourth  year 

Graduate  

7 
2 

2 

33 
16 

.9 
.2 

1.8 
1.1 

1.4 
.7 

.6 
.3 

1.8 

Unclassified  

Total,  high 
school  

135 

3 

262 
3 

397 
6 

88 
1 

14 

499 

7 

16.7 
.4 

21.5 
.2 

19.6 
.3 

26.3 
.3 

12.7 

20.2 
.3 

Technical  school     .  . 

Total,  secondary 
schools  . 

138 

265 

403 

89 

14 

506 

17.1 

21.7 

19.9 

26.6 

12.7 

20.5 

Schooling  not  reported. 
Grand  total  

1 

~~808~ 

15 

16 

8 

3 
113 

27 
2,500 

1,236 

2,044 

343 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

1  Based  on  number  of  pupils  whose  previous  schooling  was  reported. 

2  Including  ungraded  schools,  special  schools,  country  schools  etc. 

It  will  be  seen  that  51.8  per  cent  of  the  2,500  girls  considered  have 
been  grammar-school  graduates,  and  20.5  per  cent  of  the  2,500  have 
had  some  high  or  technical  school  training.  As  representing  the 
extremes,  10.6  per  cent  have  gone  no  further  than  the  sixth  grade 
and  1.3  per  cent  nave  graduated  from  the  high  school.  In  so  far 
as  this  variation  means  simply  a  difference  in  the  amount  of  infor- 
mation acquired,  it  presents  no  serious  difficulty  to  the  trade  school, 
since  the  trade  training  calls  for  a  kind  of  power  very  different  from 
that  developed  by  mere  memory  training.  But  since  the  difference 
means  also  a  difference  in  the  development  of  mental  capacity,  the 
school  is  confronted  by  the  problem  of  adjusting  its  course  to  pupils 
varying  both  in  development  and  in  natural  ability  to  grasp  it.  It 
is  not  merely  a  question  of  allowing  one  pupil  to  progress  more 


THE   SCHOOL  PROBLEM. 


25 


rapidly  than  another;  some  pupils  can  actually  be  trained  to  a 
higher  degree  of  skill  in  each  process  than  can  others. 

It  has  been  seen  that  the  tendency  of  the  trade  school,  as  it 
becomes  better  established,  is  to  attract  a  group  slightly  more  mature 
at  entrance.  It  also  seems  to  draw  a  group  better  prepared  from  the 
standpoint  of  previous  education.  Of  the  pupils  entering  the  Boston 
Trade  School  during  its  first  five  years,  47.5  per  cent  were  not  grad- 
uates of  the  grammar  schools;  during  its  second  five  years  only  42.9 
per  cent  of  its  pupils  had  entered  without  first  graduating  from  the 
grammar  schools.  The  proportion  of  girls  who  had  attended  high 
or  technical  school  increased  from  17.1  per  cent  in  the  first  period 
to  21.7  per  cent  in  the  second.1 

Naturally  in  a  group  as  young  and  as  untrained  as  the  majority  of 
these  pupils  are  on  their  entrance  to  the  trade  schools,  there  are 
many  who  have  no  real  taste  for  the  kind  of  instruction  provided, 
and  who  come  with  no  ver}^  clear  idea  of  what  they  wish  to  get  or 
what  use  they  will  make  of  their  training,  if  they  persevere  long 
enough  to  get  it.  In  Cambridge  the  whole  group  of  trade-school 
girls  were  asked  why  they  had  come  to  the  school,  and  the  various 
reasons  were  grouped  under  the  following  heads: 


TABLE  7. 


-NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  GIRLS   ENTERING  THE   CAMBRIDGE  TRADE 
SCHOOL  FOR  EACH  SPECIFIED  REASON. 


Reason  for  entering  trade  school. 

Girls  giving  speci- 
fied reason. 

Number. 

Per  cent.i 

Wanted  a  trade      .  . 

28 
24 
3 
20 
5 
1 
1 

8 
223 

31.1 
26.7 
3.3 
22.2 
5.6 
1.1 
1.1 

8.9 

Liked  to  sew  

Wanted  the  training  for  home  use  .  .  . 

Too  large  for  her  grade,  disliked  school.  .  . 
Ill  health  

Advised  to  by  employer     

Too  young  to  go  to  work 

Did  not  know  what  else  to  do,  friends 
were  there  

Not  reported 

Total               .... 

113 

100.0 

1  Based  on  number  who  reported  reason  for  entering  school. 

2  Of  these  15  could  not  be  located. 

The  girls  who  wanted  a  trade  or  liked  sewing  or  wanted  the  train- 
ing to  use  at  home  all  presumably  brought  to  the  work  of  the  school 
a  definite  purpose  and  interest  which  would  make  it  probable  that 
they  would  benefit  by  the  courses  given,  and  they  constituted  a 
little  more  than  three-fifths  (61.1  per  cent)  of  those  reporting. 
Over  one-fifth  came  because  they  could  not  adapt  themselves  to 


1  The  number  of  grammar  grades  was  decreased  from  nine  to  eight,  which  resulted  in  the  entrance  ol 
many  pupils  to  high  school,  not  because  they  wanted  to  go  to  high  school  but  because  they  were  under  14 
and  must  attend  some  school. 


26 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


the  requirements  of  the  ordinary  schools,  and  one-tenth  because 
they  did  not  know  what  else  to  do  or  were  too  young  to  begin 
work,  or  had  friends  in  the  school.  Such  aimiessness  on  the 
part  of  a  pupil  gives  little  promise  of  success.  It  is  hardly  to  be 
expected  that  such  young  girls  should  have  very  definite  motives 
for  entering  the  schools,  yet  the  intensive  kind  of  work  done  in  a 
trade  school  presupposes  at  least  a  slight  interest  in  handwork. 
There  is  little  doubt  that  in  this  respect  the  conditions  found  in 
Cambridge  are  common  to  all  trade  schools.  The  lack  of  real  interest 
or  even  of  a  conception  of  the  school's  aim  on  the  part  of  so  many 
pupils  certainly  hampers  the  school's  activities  and  complicates  its 
problems. 

DEGREE  TO  WHICH  TRADE  TRAINING  IS  UTILIZED. 

In  a  body  of  pupils  predominantly  young,  who  have  had  relatively 
little  previous  training  and  many  of  whom  enter  the  school  with  no 
definite  aim  in  view,  it  might  naturally  be  expected  that  many 
would  fail  to  use  their  training  after  they  leave  the  school.  But 
even  making  due  allowance  for  these  points,  the  proportion  of  girls 
who  failed  to  utilize  their  trade  training  seems  large.  Less  than 
two-fifths  of  all  who  have  left  the  three  trade  schools  have  taken 
up  the  trade  for  which  they  had  been  trained.  The  number  taking 
each  trade  course  has  already  been  discussed  (see  Table  3);  the 
proportion  of  these  who,  having  left  the  school,  entered  their  trade 
is  shown  in  the  following  table: 

TABLE  8.— PER  CENT  OF  GIRLS  TRAINED  IN  SPECIFIED  TRADES  IN  BOSTON,  WOR- 
CESTER, AND  CAMBRIDGE  TRADE  SCHOOLS  WHO  UTILIZED  THEIR  TRADE  TRAIN- 
ING. 


Trade. 

Per  cent  using  trade  in  — 

Boston. 

Worces- 
ter. 

Cam- 
bridge. 

Dressmaking  ...               

35.4 
38.5 

50.0 

58.4 

22.3 
39.6 

37.7 

19.2 
19.0 

Millinery 

Power-machine  operating  on— 
Cloth 

Straw  hats 

Trade  cookin" 

26.3 
60.0 

50.0 

Design                                   

Total  

38.6 

27.4 

23.0 

The  relatively  large  proportions  shown  for  cooking  and  design 
are  based  on  very  small  actual  numbers,  cooking  having  been  taken 
by  only  19  in  Boston  and  14  in  Cambridge  and  design  by  10  in 
Boston.  The  differences  shown  in  the  other  trades  are  to  some  extent 
explained  by  a  difference  in  demand  for  workers  of  a  given  kind. 
Thus  the  demand  for  young  girls  trained  for  dressmaking  is  known 


THE   SCHOOL  PROBLEM.  27 

to  be  larger  in  Boston  than  in  Worcester  or  in  Cambridge.  In  dress- 
making the  percentage  in  their  trade  varies  from  under  one-fifth  to 
a  little  over  one-third,  in  millinery  from  under  one-fifth  to  nearly 
two-fifths,  and  in  the  cloth  power-machine  operating  trades  from  a 
little  over  one-third  to  one-half.  Such  a  disproportion  between  the 
number  taking  training  and  the  number  using  their  training  is  a  mat- 
ter for  serious  consideration  by  the  trade  schools.  To  some  extent,  it 
is  explained  by  the  desire  of  the  girls  and  their  parents  for  courses 
which  do  not  correspond  to  the  industrial  demands  of  the  commu- 
nity. But  from  the  standpoint  of  the  school  the  question  of  main 
interest  is,  given  a  certain  number  of  industrial  openings,  why  does 
one  girl  secure  a  foothold  while  another  does  not  ?  How  far  can  the 
tendency  not  to  use  her  trade  be  ascribed  to  the  girl  herself  ?  Has 
age  anything  to  do  with  it,  or  .the  amount  of  schooling  she  had  before 
taking  up  her  trade  training  ?  Has  the  length  or  type  of  her  trade 
training  any  effect  on  the  matter  ?  It  seems  worth  while  to  study 
each  of  these  details  in  connection  with  the  use — or  failure  to  make 
any  use — of  the  trade  training. 

RELATION  OF  AGE  AT  LEAVING  TRADE  SCHOOL  TO  UTILIZATION  OF  TRADE  TRAINING. 

This  question  may  be  considered  from  two  aspects:  It  may  be 
asked  (1)  what  is  the  age  of  the  girls  who  succeeded  in  gaining 
access  to  their  trade  on  leaving  the  trade  school,  and  (2)  to  what 
extent  may  their  age  explain  their  success?  Taking  up  the  first 
question,  Table  9  shows  the  age  distribution  of  the  girls  recorded  as 
us-ing  and  not  using  their  trades. 

It  is  at  once  evident  that  the  girls  who  made  use  of  their  trade  were  /•- 
an  older  group  at  the  time  of  leaving  school  than  those  who  did  not. 
Of  the  latter  from  one-half  to  three-fifths,  according  to  the  school, 
were  under  16  at  the  time  of  leaving,  while  of  those  who  used  their 
trades  the  proportion  in  that  age  group  was  only  from  one-fourth  to 
one-third.  The  group  aged  16  and  under  18  has  about  the  same 
numerical  importance  among  those  using  their  trade  that  the  group 
aged  under  16  has  among  those  not  using  it;  that  is,  about  one-half 
of  all  using  their  trade  were  16  but  not  yet  18  when  they  left  the 
school.  The  group  aged  18  or  over  forms  from  one-sixth  to  very 
nearly  one-fourth  (17.3  per  cent  to  23.3  per  cent)  of  those  using  their 
trade,  while  among  those  who  did  not  use  it  less  than  one-tenth  had 
reached  the  age  of  18.  Of  the  total  group,  44.6  per  cent  left  the  trade 
school  before  the  age  of  16,  but  only  26.1  per  cent  of  those  who  used 
their  trade  as  against  56.6  per  cent  of  those  who  did  not  were  under 
16  years  old  when  they  left  school.  Approximately,  for  every  trade- 
school  girl  of  less  than  16  years  who  gained  access  to  her  trade,  three 
did  not  succeed  in  entering  it. 


28 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE    OP    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE  9.— AGE    AT   LEAVING   SCHOOL    OP    BOSTON,    WORCESTER,    AND   CAMBRIDGE 
TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS  WHO  USED   AND   WHO   DID  NOT   USE  THEIR  TRAINING. 

NUMBER. 


Locality  and  use  of  trade. 

Pupils  leaving  trade  school  at  each  specified  age. 

Un- 
der 
15 
years. 

15 
and 
under 
16 
years. 

16 

and 
under 
17 
years. 

17 
and 
under 
18 
years. 

18 
and 
under 
19 

years. 

19 
and 
under 
20 
years. 

20 
and 
under 
21 
years. 

21 
years 
and 
over. 

Not 
re- 
port- 
ed. 

Total. 

BOSTON. 

Using  their  trade: 
100  1  to  1909  1 

10 
13 

58 
122 

68 
159 

62 
117 

33 

75 

6- 
32 

7 
10 

3 
13 

247 
541 

1909  to  1914  2 

Total                

23 

180 

146 
145 

227 

111 

129 

179 

60 

74 

108 

20 
33 

38 

3 
14 

17 

16 

• 

4 
14 

788 

Not  using  their  trade: 
1904  to  1909  J                 

209 
93 

4 

8 

4 
185 

561 
695 

1909  to  1914  2 

Total                     

302 

291 

240 

134 

53 

17 

12 

18 

ISS) 

1.256 

Total  Boston 

325 

8 
73 

471 

17 
73 

467 

313 



23 

26 

161 

55 

29 

34 

189 

——-—  — 

2,044 

94 
249 

WOBCESTER. 

24 

48 

13 
14 

5 
5 

2 

3 

2 
2 

Net  using  their  trade                          ... 

5 

Total,  Worcester  

81 

90 

72 

49 

27 

10 

5 

4 

5 

343 

26 

87 

CAMBRIDGE. 

Using  their  trade  

3 
31 

5 
22 

7 
23 

4 
3 

n 

5 

1 
1 

1 
1 

3 
3, 

Not  using  their  trade            

1 

Total  Cambridge 

34 

27 

30 

7 

7 

2 

1 

2 

113 

TOTAL. 

Usinw  their  trade 

34 
406 

202 
386 

258 
311 

206 
163 

123 
72 

44 
23 

19 
16 

19 
21 

3 
194 

908 
1,592 

Not  using  their  trade  

Total 

440 

588  j     569 

369 

195 

67 

35 

40 

197 

2,500 

PER  CENT.3 


BOSTON. 

Using  their  trade: 
1904  to  1909  i 

4  0 

23  5 

27  5 

2n  1 

13  4 

2  4 

2  8 

1  2 

loo  o 

1909  to  1914  2       

2.4 

22.6 

29.4 

21.6 

13.9 

5.9 

1.8 

2.4 

100  0 

Total 

2.9 

22.8 

28.8 

22  7 

13.7 

4  8 

2  2 

2  0 

100  0 

Not  using  their  trade: 
1904  to  1909  1 

37.  5 

26.2 

19.9 

10.8 

3.6 

.7 

7 

100  0 

1909  to  1914  2 

18  2 

28  4 

25  3 

14  5 

6  5 

2  7 

1  6 

2  7 

100  0 

..... 

Total 

28.3 

27.3 

22.5 

12.6 

5.0 

1.6 

1  1 

1  7 

100  0 

Total,  Boston           

17.5 

25.4 

25.2 

16.9 

8.7 

3.0 

1.6 

1.8 

100  0 

WORCESTER. 

Using  their  trade  

8.5 

18.1 

23.5 

24.5 

13.8 

5.3 

2.1 

2.1 

100.0 

29.9 

29.9 

19.7 

10.7 

5.7 

2.0 

1.2 

.8 

100.0 

Total,  Worcester  

24.0 

26.6 

21.3 

14.5 

8.0 

3.0 

1.5 

1.2 



100.0 

CAMBRIDGE. 

Using  their  trade 

13  0 

21  7 

30  4 

17  4 

S  7 

4  3 

4  3 

100  0 

Not  using  their  trade 

35  6 

25  3 

26  5 

3  4 

5  8 

i   i 

1  i 

1  i 

100  0 

Total,  Cambridge  

30.9 

24.5 

27.3 

6.4 

6.4 

1.8 

.9 

1.8 

100.0 

TOTAL. 

Using  their  trade  

O     Q 

22.3 

28.5 

22.8 

13.6 

4.9 

2.1 

2.1 

100.0 

Not  using  their  trade  

29.0 

27.6 

22  2 

11.7 

5.2 

1.6 

1.1 

1.5 

100.0 

Total  

19.1 

25.5 

24.7 

16.0 

8.5 

2.9 

1.5 

1.7 

100.0 

1  Under  private  management. 

2  Under  public  management. 

s  Based  on  the  number  of  pupils  whose  age  at  leaving  the  trade  school  was  reported. 


THE   SCHOOL  PROBLEM. 


29 


Taking  up  the  other  side  of  the  question,  the  significance  of  maturity 
in  the  girl's  ability  to  enter  her  trade  is  strikingly  illustrated  in  the 
following  table: 

TABLE  1O.-PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON,  WORCESTER,  AND  CAMBRIDGE  TRADE-SCHOOL 
GIRLS  WHO  ENTERED  AND  WHO  DID  NOT  ENTER  THEIR  TRADES,  BY  AGE  AT 
LEAVING  TRADE  SCHOOL. 


Age  at  leaving  trade  school. 

Per  cent  of  trade-school  pupils  in— 

Per  cent  of 
total  trade- 
school  pupils— 

Boston— 

Worcester— 

Cambridge— 

Who 
used 
their 
trades. 

Who 

did  not 
use 
their 
trades. 

Who 
used 
their 

trades. 

Who 
did  not 
use 
their 
trades. 

Who 
used 
their 
trades. 

Who 
did  not 
use 
their 
trades. 

Who 
used 
their 
trades. 

Who 
did  not 
use 
their 
trades. 

Under  15  years  

7.1 

38.2 
48.6 
57.2 
67.1 
69.1 
58.6 
47.1 

92.9 

61.8 
51.4 
42.8 
32.9 
30.9 
41.4 
52.9 

9.9 
18.9 
33.3 
46.9 
48.1 
50.0 
40.0 
50.0 

90.1 
81.1 
66.7 
53.1 
51.9 
50.0 
60.0 
50.0 

8.8 
18.5 
23.3 
57.1 
28.6 
50.0 

91.2 
81.5 
76.7 
42.9 
71.4 
50.0 
100.0 
50.0 

7.7 
34.4 
45.3 
55.8 
83.1 
65.7 
54.3 
47.5 

92.3 
65.6 
54.7 
44.2 
36.9 
34.3 
45.7 
52.5 

15  and  under  16  years                       

16  and  under  17  years 

17  and  under  18  years        

18  and  under  19  years 

19  and  under  20  years  

21  years  and  over 

50.0 

Total 

38.6 

61"4 

27.4 

72.6 

23.0 

77.0 

36.3 

63.7 

The  large  proportion  of  those  in  the  younger  groups  who  did  not 
enter  their  trades  shows  the  importance  of  maturity  in  gaining  a  foot- 
hold in  the  industrial  world.  Ninety- two  (92.3)  per  cent  of  those 
leaving  the  school  under  15  years,  65.6  per  cent  of  those  15  years  and 
under  16,  and  54.7  per  cent  of  those  16  but  under  17  did  not  enter 
their  trade.  Of  the  girls  leaving  the  trade  school  at  17,  more  entered 
their  trade  than  did  not,  and  the  proportion  entering  increases  with 
each  year  up  to  20.  Girls  going  out  at  the  age  of  20  or  over  are  about 
equally  divided  in  their  use  of  the  training.  It  is  to  be  noted  in  this 
connection  that  while  a  large  proportion  of  the  girls  under  16  can  not 
enter  their  trade  because  of  their  immaturity,  the  girl  who  is  20  or 
over  frequently  does  not  use  her  training  because  of  better  oppor- 
tunities which  are  open  to  her.  The  young  girl  can  not  get  into  her 
trade,  the  older  girl  can  get  into  something  better.  In  Boston,  where 
trade  opportunities  are  more  favorable  for  the  young  girl  than  else- 
where, the  proportions  in  each  age  group  entering  and  not  entering 
the  trade  are  very  similar  to  those  shown  for  the  group  as  a  whole, 
and  all  the  advantage  in  entering  a  trade  lies  with  the  girl  of  16  or 
over  when  she  leaves  the  trade  school. 

There  are  perhaps  three  causes  for  this  condition ;  first,  the  child- 
labor  laws  of  Massachusetts  make  it  increasingly  difficult  for  children 
under  16  years  to  enter  industry;  second,  all  the  skilled  industries  are 
making  higher  demands  for  maturity  and  judgment,  demands  which 
a  girl  under  16  is  quite  unable  to  meet;  and  third,  conditions  in  the 
sewing  trades  make  the  employment  of  young  and  inexperienced 
workers  peculiarly  unprofitable. 


30 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


Comment  has  already  been  made  on  the  fact  that  in  its  earlier 
years  a  trade  school  tends  to  attract  a  slightly  younger  group  of 
pupils  than  is  enrolled  after  the  school  is  better  established.  In- 
evitably, this  leads  to  an  increase  in  the  age  at  leaving  school.  The 
following  table  shows  the  age  distribution  at  time  of  leaving  of  the 
pupils  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  during  the  first  and  second  five 
years  of  its  existence: 

TABLE  11.— AGE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  PUPILS  LEAVING  THE  BOSTON  TRADE 
SCHOOL  UNDER  PRIVATE  MANAGEMENT,  1904  TO  1909,  AND  UNDER  PUBLIC  MAN- 
AGEMENT, 1909  TO  1914. 


Age  at  leaving  trade  school. 

Per  cent  of  girls  of  specified  age 
leaving  the  trade  school. 

1904  to 
1909 

1909  to 
1914 

Total. 

Under  15  years  

27.2 
25.4 
22.3 
15.2 
6.6 
1.1 
1.4 
.9 

10.1 
25.4 
27.4 
18.2 
10.3 
4.4 
1.7 
2.6 

17.5 
25.4 
25.2 
16.9 
8.7 
3.0 
1.6 
1.8 

15  and  under  16  years.                                        .                .          

16  and  under  17  years 

17  and  under  18  years  

18  and  under  19  years.                                              .  .             

19  and  under  20  3~ears 

20  and  under  21  years 

21  years  and  over  

Total 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

The  change  in  the  group  under  15  is  particularly  striking.  From 
the  preceding  table  it  appeared  that  not  1  in  10  of  those  leaving 
the  school  under  the  age  of  15  made  use  of  her  trade,  so  this  decrease 
is  emphatically  a  change  for  the  better.  Since  a  girl  under  16  has 
little  opportunity  to  make  use  of  her  trainingr  the  general  increase 
in  age  of  leaving  shown  in  the  second  period  means  that  rnore^, pupils 
should  be  able  to  ejiter  their  trades  immediately  011  leaving.  A 
comparison  of  this  table  with  Table  5  shows  that  the  increase  in 
the  percentage  of  older  pupils  leaving  the  school  is  greater  in  the 
second  period  than  the  increase  in  the  percentage  of  older  pupils 
entering  it,  indicating  that  the  pupils  are  spending  a  longer  time 
in  their  training  now  than  formerly.  This  very  patent  change 
must  mean  that  more  and  more  young  people  will  depend  on  the 
trade  school  for  a  fairly  complete  training,  instead  of  going  into 
the  industry  after  having  obtained  only  the  rudiments  of  their  trade 
in  the  school.  It  may  also  be  another  indication  that  trade  schools 
must  be  depended  on  to  give  young  people  the  training  they  for- 
merly received  in  the  industry. 

RELATION  BETWEEN  AMOUNT  OF  PREVIOUS  SCHOOLING  AND  TENDENCY  TO  ENTER 
TRADE  FOR  WHICH  TRAINED. 

The  following  table  shows  the  proportion  which  girls  with  a 
specified  degree  of  previous  school  experience  formed  of  those  who 
used  and  of  those  who  failed  to  use  then-  training: 


SCHOOL  PROBLEM. 


31 


TABLB  13.— PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON,  WORCESTER,  AND  CAMBRIDGE  TRADE-SCHOOL 
PUPILS  WITH  SPECIFIED  PREVIOUS  SCHOOLING  WHO  USED  AND  WHO  DID  NOT 
USE  THEIR  TRADE  TRAINING.! 


Previous  school- 
ing. 

Girls  using  their  trade. 

Girls  not  using  their  trade. 

Grand 
total. 

Boston. 

Wor- 
ces- 
ter. 

Cam- 
bridge. 

To- 
tal. 

Boston. 

Wor- 
ces- 
ter. 

Cam- 
bridge. 

To- 
taL 

1904 
to 
1909 

1909 
to 
1914 

To- 
tal. 

1904 
to 
1909 

1909 
to 
1914 

To- 
tal. 

Total  number  

Grammar-school 
nongraduates: 
Below    sixth 

247 

0.8 
3.2 
5.7 

13.8 
4 

541 

=== 

1.1 
4.3 
10.4 

11.1 
1  7 

788 

• 

1.0 
8.9 
8.9 

12.0 
1  3 

94 

4.3 
2.1 
13.8 

33.0 

26 

3.8 
3.8 
19.2 

19.2 

908 

===== 

1.4 
3.8 

9.7 

14.3 
1.1 

561 

• 

5.2 

8.2 
19.6 

22.7 
2.1 

695 

== 

4.8 
7.0 
12.8 

20.5 
9.1 

1,256 

,   . 

5.0 
7.6 
15.9 

21.5 
6.0 

249 

• 

4.1 
12.0 
21.6 

28.6 
2.1 

87 

8.3 
15.5 
35.7 

9.5 
1.2 

1,592 

5.0 

8.7 
17.8 

21.9 
5.1 

2,500 

3.7 
6.9 
14.8 

19.2 
3.6 

Sixth  grade... 
Seventh  grade 
Eighth     and 
ninth  grades 

Total  

23.9 

51.8 
24.3 

28.6 

48.4 
23.0 

27.1 

49.5 
23.4 

53.2 

11.7 
35.1 

46.2 

26.9 
26.9 

100.0 

30.4 

44.9 

24.7 

57.9 

28.2 
13.9 

54.3 

25.1 
20.7 

55.9 

26.5 
17.6 

68.5 

8.3 
23.2 

70.2 

21.4 

8.3 

58.6 

23.4 
18.0 

48.2 

31.3 

20.5 

Grammar  -  school 
graduates  -. 

H'glt  school 

Grand  total. 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

1  Percentages  are  based  on  number  of  girls  whose  previous  schooling  was  known. 

As  Boston  furnished  a  little  over  four-fifths  of  all  who  have  gone 
out  from  the  girls'  trade  schools  of  the  State,  its  figures  are  more 
significant  than  those  of  the  other  cities.  In  Boston  nearly  three- 
fourths  (72.9  per  cent)  of  those  using  their  trades  had  graduated 
from  the  grammar  schools,  and  nearly  one-fourth  (23.4  per  cent) 
had  gone  on  to  the  high  school.  On  the  other  hand,  not  half  (44.1 
per  cent)  of  those  who  did  not  use  their  trades  had  graduated  from 
the  grammar  school,  and  only  about  one-sixth  (17.6  per  cent)  had 
entered  the  high  school.  In  the  other  two  cities  the  nongraduates 
of  grammar  schools  furnish  a  far  larger  proportion  of  those  using 
their  trades,  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  in  these  schools  they 
also  form  a  much  larger  proportion  of  the  total  enrollment  than 
in  Boston.  Keference  to  Table  6  shows  that  of  the  Worcester  pupils 
64.1  per  cent  and  of  the  Cambridge  pupils  64.6  per  cent,  against  44.7 
per  cent  in  Boston,  had  not  graduated  from  the  grammar  schools. 
But  in  Worcester  this  64  per  cent  furnished  68.5  per  cent  of  those 
who  did  not  use  their  trades,  and  in  Cambridge  70.2  per  cent,  while 
the  36  per  cent  who  had  finished  the  grammar-school  work  provided 
in  Worcester  46.8  per  cent  and  in  Cambridge  53.8  per  cent  of  those 
using  their  trades.  These  figures  are  not,  of  course,  conclusive,  but 
they  seem  to  indicate  that  a  girl  with  a  good  academic  preparation 
gains  access  to  her  trade  more  readily  than  one  with  less  education. 

This  indication  is  strengthened  by  a  comparison  of  the  proportion 
of  those  having  each  specified  degree  of  previous  education  who 
used  or  did  not  use  their  trades.  The  following  table  gives  the 
figures  on  this  point  for  the  three  trade  schools : 


32 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE  13.— PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON,  WORCESTER,  AND  CAMBRIDGE  TRADE-SCHOOL 
."I TILS  WITH  SPECIFIED  PREVIOUS  SCHOOLING  WHO  USED  AND  DID  NOT  USE 
THEIR  TRADE  TRAINING. 


\ 

Previous  schooling. 

Per  cent  of  trade-school  girls  who  used  and  did  not  use  their  trades. 

Boston. 

Worcester. 

Cambridge. 

The  three 
schools. 

1904-1909 

1909-1914 

Total. 

Us- 
ing 
their 
trade. 

Not 
using 
their 
trade. 

Us- 

their 
trade. 

Not 
using 
their 
trade. 

Us- 
ing 
their 
trade. 

Not 
using 
their 
trade. 

Us- 
ing 
their 
trade. 

Not 
using 
their 
trade. 

Us- 
ing 
their 
trade. 

Not 
using 
their 
trade. 

Us- 

the!r 
trade. 

Not 
using 
their 
trade. 

Grammar-scho9l  nongrad- 
uates: 
Below  sixth  grade  
Sixth  grade  

6.5 
14.8 
11.3 

21.1 
7.7 

93.5 
85.2 
88.7 

78.9 
92.3 

15.4 
32.4 

39.2 

30.0 
12.7 

84.6 
67.  (i 
60.8 

70.0 
87.3 

11.4 
24.8 
26.2 

26.0 
11.9 

88.6 
75.  2 
73.8 

7,0 
88.1 

28.6 
6.5 
20.0 

31.0 

71.4 
93.5 
80.0 

69.0 
100.0 

12.5 

7.1 
14.3 

38.5 

87.5 
92.9 
85.7 

61.5 
100.0 

14.1 
20.0 
24.0 

27.4 
11.1 

85.9 
80.0 
76.0 

72.6 

88.9 

Seventh  grade  

Eighth      and      ninth 
grades 

Unclassified 

Total  

15.4 

44.8 
43.5 

84.6 

55.2 
56.5 
100.0 

29.4 

60.4 
46.8 
13.3 

70.6 

39.6 
53.2 
86.7 

23.5 

54.2 
45.7 
12.5 

76.  5 

45.8 
54.3 

23.3 

35.5 
37.1 

76.7 

64.5 
62.9 
100.0 

16.9 

28.0 
50.0 

83.1 

72.0 
50.0 

23.1 

52.6 
44.3 

7.4 

76.9 

47.4 
55.7 
92.6 

Grammar-school  graduates. 
High  school  

Grand  total  

30.6  j  69.4 

43.8 

56.2 

38.6  ;  61.4 

27.4 

72.6  I  23.0 

77.0 

36.3  j    63.7 

It  is  at  once  apparent  that  relatively  feAV  of  the  girls  who  had  not 
completed  their  grammar-school  course  succeeded  in  gaming  a  foot- 
hold in  their  trade.  The  proportion  of  this  group  who  used  their 
trade  never  rises  to  one-fourth,  and  in  Cambridge  is  little  over  one- 
sixth.  As  opposed  to  this  showing  the  proportion  of  grammar- 
school  graduates  using  their  trade  varied  from  nearly  three-tenths  (28 
per  cent)  in  Cambridge  to  wTell  over  one-half  (54.2  per  cent)  in  Boston. 
In  Worcester  and  Cambridge  the  high-school  students  show  a  larger 
proportion  using  their  trade  than  is  found  among  the  grammar- 
school  graduates;  in  Boston  the  proportion  is  not  quite  so  large,  but 
is  still  considerably  larger  than  the  proportion  found  among  the 
nongraduates  from  grammar  schools.  Whether  the  advantage  which 
the  pupil  who  has  completed  the  grammar-school  course  apparently 
has  over  the  one  who  leaves  before  its  completion  is  due  to  maturity 
or  to  the  individual  capacity  indicated  by  the  ability  to  complete 
the  grammar-school  work  remains  a  matter  of  doubt.  The  fact  is 
clear  that  the  girl  who  has  not  done  full  grammar-school  work  has, 
as  shown  by  the  figures  for  the  total  group,  only  one  chance  in  four 
to  enter  her  trade,  while  the  girl  who  has  completed  the  elementary 
training  has  one  chance  in  two. 

A  comparative  study  was  made  of  200  dressmaker?  and  power- 
machine  operators  on  cloth,  which  seems  to  show  that  the  academic 
education  of  women  in  the  sewing  trades  is  an  important  factor 
in  their  success.  The  distribution  of  these  women  as  to  school 
training  is  shown  by  the  following  table: 


THE    SCHOOL  PROBLEM. 


33 


TABLE  14.— DISTRIBUTION  AS  TO  PREVIOUS  SCHOOLING  OF  200  WOMEN  EMPLOYED 
IN  THE  DRESSMAKING  AND  POWER-MACHINE  OPERATING  TRADES. 


Schooling. 

Girls  with  specified  schooling. 

Number. 

Per  cent.» 

Dress- 
making. 

Power- 
machine 
operating 
on  cloth. 

Total. 

Dress- 
making. 

Power- 
machine 
operating 
on  cloth. 

Total. 

Grammar-school  non  graduates: 
Below  sixth  grade 

7 
6 
4 
4 
1 
2 

8 
1 
6 
19 
15 
3 

15 
7 
10 
23 
16 
5 

7.2 
6.2 
4.1 
4.1 
1.0 
2.1 

8.1 
1.0 
6.1 
19.2 
15.2 
3.0 

7.7 
3.6 
5.1 
11.7 
8.2 
2.6 

Sixth  grade  

Sever  th  grade 

Eighth  and  ninth  grades 

Foreign  

Not  reported 

Total                                         .      . 

24 

46 
27 
3 

52 

28 
19 
1 

76 

74 
46 
4 

24.7 

47.4 
27.8 

52.5 

28.3 
19.2 

38.8 

37.8 
23.5 

Grammar-school  graduates  

High  school 

Schooling  not  reported 

Grand  total 

100 

100  1            200 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

1  Based  on  number  of  girls  whose  schooling  was  reported. 

It  appears  that  among  the  100  trade-trained a  dressmakers  3  girls 
in  every  4  had  at  least  completed  the  grammar-school  course,  and 
1  in  4  had  taken  high-school  work.  In  Boston  444  girls  trained  as 
dressmakers  in  the  trade  school  made  use  of  their  trade;  of  these, 
26.4  per  cent  were  nongraduates  of  the  grammar  schools,  51.4 
per  cent  had  graduated  from  the  grammar  schools  but  had  gone  no 
further,  and  22.1  per  cent  were  high-school  students.  These  last 
two  percentages  are  slightly  below  the  corresponding  ones  for  the 
trade-trained  dressmakers.  Among  the  power-machine  operators  a 
lower  educational  equipment  prevailed;  lower  both  as  compared 

TABLE  15.— PER  CENT  OF  TRADE-TRAINED  WORKERS  AND  OF  BOSTON  TRADE 
SCHOOL  PUPILS  HAVING  EACH  SPECIFIED  SCHOOLING— DRESSMAKING  AND 
CLOTH  POWER-MACHINE  OPERATING. 


Schooling. 

Per  cent  having  each 
specified  schooling. 

Trade- 
trained 
workers. 

Trade-school 
pupils- 

Using 
trade. 

Not 
using 
trade. 

'  Grammar-school  nongraduates. 
Grammar-school  graduates  
High-school  students  

Per  cent. 
38.8 
37.8 
23.5 

Per  cent. 
29.6 
50.0 
20.3 

Per  cent. 
57.2 

26.7 
16.1 

Total 

100.0  . 

100.0 

100.0 

a  The  term  "trade  trained"  is  used  for  simplicity  to  mean  these  girls  who  have  acquired  their  train- 
ing through  actual  experience  in  the  trade. 

85225°— 17— Bull.  215 3 


34  INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE    OF   TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

with  the  trade-trained  dressmakers  and  with  the  trade-school 
girls  who  had  taken  the  cloth  power-machine  operating  course.  Only 
46.1  per  cent  of  the  latter,  as  compared  with  52.5  per  cent  of  the 
trade- trained  girls,  had  not  at  least  graduated  from  grammar  school. 

Comparing  the  whole  group  of  trade-trained  workers  with  the 
pupils  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  trained  in  dressmaking  and  cloth 
power-machine  operating,  we  have  the  proportions  shown  in  Table  15. 

The  trade-trained  group  does  not  show  quite  so  high  a  level  of 
education  as  the  trade-school  girls  who  used  their  trade,  but  surpasses 
the  trade-school  girls  who  did  not  use  their  trade.  The  trade-trained 
group  is  small,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  any  significance  can  be 
attached  to  the  difference  in  education  between  it  and  the  trade-school 
girls  who  used  their  trades.  The  close  resemblance  between  these  two 
groups,  however,  and  their  common  difference  from  the  group  of 
trade-school  girls  who  did  not  use  their  trades  make  it  seem  probable 
that  both  in  dressmaking  and  in  cloth  power-machine  operating 
education  is  an  important  factor,  and  that  in  both  these  trades  the 
majority  of  workers  require  for  success  at  least  the  degree  of  educa- 
tion implied  by  graduation  from  the  grammar  school.  This  seems 
to  hold  good  whether  the  workers  are  trained  in  the  trade  or  in  the 
trade  school. 

RELATION  BETWEEN  LENGTH  OF  TRADE-SCHOOL  COURSE  AND  USE  OF  TRADE  TRAINING. 

Before  discussing  this  relationship  it  seems  desirable  to  give  some 
statement  of  the  time  a  trade  school  course  is  normally  expected  to 
cover,  and  how  it  compares  with  the  courses  of  other  public  schools  in 
this  respect.  Comment  has  already  been  made  on  the  great  variation 
in  age  and  school  experience  of  the  girls  who  come  as  pupils  to  the  trade 
schools,  a  variation  much  greater  than  is  found  in  other  day  schools. 
This  variation  increases  so  greatly  the  difficulty  of  handling  the  pupils 
in  classes  that  it  is  practically  necessary  to  give  individual  instruc- 
tion. The  course  must  be  extremely  elastic,  but  in  each  case  its 
end  is  the  same,  to  equip  very  young  pupils  adequately  for  the 
demands  of  exacting  trades.  The  content  of  each  course  is,  there- 
fore, variable  according  to  the  needs  of  the  pupils,  and  the  length  is 
not  always  definitely  fixed. 

Short  and  intensive  courses  have  been  planned  in  order  to  meet 
the  needs  of  the  girl  who  must  be  prepared  as  quickly  as  possible  to 
enter  the  industry.  The  school  has  devised  a  course  designed  to 
supply  the  pupil  with  both  the  minimum  of  skill  demanded  by  the 
trade  and  such  general  understanding  of  trade  processes  and  methods 
as  will  allow  her  to  advance  in  her  work.  Critics  have  sometimes 
objected  to  this  latter  featiire,  urging  that  intensive  courses  in  a 
single  process  or  group  of  processes  should  be  given.  Experience 
has  shown  that  this  is  not  desirable.  Even  the  greatest  amount  of 


THE   SCHOOL  PROBLEM.  35 

skill  in  an  elementary  process  can  never  equip  a  girl  with  the  general 
knowledge  of  her  craft,  which  she  needs  if  she  wishes  to  progress. 
The  difficult  way  of  acquiring  these  general  facts  is  by  observation 
in  a  shop  while  actually  working  at  the  trade;  the  easier  way  is  by 
learning  systematically  in  the  school.  Yet  this  general  training 
necessarily  makes  the  course  longer,  and  increases  the  need  for  work- 
ing with  each  pupil  individually. 

The  trade  schools  attempt  to  meet  the  complex  demands  made  on 
them  by  giving  a  long  school  day  and  a  long  school  year,  and  by 
making  their  courses  as  flexible  as  possible.  When  the  Boston  Trade 
School  was  opened  the  sessions  lasted  from  8.30  a.  m.  to  5  p.  m.  five 
days  a  week;  of  the  37 £  hours  thus  obtained' 29  were  devoted  to 
trade  work,  3  to  design,  l\  each  to  gymnasium  and  cooking,  and  2\ 
to  assemblies.1  These  are  approximately  the  established  hours  still,2 
25  hours  being  spent  in  trade  practice,  8  in  arithmetic,  English, 
design,  and  textiles,  and  4J  in  gymnasium  and  general  training.  In 
the  Worcester  Trade  School  the  hours  are  from  8.30  a.  m.  to  4.45  p.  m., 
and  in  Cambridge  from  8.30  a.  m.  to  4.30  p.  m.  The  division  of  time  is 
substantially  the  same  as  that  in  the  Boston  school.  The  trade-school 
week  is  thus  longer  by  about  seven  hours  than  that  of  the  ordinary 
school,  and  is  a  fair  approximation  to  a  working  week.  The  school  year 
is  in  Worcester  42  weeks  and  in  Cambridge  and  Boston  40  weeks. 

In  order  to  make  the  training  as  nearly  continuous  as  possible 
Boston  and  Worcester  have,  for  several  years,  offered  summer  school 
courses,  the  trade  school  in  Worcester  holding  a  six  weeks'  and  the 
Boston  school  an  eight  weeks'  session.  This  summer  session,  besides 
allowing  girls  already  in  school  to  continue  their  training  without 
interruption,  is  considered  an  "  especially  favorable  time  for  elemen- 
tary-school graduates  to  enter,  as  they  may  complete  their  prepara- 
tory sewing  before  September  and  gain  a  season  in  going  out  to  work."3 
The  enrollment  hi  the  summer  schools  is  constantly  increasing;  in 
Boston  it  has  risen  from  134  in  1911  to  201  in  1914,  and  in  Worcester 
from  43  in  1912  to  88  in  1914. 

The  trade  schools,  then,  endeavor  to  meet  the  varied  needs  of  their 
pupils  by  devising  a  short,  intensive  course,  by  offering  training  which 
is  practicaUy  continuous  throughout  the  year,  and  by  approximating 
trade  hours  in  the  length  of  the  day  sessions. 

TIME   ACTUALLY   SPENT  IN    TRADE    SCHOOL. 

In  Worcester  the  trade-school  course  is  two  years  (21  months)  in 
length,  during  which  time  1,700  hours  must  be  spent  in  trade  work. 
In  Boston  a  girl  is  placed  as  soon  as  the  school  thinks  she  is  ready  to 
do  the  work.  This  time  varies  according  to  the  ability,  age,  and 

1  First  Annual  Report  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls,  1905,  p.  4. 

2  Trade  School  Bulletin  IV,  April,  1912. 
a  Trade  School  Bulletin  IX,  May,  1915. 


36 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


previous  general  training  of  the  pupil,  but  two-thirds  of  the  pupils 
placed  by  the  school  have  been  in  attendance  more  than  12  months. 
Virtually,  therefore,  the  school  may  be  said  to  have  established  a 
course  of  at  least  12  months  for  the  majority  of  its  accredited  pupils. 
The  trade  schools,  however,  like  all  other  schools,  have  many  pupils 
who  do  not  in  any  sense  complete  their  courses.  The  following 
tables  show  for  each  of  the  schools  the  number  and  per  cent  of  girls, 
by  trades,  who  remained  in  attendance  for  specified  periods: 

TABLE  16 — NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  PUPILS  WHO 
ATTENDED  THE  TRADE  SCHOOL  EACH  SPECIFIED  LENGTH  OF  TIME,  CLASSIFIED 
BY  COURSES. 

NUMBER. 


Period  of  attendance  in  trade  school. 

Girls  attending  trade  school  specified  length  of  time. 

Dress- 
making. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Power-machine 
operating  on— 

Cook- 
ing. 

Design. 

Not  re- 
ported. 

Total. 

Cloth. 

Straw 
hats. 

Under  3  months       . 

368 
154 
154 
125 
232 
111 
111 

124 
51 
63 
37 
79 
30 
42 

54 

30 
18 
13 
44 
15 
4 

28 
25 
20 
13 
28 
12 
11 

3 
2 
2 
2 
2 
1 
7 

1 
1 
3 
1 
2 

15 
1 

593 
264 
260 
191 
387 
169 
180 

3  and  under  6  months 

6  and  under  9  months  

9  and  under  12  months  

12  and  under  18  months 

18  months  and  over 

Not  reported  

2 

3 

Total 

1,255 

426 

178 

137 

19 

10 

19 

2,044 

PER  CENT.' 


Under  3  months  

32.2 

32.3 

31.0 

22.2 

25.0 

12.5 

93.8 

31.8 

3  and  under  6  months      

13.5 

13.3 

17.2 

19.9 

16.7 

12.5 

6.3 

14.2 

6  and  under  9  months 

13  5 

16.4 

10.3 

15.9 

16.7 

37.5 

13.9 

9  and  under  12  months 

10  9 

9  6 

7.5 

10.3 

16.7 

12.5 

10  2 

12  and  under  18  months 

20  3 

20  6 

25  3 

22  2 

16  7 

25  0 

20  8 

18  months  and  over        

9.7 

7.8 

8.6 

9.5 

8.3 

9.1 

Total 

100  0 

100  0 

100.0 

100  0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100  0 

i  Based  on  number  of  girls  whose  length  of  attendance  was  reported. 

TABLE  17.-NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL  PUPILS  WHO 
ATTENDED  TRADE  SCHOOL  EACH  SPECIFIED  LENGTH  OF  TIME,  CLASSIFIED  BY 
COURSES. 


Girls  attending  trade  school  specified  length  of  time. 


Period  of  attendance  in 
trade  school. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Dress- 
mak- 
ing. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Power- 
ma- 
chine 
operat- 
ing on 
cloth. 

Not  re- 
ported. 

Total. 

Dress- 
mak- 
ing. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Power- 
ma- 
chine 
operat- 
ing on 
cloth. 

Total. 

Under  3  months 

73 
32 
17 
35 
15 
12 
40 

16 
2 
7 
5 
4 
1 
18 

19 
13 
5 
12 
3 
1 
8 

5 

113 
47 
29 
52 
22 
14 
66 

32.6 
14.3 
7.6 
15.6 
6.7 
5.4 
17.9 

30.2 
3.8 
13.2 
9.4 
7.5 
1.9 
34.0 

31.1 
21.3 
8.2 
19.7 
4.9 
1.6 
13.1 

32.9 
13.7 
8.5 
15.2 
6.4 
4.1 
19.2 

6  and  under  9  months  

9  and  under  12  months 

12  and  under  18  months  

Graduation 

Total  

224 

53 

61 

5 

343 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

THE   SCHOOL  PROBLEM. 


37 


TABLE  18.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  CAMBRIDGE  TRADE  SCHOOL  PUPILS  WHO 
ATTENDED  TRADE  SCHOOL  EACH  SPECIFIED  LENGTH  OF  TIME,  CLASSIFIED  BY 
COURSES. 


Period  of  attendance  in  trade  school. 

Girls  attending  trade  school  specified  length  of  time. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Dress- 
mak- 
ing. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Cook- 
ing. 

Total. 

Dress- 
mak- 
ing. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Cook- 
ing. 

Total. 

Under  3  months  

36 
19 
13 
8 
1 
1 

4 
6 

3 
5 
1 
5 

43 
30 
14 
19 
6 
1 

46.1 
24.4 
16.7 
10.3 
1.3 
1.3 

19.0 
28.6 

21.4 
35.7 
7.1 
35.7 

38.1 
26.5 
12.4 
16.8 
5.3 
.9 

3  and  under  6  months 

6  and  under  9  months  

9  and  under  12  months.  . 

6 
5 

28.6 
23.8 

12  and  under  18  months  

18  months  and  over  

Total  

78 

21 

14 

113 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

Summarizing  these  figures  for  the  pupils  of  each  school,  regardless 
of  the  trade  they  studied,  omitting  those  for  whom  time  is  nof 
reported,  we  have  the  following  proportions  for  specified  periods  of 
attendance: 

TABLE  19.— PER    CENT    OF    GIRLS    ATTENDING    TRADE    SCHOOL    EACH    SPECIFIED 
PERIOD  OF  TIME,  IN  THE  THREE  CITIES. 


Period  of  attendance  in  trade 
school. 

Per  cent  of  girls  attending 
trade  school  each  specified 
period  of  time. 

Boston. 

Worces- 
ter. 

Cam- 
bridge. 

Under  3  months 

31.8 

38.3 
29.9 

32.9 
37.4 
29.7 

38.1 
55.7 
6.2 

3  and  under  12  months  

12  months  and  over 

Total  

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

The  close  similarity  in  the  figures  for  Boston  and  Worcester  is 
striking.  The  divergence  shown  by  Cambridge  is  perhaps  due  to  the 
fact  that  this  school  had  been  in  existence,  at  the  time  of  this  inves- 
tigation, only  three  years;  that  is,  it  was  still  in  the  early  period  in 
which  the  type  of  pupil  has  not  become  established.  In  Boston  and 
Worcester  approximately  one-third  of  the  pupils  attend  for  less  than 
three  months,  and  this  proportion  holds  good  for  each  of  the  principal 
trades  in  which  courses  are  given. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  tendency  of  pupils  entering 
the  Boston  school  during  the  second  five  years  of  its  existence  to 
spend  a  longer  time  in  training  than  did  those  entering  in  the  earlier 
period.  The  following  table  shows  the  change  in  this  respect: 


38 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF   TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE  20.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  PUPILS  ATTENDING  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL 
FOR  SPECIFIED  PERIODS  UNDER  PRIVATE  MANAGEMENT,  1904  TO  1909,  AND  UNDER 
PUBLIC  MANAGEMENT,  1909  TO  1914. 


Number. 

Per  cent.i 

Period  of  attendance  in  trade  school. 

1904  to 
1909 

1909  to 
1914 

Total. 

1904  to 
1909 

1909  to 
1914 

Total. 

Under  3  months.. 

411 

182 

593 

50  9 

17  2 

31  8 

3  and  under  6  months 

113 

151 

264 

14  0 

14  3 

14  2 

6  and  under  9  months  

101 

159 

260 

12.5 

15  1 

13  9 

9  and  under  12  months  .  . 

70 

121 

191 

8  7 

11  5 

10  2 

12  and  under  18  months 

94 

293 

387 

11  6 

27  7 

20  8 

IS  months  and  over 

19 

150 

169 

2  3 

14  2 

9  1 

Not  reported  

180 

180 

Total.... 

808 

1  236 

2  044 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

1  Based  on  number  whose  length  of  attendance  was  reported. 

The  increase  in -the  number  taking  the  longer  periods  of  training 
and  the  decrease  in  those  taking  the  shorter  are  alike  striking.  Pro- 
portionately, nearly  three  times  as  many  dropped  out  within  three 
months  during  the  first  period  as  during  the  second,  while  the  pro- 
portion remaining  for  12  months  and  over  was  just  three  times  as 
great  during  the  second  as  during  the  first  period — 41.9  per  cent  against 
13.9  per  cent.  An  interesting  corollary  to  this  increasing  length  of 
attendance  is  the  increasing  proportion,  30.6  per  cent  of  the  first 
group  and  43.8  per  cent  of  the  second  group,  who  used  their  trade. 
(See  Table  13,  p.  32.) 

DISTRIBUTION,    BY  LENGTH  OF  TRADE    TRAINING,    OF  GIRLS   USING   THEIR  TRADES. 

Of  the  2,500  trade-school  pupils  studied,  908  entered  their  trades. 
The  distribution  of  these  by  time  spent  in  the  trade  school  is  as 
follows : 

TABLE  21.— NUMBER  OF  GIRLS  IN  THREE  TRADE  SCHOOLS  ATTENDING  FOR  SPECI- 
FIED PERIODS,  AND  NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  IN  EACH  CLASS  WHO  ENTERED 
THEIR  TRADES. 


Per  cent 

Number 

Number 

in  each 

Period  of  attendance  in  trade  school. 

of 

using 

class 

pupils. 

trade. 

using 

trade. 

Under  6  months 

1,090 

93 

8.5 

6  and  under  12  months                          ^ 

565 

249 

44.1 

12  and  under  18  months  ....                                 

415 

349 

84.1 

18  months  and  over                                                            

250 

217 

86.8 

Not  reported 

180 

Total 

2,500 

908 

36.3 

More  than  two-fifths  of  the  total  pupils  (1,090,  or  43.6  per  cent) 
attended  school  for  less  than  six  months,  but  of  these  only  8.5  per 
cent  used  their  trades.  The  per  cent  who  used  their  trades  shows 


THE   SCHOOL   PROBLEM. 


39 


marked  increases  as  the  length  of  schooling  increases.  Thus  in  the 
group  of  those  who  had  six  monlhs'  and  under  12  months'  training 
44.1  per  ciMit  entered  their  trades;  of  those  who  had  12  months'  and 
under  is  months'  training  84.1  per  cent;  while  in  the  last  group  86.8 
per  cent  used  their  trades. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  two-thirds  of  the  pupils 
whom  the  Boston  Trade  School  sends  out  as  accredited  have  been 
in  training  for  over  12  months.  This  corresponds  closely  to  the  pro- 
portion in  training  for  12  months  or  over  among  those  who  used 
their  trades. 

These  figures  are  for  the  girls  of  the  trade  school,  regardless  of  the 
trade  for  which  they  were  trained.  The  following  table  shows  for 
the  sewing  trades  the  proportion  using  their  trade  in  each  group 
having  a  specified  length  of  training: 

TABLE  22.— NUMBER  OF  GIRLS  TRAINED  IN  SEWING  COURSES  FOR  SPECIFIED  PE- 
RIODS IN  BOSTON,  WORCESTER,  AND  CAMBRIDGE  TRADE  SCHOOLS*  AND  PER 
CENT  IN  EACH  CLASS  WHO  ENTERED  TRADES. 


Period  of  attendance  in 
trade  school. 

Boston  Trade  School.1 

Dressmaking. 

Millinery. 

Power-machine  operating  on— 

Total. 

Cloth. 

Straw  hats. 

Num- 
ber 
trained. 

Per 

cent 
using 
trade. 

. 

Num- 
ber 
trained. 

Per 

cent 
using 
trade. 

Num- 
ber 
trained. 

Pel- 
cent 
using 
trade. 

Num- 
ber 
trained. 

Per 

cent 
using 
trade. 

Num- 
ber 
trained. 

Per 

cent 
using 
trade. 

Under  6  months 

522 
279 
232 
111 

4.6 
43.0 
86.6 
89.2 

175 
100 
79 
30 

10.3 
49.0 

84.8 
100.0 

84 
31 

44 
15 

16.7 
64.5 
90.9 
100.0 

53 
33 

28 
12 

41.5 

66.7 
85.7 
100.0 

834 
443 
383 
168 

9.4 
47.6 
86.7 
92.8 

6  and  under  12  months  .  .  . 
12  and  under  18  months.  . 
18  months  and  over  

Total 

1,144 

38.8 

384 

42.7 

174 

61.1 

126 

63.5 

1,828 

42.5 

Period  of  attendance  in 
trade  school. 

Worcester  Trade  School. 

Cambridge 
Trade 
School: 
dressmaking 
and 
millinery. 

The  three 
schools. 

Dress- 
making. 

Millinery. 

Power- 
machine 
operating 
on  cloth. 

Total. 

Num- 
ber 
train- 
ed. 

Per 
cent 
using 
trade. 

Num- 
ber 
train- 
ed. 

Per 

cent 
using 
trade. 

Num- 
ber 
train- 
ed. 

Per 
cent 
using 
trade. 

Num- 
ber 
train- 
ed. 

Per 

cent 
using 
trade. 

Num- 
ber 
train- 
ed. 

Per 

cent 
using 
trade. 

Num- 
ber 
train- 
ed. 

Per 

cent 
using 
trade. 

Under  6  months 

105 
52 
15 
12 
40 

2.9 
13.5 
46.7 
41.7 

70.  0 

18 
12 
4 
1 

18 

"ie.Y 

50.0 
100.0 

88.9 

32 
17 
3 
1 

8 

9.4 
52.9 
66.7 
100.0 
100.0 

155 
81 
22 
14 

m 

3.9 
22.2 
50.0 
50.0 

78.8 

65 
27 
6 
1 

7.7 
37.0 

50.0 
100.0 

1,054 
551 
411 
183 
66 

8.4 
43.4 
84.2 
89.6 

78.8 

6  and  under  12  months  
12  and  under  18  months  
18  mouths  and  over 

Graduation  

Total  . 

224 

22.3 

53 

39.6 

61 

37.7 

338 

27.8 

99 

19.2 

2,266 

39.3 

1  Not  including  167  whose  length  of  attendance  was  not  reported. 


40  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

It  appears  from  this  table  that  in  the  Boston  Trade  School  only 
9.4  per  cent  of  those  enrolled  in  the  sewing  courses  for  less  than  six 
months  entered  their  trades  as  compared  with  86.7  per  cent  of  those 
who  attended  for  a  period  of  12  months  but  less  than  18,  and  92.8 
per  cent  of  those  attending  18  months  or  more.  There  is  some  varia- 
tion in  the  different  trades  in  this  respect.  A  girl  has  little  chance  to  use 
the  dressmaking  trade  unless  she  has  attended  trade  school  six  months 
or  more.  Her  chances  are  better  in  power-machine  operating  on 
cloth,  as  one-sixth  (16.7  per  cent)  of  the  girls  remaining  less  than  six 
months  in  this  course  used  their  trade,  and  in  power-machine  oper- 
ating on  straw  hats,  where  41.5  per  cent  of  the  pupils  who  had  at- 
tended less  than  six  months  used  their  trade.  The  belief  that  a 
course  in  power-machine  work  may  be  shorter  than  a  course  in 
dressmaking  or  in  millinery  seems  to  be  substantiated  by  the  large 
proportions,  two-thirds,  of  the  girls  remaining  in  these  courses  from 
6  to  12  months  who  were  able  to  use  their  trade,  while  only  two-fifths 
of  the  dressmakers  in  attendance  for  this  length  of  time  went  into 
dressmaking. 

In  the  way  of  equipment  for  entering  the  trade  in  Worcester,  the 
girl  taking  a  sewing  trade  who  has  graduated  from  the  school  has  a 
great  advantage  over  the  nongraduate.  Only  15.4  per  cent  of  the 
nongraduates  against  78.8  per  cent  of  the  graduates  have  used  their 
training.  One-fifth  (19.2  per  cent)  of  the  girls  choosing  the  sewing 
trades  have  graduated,  and  this  one-fifth  has  supplied  more  than  one- 
half  (55.3  per  cent)  of  the  girls  who  have  used  these  trades.  In 
Worcester  a  girl  taking  a  sewing  trade  and  remaining  in  the  school 
less  than  six  months  has  1  chance  in  25  to  enter  her  trade;  in  Boston 
she  has  1  chance  in  1 1 .  On  the  other  hand,  if  she  remains  in  the  school 
for  12  months  or  more  she  has  in  Worcester  7  chances  in  10  and  in 
Boston  nearly  9  chances  in  10  of  entering  her  trade. 

Taking  all  the  schools  together,  without  distinction  as  to  trade 
studied,  a  course  of  12  months  seems  necessary  to  give  a  girl  a  reason- 
able chance  of  entering  her  trade.  There  may  4?e  some  question, 
however,  whether  this  expenditure  of  time  is  due  to  the  present  organ- 
ization of  the  courses  or  whether  most  of  the  girls  would,  under  any 
circumstances,  find  it  necessary  for  the  development  of  the  requisite 
degree  of  skill. 

So  far  the  discussion  has  related  to  those  who  entered  their  trade 
without  reference  to  the  time  they  remained  in  it.  The  question 
naturally  arises  whether  length  of  training  has  any  effect  upon  per- 
manence in  the  trade  after  entrance.  To  test  this  a  study  was  made 
of  the  pupils  from  the  Boston  school  who  had  used  their  trades  for 
at  least  one  week,  excluding  those  whose  total  working  experience 
had  been  less  than  one  year.  With  these  limitations  the  group  num- 
bered 633,  of  whom  515  remained  in  the  trade  for  which  they  had 


THE   SCHOOL  PROBLEM. 


41 


been  trained  one  year  or  longer,  and  118  remained  less  than  a  year. 
The  following  table  shows  the  distribution  of  these  two  classes  by 
length  of  training: 

TABLK  23.— DISTRIBUTION,  BY  LENGTH  OF  TRADE  TRAINING,  OF  BOSTON  TRADE 
SCHOOL  GIRLS  USING  THEIR  TRADE  LESS  THAN  ONE  YEAR,  AND  FOR  ONE  YEAI 
OR  MORE. 

[This  table  includes  all  girls  who  used  their  trades  for  one  week  or  more,  but  does  not  include  those  whose 
total  working  experience  had  been  less  than  one  year.] 


Period  of  attendance  in  trade  school. 

Using  trade  less 
than  one  year. 

Using  trade  one 
year  or  more. 

Total. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

11 
28 
52 

27 

9.3 
23.7 
44.1 
22.9 

42 
147 
226 
100 

8.2 
28.5 
43.9 
19.4 

53 
175 
278 
127 

6  and  under  12  months                              

Total 

118 

100.0 

515  |        100.0 

633 

It  is  impossible  to  discover  in  this  table  any  particular  relation 
between  length  of  training  and  permanency  in  the  trade.  Of  those 
who  followed  their  trades  less  than  one  year,  33  per  cent  had  less  than 
12  months  in  the  school,  while  67  per  cent  had  12  months  or  more;  of 
those  who  followed  their  trade  one  year  or  more,  36.7  per  cent  had 
less  than  12  months'  training,  and  63.3  per  cent  had  12  months  or 
more.  The  percentages  are  so  nearly  the  same  that  no  conclusion  can 
be  drawn  until  more  data  upon  the  point  can  be  obtained. 

To  sum  up  the  situation,  then,  it  appears  that  age,  education,  and 
length  of  trade  training  are  important  factors  in  determining  whether 
or  not  a  trade-school  pupil  will  make  use  of  her  trade.  Under  15,  a 
girl  has  very  little  chance  of  entering  her  trade,  and  not  until  she  is 
16  are  her  chances  even.  From  that  age  to  20  the  likelihood  of  her 
using  her  training  increases,  but  at  20  it  begins  to  decrease,  owing 
partly  to  the  frequency  with  which  she  finds  herself  fit  for  better 
paying  work.  In  regard  to  previous  education,  the  girl  who  has  com- 
pleted the  grammar  grades  has  a  far  better  chance  of  entering  her 
trade  than  the  one  who  leaves  school  before  finishing  the  elementary 
grades.  The  length  of  trade  training  necessary  for  the  best  results 
varies  widely,  but  in  general  the  girl  who  wishes  really  to  use  her 
trade  should  take  at  least  12  months  of  training,  while  a  longer 
period  may  or  may  not  be  advantageous,  depending  upon  her  natura: 
aptitude,  previous  training,  etc. 

PLACEMENT  BY  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL. 

Another  factor  having  an  important  bearing  upon  the  girl's  success 
is  the  manner  of  obtaining  her  first  position.  As  has  already  been 
said,  in  Boston  the  school  authorities  try  to  place  girls  as  soon  as  they 
are  considered  really  qualified  to  enter  their  trades.  Many  of  the  pupils, 


42 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPEDIENCE    OF    TEADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


however,  are  unwilling  to  or  can  not  wait  for  the  school's  indorsement. 
Relatively  only  a  small  proportion  of  these  enter  their  trade.  Of  the 
788  girls  from  the  Boston  Trade  School  recorded  as  having  used  their 
trades,  658  were  placed  originally  by  the  school;  that  is,  practically 
five-sixths  of  all  who  entered  their  trades  were  placed  by  the  school, 
against  one-sixth  who  found  places  for  themselves.  The  pupils  placed 
by  the  school  show  a  wide  variation  in  their  length  of  training,  since, 
owing  to  differences  in  previous  training  and  natural  aptitude,  one 

TABLE  24.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  ATTENDING 
TRADE  SCHOOL  EACH  SPECIFIED  PERIOD,  CLASSIFIED  ACCORDING  TO  TRADE  AND 
WHETHER  PLACED  BY  THE  SCHOOL  OR  SELF-PLACED. 

[This  table  includes  all  the  girls  visited  who  used  their  trade  one  week  or  more,  irrespective  of  the  length 
of  their  total  working  experience.] 

NUMBER. 


Occupation  and  how  obtained. 

Girls  attending  trade  school  each  specified  period. 

Under  G 
months. 

6  and 
under  12 
months. 

12  and 
under  18 
months. 

18  months 
and  over. 

Total. 

Placed  by  the  school: 
Dressmaking                  

8 

7 

11 
12 

75 
41 

11 
18 
3 
3 

169 
55 

32 
21 
1 
2 

90 
2-1 

15 
12 

342 
127 

69 

1 

5 

Millinery 

Power-machine  operating  on  — 
Cloth                        

Straw  hats 

Cooking     

Design              

Total 

38 

151 

280 

142 

611 

Self-placed: 

13 

6 

36 

8 

6 
2 
1 

23 
12 

6 
2 

9 

4 

81 
30 

12 
9 
1 

Millinery        

Power-machine  operating  on,— 
Cloth 

5 

Design                                  

Total 

24 

53 

43 

13 

133 

Grand  total           .                 ... 

62 

204 

323 

155 

744 

PER  CENT. 


Placed  by  the  school: 
Dressmaking                         .             .             .  -  - 

2.3 

21.9 

49.4 

26.3 

100.0 

Millinery 

5.5 

32.3 

43.3 

18.9 

100.0 

Power-machine  operating  on  — 
Cloth                                         

15.9 

15.9 

46.4 

21.8 

100.0 

19.0 

28.6 

33.3 

19.0 

100.0 

Cooking 

60.0 

20.0 

20.0 

100.0 

Design                              

60.0 

40.0 

100.0 

Total 

6.2 

24.  7 

45.8 

23.2 

100.0 

Self-placed: 
Dressmaking 

16.0 

44.4 

28.4 

11.1 

100.0 

20.0 

26.7 

40.0 

13.3 

100.0 

Power-machine  operating  on  — 
Cloth 

50.0 

50.0 

100.0 

Straw  hats 

55.6 

22.2 

22.2 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

Total  

18.0 

39.9 

32.3 

9.8 

100.0 

G  rand  total       - 

8.3 

~27~4 

43.4 

20.8 

100.0 

THE   SCHOOL  PKOBLEM. 


43 


may  be  prepared  for  a  trade  in  half  the  time  required  by  another, 
and  the  placement  depends  upon  ability  to  meet  industrial  demands 
without  regard  to  length  of  time  spent  in  the  school.  In  general, 
however,  length  of  training  aids  in  giving  the  qualifications  for  a 
successful  worker.  Table  24  shows  for  each  trade  the  number  of 
girls  from  the  Boston  school  who  have  been  placed  by  the  school  and 
who  have  placed  themselves,  classified  by  the  length  of  time  spent 
in  the  school. 

This  table  shows  a  striking  increase  in  the  proportion  of  girls  placed 
by  the  school  as  the  length  of  training  increases.  Summarizing  its 
figures  with  respect  to  this  feature,  we  have  the  following: 

TABLE  35.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  GIRLS  PLACED  BY  SCHOOL  AND  SELF-PLACED, 
BY  LENGTH  OF  TRADE  TRAINING  IN  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL. 


Period  of  attendance  in  trade  school. 

Total 
girls 
placed. 

Girls  placed  by 
school  . 

Girls  self-placed. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Under  6  months                       

62 
204 
323 
155 

38 
151 

280 
142 

61.3 
74.0 
86.7 
91.6 

24 

53 
43 

1.3 

38.7 
26,0 
13.3 

8.4 

6  and  under  12  months 

12  and  under  18  months  

18  months  and  over 

Total  

744 

611 

82.1 

133 

17.9 

This  table  shows  how  much  more  generally  the  school  indorses  and 
finds  places  for  the  girls  taking  a  longer  training  than  for  those  leaving 
under  12  months,  but  it  shows  little  as  to  how  helpful  the  school  is 
in  finding  places.  From  Tables  16  and  25  the  following  figures  on 
this  point  are  obtained: 

TABLE  36»-NUMBER  OF  GIRLS  NOT  PLACED  BY  SCHOOL  AND  PER  CENT  OF  THESE 
WHO  WERE  SELF-PLACED,  BY  LENGTH  OF  TRADE  TRAINING  IN  BOSTON  TRADE 
SCHOOL. 


Period  of  attendance  in  trade  school. 

Total 
leaving 
school.1 

Number 
placed  by 
school. 

Number 
not 
placed  by 
school. 

Pupils  self-placed. 

Number. 

Per  cent 
of  num- 
ber not 
placed  by 
school. 

Under  6  months 

857 
451 
387 
169 

38 
151 
280 
142 

819 
300 
107 
27 

24 
53 
43 
13 

2.9 
17.7 
40.2 
48.1 

6  and  under  12  months 

12  and  under  18  months 

18  months  and  over  

Total 

1,864 

611 

1,253 

133 

10.6 

1  Not  including  180  whose  length  of  attendance  was  not  reported. 

This  gives  some  idea  of  the  handicap  under  which  a  girl  labors 
who  is  not  placed  by  the  school.  The  probability  that  she  will  enter 
her  trade  is  never  great,  although  it  increases  with  her  length  of 


44  INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

/ 

training.  Still,  even  for  the  girl  who  has  spent  18  months  or  more 
in  the  trade  school,  the  chance  that  she  will  enter  her  trade,  if  she 
depends  upon  placing  herself,  is  something  less  than  1  in  2,  while  for 
the  girl  who  has  had  less  than  six  months'  training  it  sinks  to  about 
3  in  100.  It  is  worth  noticing  that  the  school's  assistance  seems  more 
necessary  in  the  less  common  trades  than  in  dressmaking  and  milli- 
nery. The  proportion  of  those  entering  each  trade  who  were  placed 
by  the  school  and  who  placed  themselves  was  as  follows: 

TABLE  27.— PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  ENTERING  EACH  SPECIFIED 
TRADE  WHO  WERE  PLACED  BY  THE  SCHOOL  AND  SELF-PLACED. 


Trade. 

Per  con  D 
placed  by 
school.  * 

Per  cent 
self- 
placed. 

Dressmakin^  

SO.  9 

19.1 

Millirerv 

80.9 

19.1 

Power-machino  operating  on  — 
Cloth  ..  

85.2 

14.8 

Straw  hats  

87.5 

12.5 

Cooking 

100.0 

Design 

83  3 

16  7 

The  cooking,  it  must  be  remembered,  is  practically  catering,  a 
difficult  business  for  any  young  girl  to  get  into  unaided. 

From  the  standpoint  of  permanence  in  the  trade,  the  school's 
judgment  in  placing  the  girls  seems  to  be  justified.  Considering 
only  the  633  girls  who  have  had  at  least  a  year's  industrial  experience, 
105  had  secured  their  own  positions  and  528  had  been  placed  by  the 
school.  Of  those  placed  by  the  school  only  15.9  per  cent  failed  to 
remain  in  their  trades  for  at  least  a  year,  while  of  those  who  placed 
themselves  32.4  per  cent  dropped  out  within  a  year. 

REASONS  FOR  LEAVING  TRADE  SCHOOLS. 

Less  than  one-third  of  the  pupils  leaving  the  Boston  Trade  School 
were  accredited  by  the  school;  less  than  one-fifth  of  those  leaving 
the  Worcester  Trade  School  had  graduated.  The  reasons  for  leaving 
the  schools  are  suggestive  to  educators,  particularly  to  teachers  in 
vocational  schools.  The  trade  schools  try  to  learn  from  each  pupil 
her  reason  for  leaving  and  to  record  this  for  future  use.  Table  28 
gives  the  recorded  reasons  for  leaving  of  2,066  girls,  the  reasons  not 
having  been  ascertained  or  at  least  not  recorded  for  the  remaining  434. 

There  is  a  discrepancy  between  the  numbers  shown  on  these  records 
as  having  left  school  to  go  to  work,  and  the  numbers  found  by  this 
investigation  to  have  gone  to  work.  Thus,,  the  figures  given  in  this 
table  show  that  32.9  per  cent  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  pupils  left 
to  go  to  work  in  their  own  trades,  while  the  figures  of  this  investiga- 
tion l  show  that  38.6  per  cent  used  their  trade  a  week  or  more;  for 


See  Table  10,  p.  29. 


THE   SCHOOL  PROBLEM. 


45 


Worcester  the  records  show  22.7  per  cent  going  into  their  own  trades, 
while  the  investigation  showed  27.4  per  cent  of  the  total  of  343  girls 
had  used  their  training.  In  Cambridge  the  investigation  showed  23 
per  cent,  instead  of  the  9.7  per  cent  reported,  going  into  their  trades. 
It  is  evident,  then,  that  the  schools  have  sent  more  pupils  into  their 
trade  than  the  records  indicate. 

TABLE  28.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON,  WORCESTER,  AND  CAMBRIDGE 
TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS  LEAVING  TRADE  SCHOOL  FOR  EACH  SPECIFIED  REASON 
AS  GIVEN  IN  THE  TRADE-SCHOOL  RECORDS. 


Reason  for  leaving  trade  school. 

Girls  reported  as  leaving  each  trade  school  for  specified  reason. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Boston. 

Wor- 
cester. 

Cam- 
bridge. 

Total. 

Boston. 

Wor- 
cester. 

Cam- 
bridge. 

Total. 

585 
88 

50 
16 
39 
22 
23 

8 
3 

6 

593 
169 

80 
27 
50 
26 
3 

28.6 
4.3 

"'22.'  7" 

7.1 
2.7 

23.7 
6.8 

Self-placed 

178 

24 
11 
11 

4 

Other  work: 

i 

Store 

i              i 

Unclassified 

i              i 

Total  

130 

50 

6 

186 

6.4 
6.9 

14.6 
27b~ 

5.3 

7.4 
5T9 

Work  unknown 

141 

82 
22 
335 
1 

7 

6 
17 
1 



148 

88 
39 
36 
1 

School  reasons: 

1 

1 

Other 

I 

Total  

i               ! 

140 

24 
25 

29 
7 
2 

164 
263~ 

62 
80 
11 

6.8 

iLT 

7.0 

6.5 

Went  to  another  school 

237~ 

29 
48 
9 

1 

4 
25 

7.3 

.9 

10.5 

Personal: 

incapacity-.  ...  . 

Married 

Total  

86 

38 

29 

153 

4.2 

11.1 
llT 

25.7 

6.1 

Health                 

123 

3 

83 
8 

38 

1 

36 
4 

13 

14 
17 
3 

174 

18 
136 
15 

6.0 

11.5 

7.0 

Home  causes: 

Other 

Total  

94 

41 

34 

169 

4.6 

1.9 
(4) 

18.6 

12.0 
2To~ 

30.1  |          6.8 

Moved 

38 
1 
381 

2,044 

7 

i 

18 
IIS" 

45 
2 
434 

1.8 
.1 
17.4 

100.0 

Died                                      .       .  . 

.9 
15.9 

100.0 

Not  reported  

35 
343~ 

10.2 
100.0 

Grand  total  .  . 

2,500 

100.0 

1 36  said  that  the  trade  school  helped  them  to  get  the  first  position. 
2  1  taught  kindergarten,  1  taught  music,  1  went  into  dancing. 
3 1  too  old  to  enter  trade  school. 
*  Less  than  one-tenth  of  1  per  cent. 

Taking  the  reasons  as  recorded,  however,  in  Boston  and  Worcester 
the  most  influential  reason  was  the  desire  to  go  to  work,  accounting 
for  two-fifths  of  those  leaving  in  Worcester  and  for  almost  one- 
half  in  Boston,  while  no  other  single  cause  accounts  for  as  much 
as  one-sixth  of  the  group.  A  matter  of  interest  is  the  small  pro- 


46  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF   TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

portion  of  cases  in  which  economic  pressure  is  the  direct  cause  of 
leaving  school,  only  three  pupils  in  Boston  and  one  in  Worcester 
leaving  on  this  account.1  Another  point  of  interest  is  the  proportion 
of  pupils  who  were  deemed  better  fitted  for  the  work  of  other  schools 
and  accordingly  were  transferred.  In  Boston  11.6  per  cent  of  the 
trade-school  pupils  are  reported  to  have  returned  to  other  schools. 
Of  these,  however,  two-thirds  (65  per  cent)  were  pupils  who  enrolled 
in  the  summer  course.  Omitting  these  summer  school  pupils,  4.1 
per  cent  of  the  whole  Boston  group  returned  to  high  or  grammar 
school.  The  trade-school  history  thus  throws  some  light  on  the 
much  vexed  school  question  of  "  drop-outs." 

Summing  up  this  study  of  the  trade-school  pupil,  it  appears 
that  the  type  of  pupil  attending  the  Boston  Trade  School  has 
changed  somewhat  in  the  10  years  covered  by  this  investigation. 
Pupils  are  a  little  more  mature  at  entrance  than  they  were  when  the 
school  began ;  they  have  reached  a  somewhat  higher  level  of  academic 
education,  and  they  spend  a  longer  time  at  the  trade  school.  The 
change  has  been  slow;  but  the  conclusion  that  it  has  not  been  entirely 
due  to  changed  conditions  in  industry  seems  to  be  supported  by  the 
discovery  that  the  experience  of  the  recently  established  schools  in 
Worcester  and  Cambridge  resembles  the  history  of  the  Boston  school 
from  1904  to  1909,  rather  than  that  of  the  succeeding  five  years.  In 
general,  however,  the  trade  schools  still  attract  the  same  kind  of 
girl  they  attracted  in  the  beginning — the  girl  who  must  enter  industry 
at  a  comparatively  early  age,  but  who  can  afford  a  limited  time  for 
preparation. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  public  demand  for  training  such  as 
the  girls'  trade  schools  offer  for  this  type  of  pupil,  and  the  variations 
within  the  type  seem  fairly  fixed.  The  future  success  of  the  trade 
school  will  depend  on  its  ability  to  adapt  its  courses  (1)  to  the  type 
of  pupil  it  has  attracted  in  such  numbers,  and  (2)  to  the  changing 
demands  of  the  trades  for  which  it  attempts  to  train. 

PREVAILING  MISCONCEPTIONS  OF  SCOPE  OF  TRADE-SCHOOL  WORK. 

The  trade  school  for  girls  "seeks  to  direct  them  into  better  indus- 
tries and  to  increase  their  wage-earning  powers  to  such  an  extent  that 
the  wage  lost  by  spending  time  at  school  is  more  than  made  up  in 
the  first  year  at  the  trade."2  But  from  numerous  directions  come 
complaints  that  the  school  has  not  fulfilled  its  purpose.  Says  the 
social  worker,  "She  was  exceptionally  bright  but  she  hated  to  work 
with  the  needle,  so  the  school  did  not  help  her  at  all."  The  com- 

1  The  comparatively  small  part  played  by  economic  necessity  in  forcing  children  to  go  to  work  has  been 
brought  out  in  other  investigations.    See  Report  on  conditions  of  woman  and  child  wage  earners  in  the 
United  States,  Vol.  VII  (S.  Doc.  No.  645,  61st  Cong.,  2d  sess.);  Report  of  Massachusetts  Commission  on 
Industrial  and  Technical  Education,  April,  1908;  A  trade-school  for  girls,  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Education, 
Bulletin,  1913,  No.  17;  Helen  T.  Woolley:  Charting  childhood  in  Cincinnati,  in  Survey,  Aug.  9,  1913. 

2  Third  Annual  Report  of  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls,  1917,  p.  19. 


THE   SCHOOL  PROBLEM.  47 

plaint  comes  from  the  parent,  "She  graduated  at  school  as  ad: 
maker,  but  she  could  not  cut  or  fit,"  and  from  the  employer,  "I 
supposed  when  I  got  a  trade-school  girl,  1  had  an  experienced 
worker."  Another  employer  turned  a  trade-school  girl  off  because 
"at  the  rate  she  was  going  she  would  earn  about  19  cents  a  week, 
yet  they  recommended  her  at  the  school  as  a  good  worker." 

All  these  criticisms  are  based  on  a  misconception  of  what  the  trade 
school  does  and  can  do.  In  answer  to  the  complaint  of  the  social 
worker,  the  schools  reply  that  they  do  not  undertake  to  teach  all 
trades,  but  have  chosen  a  few  which,  they  believe,  offer  opportunity 
for  skilled  work.  Those  who  can  not  acquire  the  requisite  skill  or 
who  do  not  like  these  trades  are  necessarily  sifted  out.  The  trade 
schools  are,  however,  continuously  seeking  new  fields  which  may 
offer  good  work  for  girls.  In  reply  to  the  parent's  complaint,  the 
schools  point  out  that  they  do  not  aspire  to  teach  the  whole 
trade  in  the  short  time  they  are  able  to  hold  the  girl,  but  try 
instead  to  give  her  some  of  the  fundamentals  which  she  can 
utilize  immediately.  She  does  not,  therefore,  with  one  year's 
training  cut  and  fit,  though  cutting  and  fitting  are  offered  to  former 
pupils  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  who  return  for  further  training. 

The  employer's  complaint,  likewise,  is  looked  upon  as  due  to  a 
misunderstanding  of  what  the  school  can  do  and  what  its  indorse- 
ment of  a  pupil  means.  If  it  were  possible  to  duplicate  shop  condi- 
tions exactly  in  the  school,  some  of  the  difficulties  of  adjusting  a  pupil 
to  trade  conditions  might  be  met.  But  believing  this  to  be  incom- 
patible with  the  best  interests  of  training,  the  school  seeks  to  give 
the  fundamental  principles  of  each  trade,  and  the  ability  to  apply 
these  principles  to  new  problems  must  come  with  experience.  While 
the  girl  thus  gains  a  more  extensive  knowledge  of  the  work  than  she 
would  probably  get  during  the  same  length  of  time  in  the  shop,  she 
can  not  be  called  an  experienced  worker  in  any  one  process.  Nor 
can  she  always  "see  what  to  do  next "  or  how  to  "  keep  busy  "  without 
direction,  for  she  has  been  accustomed  to  close  supervision  in  the 
school.  The  teacher  can  not  always  gauge  correctly  a  pupil's  trade 
proficiency,  for  the  girl  who  is  successful  in  school  may  be  paralyzed 
by  the  rush  and  requirements  of  the  shop,  while  the  girl  who  in  school 
is  lackadaisical  may  respond  with  enthusiasm  to  the  stimulus  of  the 
actual  shop.  The  schools  try,  however,  to  give  a  training  which  will 
enable  the  girl  to  meet  to  some  degree  the  demands  of  the  shop. 
Before  a  pupil  graduates  from  the  Worcester  school  or  is  placed  by 
the  Boston  school  she  must  have  attained  a  requisite  minimum  of 
speed,  as  well  as  a  trade  standard  of  finish.  This  speed  is  measured 
by  time  cards,  kept  by  the  girls,  from  which  they  must  themselves 
estimate  the  wages  they  are  worth.  Each  garment  is  marked  with 
the  cost  of  materials  and  the  number  of  hours  required  by  the  girl  for 


48  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

its  construction.  By  these  means  it  is  possible  to  form  some  idea 
of  what  a,  girl's  industrial  capacity  is,  but  the  difference  between  shop 
and  school  conditions  prevents  this  idea  from  being  more  than  a 
mere  approximation.  It  is  impossible  to  require  actual  trade  speed 
in  the  school;  the  pupils  must  acquire  this  in  the  shop. 

ADJUSTMENT  OF  TRADE-SCHOOL  PUPILS  TO  THE  TRADE. 

Under  any  circumstances  a  worker  coming  into  a  factory  or  shop 
where  she  has  never  worked  before  has  to  go  through  a  process  of 
adjustment  to  the  new  conditions  before  she  can  gain  her  maximum 
productivity.  How  does  the  trade-school  girl  compare  in  this  respect 
with  the  untrained  worker,  or  with  the  worker  who  has  gained  her 
experience  in  the  trade  ?  The  question  is  an  important  one,  on  which 
it  is  difficult  to  secure  data.  A  curtain  factory  in  Boston,  however, 
has  a  very  unusual  and  complete  system  of  records  which  gives  some 
light  on  this  much-discussed  question.1  It  pays  a  fixed  minimum 
weekly  wage  with  a  bonus  for  all  work  produced  in  excess  of  a  certain 
established  standard;  new  workers  are  supposed  to  be  able  to  reach 
this  standard  in  eight  weeks.  The  records  of  three  girls  employed 
here  were  taken  for  comparison.  Case  A  was  a  young,  untrained 
worker,  aged  19  years,  running  a  power  machine  at  a  minimum  $6 
rate.2  Case  B  was  a  trade-school  girl,  aged  18,  who  had  attended  the 
dressmaking  course  in  the  trade  school  22  months,  worked  for  a  dress- 
maker eight  months,  and  then  returned  to  the  trade  school  for  a  six 
weeks'  course  in  power-machine  operating.  She  went  into  the  cur- 
tain factory  on  a  $6  weekly  rate.  Case  C  was  an  experienced  worker 
who  had  been  a  machine  operator  on  curtains  for  two  years  previous 
to  entering  this  factory,  and  who  worked  at  a  weekly  rate  of  $7. 
Table  29  shows  the  value  of  the  work  produced  by  each  of  these  workers 
each  week  for  the  first  eight  weeks  of  her  engagement. 

Comparing  the  two  young  workers,  it  appears  that,  with  the 
exception  of  the  second  week,  the  untrained  girl  exceeded  the 
trade-school  girl  in  value  of  product  turned  out  for  six  weeks. 
During  this  time  she  twice  turned  out  work  to  a  value  exceeding 
her  weekly  rate,  while  the  trade-school  girl  never  reached  her  rate. 
In  the  seventh  week,  however,  the  trade-school  girl  suddenly 
sprang  to  the  lead  with  a  productivity  which  not  only  earned 
her  wage  but  a  substantial  bonus.  In  the  eighth  week  her  product 
was  more  than  half  as  large  again  as  the  untrained  girl's.  During  the 
whole  eight  weeks  case  A  turned  out  product  to  the  value  of  $45.24, 

1  Six  trade-school  girls  appeared  on  the  pay  roll  of  this  factory,  and  the  experience  of  five  of  them  is  given. 
The  sixth  remained  only  four  weeks,  produced  work  to  the  value  of  SI. 30,  for  which  she  was  paid  $20.70, 
and  returned  to  the  trade  school     Physical  conditions  in  this  factory  are  unusually  good,  the  attitude  of 
the  management  is  kindly,  and  all  the  trade-school  girls  were  treated  with  great  consideration. 

2  All  the  data  as  to  wages  in  this  factory  were  obtained  from  the  pay  roll.    Data  as  to  amount  of  product 
were  obtained  from  the  factory  records  of  individual  girls. 


THE   SCHOOL  PROBLEM. 


49 


and  case  B  to  the  value  of  $47.66.  The  trade-school  girl  appears  to 
have  been  somewhat  slower  in  getting  used  to  the  shop  than  the 
untrained  girl,  but  the  first  period  of  adjustment  over,  gave  indications 
of  being  a  more  even  and  reliable  worker  than  the  other.  For  the 
eight  weeks  regarded  as  a  usual  training  period,  her  record  is  slightly 
better  than  that  of  the  untrained  girl.  Case  C  shows  that  even  an 
experienced  worker  is  handicapped  in  a  new  position  by  the  necessity 
for  adjustment.  For  her  first  week  she  made  a  far  worse  showing  than 
either  of  the  two  young  girls,  and  it  was  not  until  the  fifth  week  that 
she  earned  the  minimum  wage  at  which  she  entered. 

TABLE  29.— COMPARATIVE  PRODUCTIVITY  DURING  FIRST  EIGHT  WEEKS  IN  FAC- 
TORY OF  AN  UNTRAINED  GIRL,  A  TRADE-SCHOOL  PUPIL,i  AND  AN  EXPERIENCED 
WORKER. 


Week. 

Value  of  work  produced  by- 

Case  A: 
Un- 
trained 
worker.2 

Case  B: 
Trade- 
school 
girl." 

Case  <~!: 
Experi- 
enced 
worker 
in  a  new 
factory,  s 

First 

$3.99 
1.65 
5.53 
6.33 
6.16 
55.14 
8.00 
5.44 

$5.21 
4.66 
4.21 
5.73 
<5.78 
4.37 
8.62 
9.08 

?2.  54 
6  22 
5.39 
6.59 
7.11 
7.42 
6.  78 
7.02 

Second 

Third  

Fourth 

Fifth  

Sixth  

Seventh 

Eighth 

1  Placed  by  the  trade  school  in  dressmaking  September,  1913,  December,  1913,  and  January,  1914,  and  in 
this  position,  August,  1914. 

2  Working  on  a  16  rate. 
»  Working  on  a  $7  rate. 
*  Five  days. 

&  Four  days. 

Since  all  these  workers  were  being  paid  a  fixed  minimum  wage  with 
a  bonus  for  production  above  a  certain  standard,  the  difference  be- 
tween this  flat  rate  and  the  value  of  their  production  may  be  regarded 
as  the  emp!6yer's  profit  or  loss,  according  to  where  the  difference  lies, 
on  their  work  for  the  eight  weeks,  or  as  his  cost  of  inducting  them  into 
the  ways  of  his  factory.  The  average  value  of  product  during  the 
eight  weeks  was  for  the  untrained  girl  $5.66,  for  the  trade-school 
girl  $5.96,  and  for  the  experienced  worker  $6.13.  Since  the  two  girls 
were  being  paid  $6  and  the  experienced  worker  $7  a  week,  the  em- 
ployer's cost  of  training  was  for  the  untrained  girl  34  cents,  for  the 
trade-school  girl  4  cents,  and  for  the  experienced  worker  87  cents  a 
week.  Apparently  in  this  case,  experience  in  the  trade  was  of  no 
benefit  in  falling  into  the  ways  of  this  particular  factory. 

Another  illustration  of  the  difficulty  a  young  trade-school  girl  finds 
in  meeting  shop  demands,  and  of  the  cost  to  the  employer  of  inducting 
such  girls,  is  shown  in  the  following  table: 
85225°— 17— Bull.  215 * 


50 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE   OF   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


30.— WORK    DONE    AND    AMOUNT   PAID   TO  A  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRL    FOR  10 
WEEKS  IN  HER  FIRST  POSITION,  AS  HEMSTITCHER,  IN  A  CURTAIN  FACTORY.* 


Day. 

Amount 
of  work 

(pairs). 

Value 
of 
work 
done. 

Amount 
paid. 

Day. 

Amount 
of  work 
done 
(pairs). 

Value 
of 
work 
done. 

Amount 
paid. 

First  week  

(2) 

$3.24 
6.00 

6.00 

1.08 
iths.J 

3.24 
6.13 

Sixth  week:  » 
1st  dav 

235 
109 
166 
144 

102 
211 

$1.18 
.54 
.83 
.72 
.* 
1.05 

6.23 
6.53 
6.07 

8.fi3 

Second  week: 

•- 

29 

<!)5S 

29 
38 
18 

$0.58 

2d  day  .  . 

3d  day 

2<l  day 

4th  dav 

3d 

l.W 
.58 
.72 
.36 

':IV 

4th  day  

6th  day..  . 

5th  day 

Total 

6th  day 

1,027 

5.13 

Total  

Seventh  week:  3 

170 

3.40 

257 
128 
206 
216 
221 
49 

1.28 
.64 
1.03 
1.08 
1.10 
.49 

Third  week: 
1st  day  

29 

(!)50 
25 
63 
37 

.58 

2ddny.   . 

3d  day 

2d  day 

4th  dav 

3d  day 

1.00 
.50 
1.26 
.74 

5th  dav 

4th  day  

6th  day     .. 

Total 

6th  day 

1,077 

5.62 

Total  

Eighth  week:* 
1st  day 

204 

4.08 

(4) 
135 
93 
90 
108 
68 

Fourth  week: 
1st  day  

24 
hool  for  t 

129 
18 
131 
(4) 

.48 
iree  moi 

.65 
.09 
.68 

2d  dav 

.67 
.47 
.45 

.54 
.34 

3d  dav  .  .  . 

[Returned  to  trade  sc 
3d  day  3 

4th  dav..   . 

5th  dav 

6th  day 

Total  

4th  day  »  

494 

2.47 

5th  day  3  

6th  day  8 

Ninth  week 

(«) 

Total  . 

Tenth  week:& 
1st  day 

278 

1.40 

16 
P) 

105J 
91 
90 
105 

.32 

"~2.'ii" 

1.88 
1.80 
2.10 

Fifth  week:  a 
1st  day  . 

i 

216 
210 

2d  dav. 

3d  dav 

2dday... 

4th  day  

3d  -Jay  

5th  day  

4th  day 

.80 
1.08 
1.05 

6th  day 

Total  

6th  day  

410J 

8.21 

Total 

586 

2.93 

1  Placed  in  her  position  here  by  the  trade  school,  July,  1914. 

2  Not  recorded. 

s  Hemming  tops. 

«  Absent. 

5  Hemstitching  curtains. 

This  girl  was  placed  in  her  position  by  the  trade  school,  July,  1914, 
at  an  initial  wage  of  $6  a  week,  and  was  supposed  to  hemstitch  on  the 
machine  50  pairs  of  curtains  a  day  at  2  cents  a  pair  to  earn  the  SI 
a  day  which  she  was  being  paid.  For  the  first  week  her  daily  pro- 
duction was  not  recorded.  The  second  week  she  turned  out  work  to 
the  value  of  $3.40  and  the  third  to  the  value  of  $4.08,  and  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  fourth  week  went  back  to  the  trade  school  for  further 
training.  Returning  after  three  months  she  was  set  to  hemming 
tops,  the  simplest  of  all  the  processes,  and  at  this  worked  five  weeks 
without  once  reaching  the  standard  of  production.  Then  the  tenth 
week  she  was  put  back  to  hemstitching  curtains,  and  like  the  trade- 
school  girl  shown  in  the  preceding  table,  suddenly  shot  up  to  a  pro- 
ductivity considerably  in  excess  of  the  standard.  During  the  eight 


THE   SCHOOL  PROBLEM. 


51 


of  employment  she  turned  out  work  to  the  value  of  $33.72,  for 
which  she  was  paid  $49.96.  Thus  it  cost  the  employer,  without 
counting  supervision,  trouble,  etc.,  $16.24  to  induct  her  into  the  shop. 
While  a  trade-school  girl  can  not  immediately  do  the  full  amount  of 
work  she  is  capable  of,  the  training  she  has  received  should  shorten 
the  period  of  adjustment  to  factory  conditions  and  make  her  induc- 
tion less  expensive  to  the  employer  than  that  of  an  untrained  girl. 
This  was  actually  so  in  the  case  of  the  two  workers  without  trade 
experience  shown  in  Table  29.  The  relative  cost  of  adjustment  of 
two  other  workers,  one  a  trade-school  girl,  the  other  an  inexperienced 
worker,  is  shown  in  the  following  table : 


TABLE  31. 


-RELATIVE  COST  TO  EMPLOYER  OF  TRAINING  A  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRL  AND 
AN  UNTRAINED  GIRL  IN  POWER-MACHINE  OPERATING.! 


Date. 

Trade-school  girl.2 

Untrained  girl. 

Amount 
of  work 
done. 

Value 
of  work 
done. 

Amount 
paid. 

Loss  to 
firm. 

Amount 
of  work 
done. 

Value 
of  work 
done. 

Amount 
of  work 

Loss  to 
firm. 

Mqr  27... 

Pairs. 
91 
41 

81 

77 
(s) 

(3) 

$0.91 
.41 

.81 

.77 

$6.00 
6.00 
6.00 
4.92 

(8) 
$1.03 
1.66 
.71 

Pairs. 
35 
6 
32 
14 
-  12 
50 

$0.35 
.06 
.32 
.14 
.12 
.50 

$6.00 
6.00 
4.92 
4.92 

M  .51 
3,81 
3.79 
3.66 

Mar  2* 

Mar  30 

Mai'.  31  

\pr  1 

Ap'  2 

Total     . 

290 

2.90 

149 

1.49 

JJ9~ 
.34 
.30 
.53 
.18 
.45 

Apr.  3  

79 
57 
70 
110 
90 
91 

.79 
.57 
.70 
1.10 
.90 
.91 

39 
34 

30 
53 

18 
45 

Apr  4 

Apr.  6  

Apr  7  

Apr  8 

Apr.  9  

Total  
Apr  10 

497 

4.97 

Tse" 

.50 
.83 
1.00 
.73 
.42 

219 

2.19 

86 
50 
83 
100 
782 
M8 

(3) 
(<) 

512 

655 
90 
55 

Apr  11 

Apr.  13  

.12 

.28 
.45 

.28 

Apr.  14  .. 

Apr.  15 

Apr.  16  

Total 

9449 

4.34 

T69~ 
.50 

W212 

1.13 

Apr.  17  

ii  78 
50 

(12) 

99 
98 
104* 

68 
9 

<B)4S 
70 
55 

.34 
.05 

Apr  18 

Apr.  19  

Apr.  21  . 

.99 
.98 
1.05 

.24 
.35 

.28 

Apr  22 

Apr  23 

Total 

"  429$ 

4.21 

250 

1.26 

1  Standard  rate,  100  hems  a  day,  one  cent  each,  or  200  headings  a  day,  one-half  cent  each.    Minimum 
flat  rate,  $1  a  day,  $8  a  week. 

2  Had  attended  trade  school  17  months  and  had  had  2  months'  experience  in  machine  operating.    First 
placed  by  the  trade  school  February,  1913;  replaced  February,  1914,  and  received  her  certificate  April,  1914. 

3  Record  not  complete. 
•»  Fixing  poor  work. 
*  Hems. 

6  From  this  time  on  this  girl  worked  on  headings. 

7  Including  19  pairs  of  headings. 

8  Including  12  pairs  of  tops. 

9  Including  19  pairs  of  headings  and  12  pairs  of  tops. 

10  Including  12  hems. 

«  Including  18  pairs  of  tops. 
12  Holiday. 


52 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE  31.— RELATIVE  COST  TO    EMPLOYER   OF  TRAINING  A  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRL 
AND  AN  UNTRAINED  GIRL  IN  POWER-MACHINE  OPERATING— Concluded. 


Date. 

Trade-school  girl. 

Untrained  girl. 

Amount 
of  work 
done. 

Value 
of  work 
done. 

Amount 
paid. 

Loss  to 
firm. 

Amount 
of  work 
done. 

Value 
of  work 
done. 

Amount 
paid. 

Loss  to 
firm. 

Apr.  24...  . 

Pairs. 
105 
26 
163 
111 
99 
131 

81.05 
.26 
1.63 
1.11 
.99 
.15 

$6.79 
6.46 

51.60 
1.52 

Pairs. 
B5 
39 

64 
89 
71 

78 

SO.  42 
.20 
.32 
.45 
.36 
.39 

$6.00 
6.00 

$3.86 
2.69 

Apr.  25 

Apr  27 

Apr.  28... 

Apr  29 

Apr.  30  

Total     . 

2535 

5.19 

426 

2.14 

May  1.. 

82 
43 
80 
U05 
U49 
199 

.82 
.43 
.80 
.93 
1.46 
.50 

61 
40 
60 
32 
84 
383 

.31 

.20 
.30 
.16 
.42 
1.92 

May  2 

May  4 

May  5.  .  . 

May  6 

May  7 

Total 

&558 

4.94 

660 

3.31 

1  Headings. 

2  Including  31  pairs  of  headings. 


a  Including  24  pairs  of  headings.    5  Including  123  pairs  of  headings. 
4  Including  6  pairs  of  headings. 


In  this  case  the  first  girl  had  spent  17  months  in  the  trade  school, 
and  had  also  worked  2  months  on  a  power  machine  in  another  factory, 
while  the  second  girl  was  wholly  inexperienced  and  untrained. 
They  entered  the  factory  at  the  same  time.  At  the  end  of  her  fifth 
week  in  the  factory  the  trade-school  girl  had  come  within  81  cents  of 
producing  the  minimum  amount  of  work  for  which  she  was  paid.1 
Not  until  the  thirteenth  week  did  she  produce  the  full  amount,  and 
she  did  not  produce  this  amount  regularly  until  she  had  been  at 
work  for  five  months.  The  inexperienced  girl  worked  12  weeks 
before  she  produced  the  $6  she  was  paid.  During  the  first  six  weeks 
covered  by  the  table,  the  employer,  apart  from  cost  of  supervision, 
etc.,  lost  S6.52  on  the  work  of  the  trade-school  girl  and  $22.32  on  the 
work  of  the  untrained  girl.  After  26  weeks  he  gave  this  second  girl 
up  as  hopeless,  and  she  was  dismissed.  The  trade-school  girl  in  April, 
1914,  received  her  certificate  from  the  school. 

There  seems  some  reason  for  concluding  that  a  trade-school  girl 
reaches  her  full  productivity  in  a  factory  in  a  shorter  time  than  an 
untrained  girl,  i.  e.,  that  her  shop  training  is  less  expensive  for  the 
employer.  After  this  period  of  initiation  does  her  school  training 
give  her  any  permanent  advantage  ?  The  following  table  gives  the 
weekly  product  for  a  number  of  weeks  of  two  pairs  of  workers,  each 
pair  consisting  of  one  trade-school  and  one  trade-trained  girl,  the 
members  of  each  pair  having  approximately  the  same  amount  of 
experience,  and  all  having  served  their  initiatory  period  in  the  factory 
in  which  they  were  employed  when  these  records  were  kept. 

i  If  the  worker  exceeds  the  standard  rate  of  81  a  day  on  any  particular  day,  this  excess  amount  is  paid 
as  a  bonus,  even  though  she  may  fall  below  the  standard  amount  of  production  on  another  day.  Thus, 
this  girl  in  her  fifth  week  received  $6.79,  because  she  had  exceeded  the  standard  on  three  days,  but  her 
weekly  output  was  below  the  standard  rate. 


THE   SCHOOL  PROBLEM. 


53 


TABLE  32.— COMPARATIVE  PRODUCTIVE  CAPACITY  OF  TRADE-SCHOOL  AND  TRADE- 
TRAINED  GIRLS  IN  POWER-MACHINE  OPERATING  AFTER  THREE  AND  AFTER 
FIVE  YEARS  OF  EXPERIENCE. 


Week. 

Amounts  earned  each  specified  week  in  power-machine  operating  after- 

Three  years'  expe- 
rience by  — 

Week. 

Five  years'  expe- 
rience by— 

Trade- 
school 
girl.1 
(Case  D.) 

Trade- 
trained 
girl. 
(Case  E.) 

Trade- 
school 
girl-2 
(Case  F.) 

Trade- 
trained 
girl. 
(Case  G.) 

September: 
1st  week  

$7.62 
5.27 
7.80 
7.74 
8.66 

7.00 
6.86 
7.58 
6.13 

7.14 
7.02 
8.10 
6.56 

8.98 
9.42 
8.90 
9.05 

5.88 

S8.94 
6.38 
7.08 
6.30 
9.34 

7.73 
6.16 
8.87 
10.21 

9.30 
10.45 
10.25 

7.85 

11.  20 
8.28 
8.91 
7.00 
5.36 

Mav: 
"1st  week  

$6.  CO 
8.88 
8.13 
8.04 

6.48 
8.00 
6.64 
4.80 

5.76 
8.00 
8.00 
8.00 

8.25 
6.56 
8.14 
8.21 

$10.27 
4.74 
8.53 

Q    1^. 
»•  10 

7.50 
9.15 
7.65 
5.74 

5.04 
7.00 
7.00 
7.00 

6.37 
7.00 
9.15 
10.98 

2d  week  .  .  . 

2d  week  . 

3d  week  

3d  week  

4th  week  

4th  week  

5th  week 

June: 
1st  week  

October: 
1st  week                   ... 

2d  week                   .  .  . 

2d  week 

3d  week" 

3d  week    

4th  week  

4th  week 

July: 
1st  week  

November: 
1st  week          

2d  week  

2d  week 

3d  week 

3d  week  

4th  week  

4th  week 

August: 
1st  week  

December: 
1st  week     . 

2d  week  .... 

2d  week 

3d  week 

3d  week  

4th  week  .  . 

4th  week 

Total 

5th  week 

Total 

118.  49 
7.41 

122.  69 
7.67 

135.  71 

7.54 

149..61 
8.31 

Average  wage  for  above 
period  

Average  wage  for  above 

Average    weekly  wage 
for  the  year  

Average    weekly    wage 
for  the  year 

7.49 

7.85 

6.89 

11.20 

1  Placed  by  the  trade  school  in  straw  stitching,  December,  1912,  and  June,  1913;  placed  in  this  position 
November,  1913. 

2  Placed  by  the  trade  school  April,  1911,  in  another  curtain  factory.    Received  her  certificate,  October, 

Cases  D  and  E  were  the  same  age,  21  years,  and  each  received  a 
flat  rate  of  $7  a  week,  with  a  bonus  for  overproduction.  Case  D, 
the  trade-school  girl,  had  worked  18  months  on  handwork  in  a  cur- 
tain factory  before  entering  the  tracje  school.  After  a  ten  months' 
course  in  power-machine  operating  on  straw  hats,  she  entered  a  hat 
factory  for  5  months.  She  returned  in  the  dull  season  to  the  school 
for  a  four  months'  course  in  power-machine  operating  on  cloth,  and 
when  interviewed  had  been  for  a  year  and  three  months  in  the  cur- 
tain factory.  Case  E,  the  trade-trained  girl,  had  had  three  and  a 
half  years'  experience  in  selling  and  office  work,  and  three  years' 
experience  in  power-machine  operating.  Case  D,  who  had  had  three 
years  and  two  months'  working  experience  and  14  months  in  the 
trade  school,  earned  during  the  last  four  months  of  1914,  as  shown 
in  the  table,  $135.71,  and  her  average  weekly  wage  for  this  period  was 
$7.54.  Case  E  earned  during  the  last  four  months  of  1914,  $149.61, 
and  her  average  weekly  wage  for  this  period  was  $8.31.  If  the  trade- 
school  training  equals  the  trade  experience,  both  had  had  about 


54  INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE    OF   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 

three  years'  experience  in  power-machine  operating,  and  they  were 
the  same  age,  but  the  trade-school  girl  earned,  on  an  average,  77 
cents  per  week  less  than  the  trade-trained  girl. 

In  the  second  group,  Case  F,  a  trade-school  girl  who  had  spent  two 
years  in  thexlressmaking  and  machine-operating  courses  and  had  been 
working  at  power-machine  operating  for  three  years  and  three  months, 
might  be  said  to  have  had  five  years'  experience.  Comparing  her 
productive  capacity  with  that  of  a  trade-trained  girl  (CaseG)  who  had 
had  five  years'  experience  we  find  that  while  their  production  for  any 
given  week  may  vary  rather  widely,  for  the  four  months  covered  it 
averages  very  nearly  the  same — 17.41  against  $7.67.  Their  average 
weekly  wages  for  the  whole  year  were  also  nearly  the  same,  the  trade- 
school  girl's  being  $7.49  and  the  other's,  $7.85.  In  both  these 
instances,  therefore,  the  trade-school  girl  falls  a  little  below  the  trade- 
trained  girl  in  productive  capacity  after  an  equal  experience  in  the 
trade. 

A  few  cases,  of  course,  offer  a  wholly  insufficient  basis  for  any  con- 
clusion, but  the  pay  roll  of  this  factory  gives  further  evidence  in  the 
same  direction.  Capable  workers  can  earn  a  fair  wage,  about  60 
per  cent  earning  $7  or  over  per  week.  The  trade-school  girls  in  this 
particular  factory  do  not  show  superior  productive  capacity.  The 
chief  advantage  they  gain  from  their  trade-school  work  is  greater 
ease  in  securing  access  to  the  factory,  for  comparatively  few  employers 
will  take  wholly  inexperienced  workers.  The  school  aids  its  pupils 
in  securing  entrance  and  offers  supplementary  training  to  strengthen 
their  deficiencies.  But  this  limited  data  does  show  the  trade  school 
which  has  sought  to  train  these  girls,  and  educators,  who  after  one 
glance,  assume  that  power-machine  'operating  is  a  simple  process 
which  can  be  acquired  in  a  few  hours,  that  there  is  a  pressing  need 
for  a  more  careful  analysis  of  the  occupations  hi  this  industry  and 
their  requirements  from  the  standpoint  of  trade  knowledge,  skill, 
maturity,  and  adjustment.  Tl^e  Boston  Trade  School,  as  has  been 
shown  by  the  enrollment  in  its  courses,  has  given  little  emphasis  to 
this  factory  industry.  But  the  growth  of  the  wholesale  manufactur- 
ing and  the  decline  of  the  hand  trades  will  require  that  more  atten- 
tion be  given  to  this  branch  of  the  sewing  trades,  and  when  the 
trade  school  attacks  this  problem  in  the  same  spirit  as  that  in  which 
it  has  taken  up  the  custom  trades,  a  better  showing  may  be  expected. 

Returning  to  the  length  of  time  required  for  adaptation  to  actual 
trade  conditions,  it  may  be  noted  that  this  seems  to  be  underestimated 
by  most  writers,  who  are  inclined  to  think  that  "at  the  present 
day  this  mechanical  skill  is  easily  obtained.  To  the  young  school- 
girl whose  muscles  are  all  responsive  and  trained,  a  little  practice 
on  power  machines  in  the  schools  would  prepare  her  to  be  employed 
in  the  factory  at  once  at  the  wage  of  an  experienced  worker.  She 


THE   SCHOOL  PROBLEM.  55 

could  sit  down  at  a  power  machine  and  become  a  pieceworker  without 
delay  because  she  knows  how  to  control  her  machine/'  *  The  pay 
roll  data  of  production  and  the  unanimous  report  of  all  the  employers 
visited  seem  to  indicate  (1)  that  experienced  workers  require-  a 
month  to  adjust  themselves  to  new  conditions;  (2)  that  untrained 
workers  require  from  one  month  to  two  to  reach  even  once  the 
minimum  standard  of  production,  and  a  still  longer  time  to  maintain 
it  continuously;  and  (3)  that  judgment,  speed,  and  manual  dexterity 
are  the  real  basis  of  success,  not  merely  "a  little  practice  on  power 
machines  in  the  schools ." 

SCHOOL  TESTS  FOR  ASCERTAINING  TRADE  ABILITY. 

The  trade  school  admits  every  girl  between  14  and  25  years  of  age 
who  applies,  but  since  the  trades  for  which  it  offers  training  require 
certain  definite  qualities,  and  since  not  all  girls  possess  these  qualities, 
it  is  most  important  that  some  devices  should  be  evolved  to  ascertain 
as  soon  as  possible  the  pupil's  fitness  for  these  trades.  Three  such 
devices  are  in  use,  preliminary  conferences  with  child  and  parent, 
emphasis  on  the  summer  school  session  as  an  opportunity  for  testing 
out  the  pupil,  and  subsequent  shifting  from  one  course  to  another 
in  order  to  find  out  for  what  the  pupil  is  really  adapted. 

In  Worcester  the  first  device  is  emphasized.  The  applicant  must 
register  at  the  school  and  fill  out  a  detailed  application  blank  which 
requires  some  intelligence  and  thought  and  provides  some  index 
of  the  girl's  capacity.  Her  parents  are  urged  to  come  and  discuss 
with  the  teachers  the  course  she  has  chosen,  that  they  may  clearly 
understand  what  to  expect  of  the  girl  and  of  the  school,  and  they 
are  kept  informed  of  her  progress  by  weekly  or  monthly  reports. 

In  both  Boston  and  Worcester  the  summer  session  of  the  school  is 
used  extensively  as  an  opportunity  for  testing  out  applicants  with 
less  loss  to  both  pupils  and  school.  In  Boston  there  has  been  a 
change  of  policy  in  this  respect.  From  1904  to  1909  pupils  were 
allowed  to  enter  the  summer  school  in  order  to  make  their  own 
clothes  even  though  they  had  no  intention  of  remaining  for  the 
regular  term.  Since  1909,  however,  the  summer  session  has  been 
conducted  under  the  same  rules  as  the  regular  term,  and  only  pupils 
who  have  some  intention  of  remaining  are  admitted.  The  Worcester 
Trade  School  definitely  requires  that  all  new  pupils  wishing  to  enroll 
in  September  shall  enter  in  June;  the  Boston  school  does  not  make  this 
course  obligatory,  but  urges  it.  Those  who  enter  have  the  oppor- 
tunity of  finding  out  during  this  short  term  whether  the  training  is 
what  they  wish,  and  whether  they  are  qualified  to  take  it  to  advan- 
tage; if  not,  they  can  reenter  the  regular  schools  at  the  fall  term 
without  any  loss  of  time  such  as  they  would  incur  if  they  entered  the 

*  Anna  C.  Hedges:  Wage  worth  of  school  training,  p.  7. 


56 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


trade  school  in  September  and  later  found  themselves  imsuited  to  it. 
The  following  table  shows  for  each  year  what  proportion  of  the  pupils 
entering  the  summer  session  of  the  Boston  and  the  Worcester  trade 
schools  remained  for  the  fall  term: 

TABLE  33.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  PUPILS  ENTERING  THE  SUMMER  SESSION 
OF  THE  BOSTON  AND  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOLS  WHO  REMAINED  AND  WHO 
DID  NOT  REMAIN  FOR  THE  FALL  TERM. 

BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL. 


Summer  of  — 

Girls  enrolled  in  the  summer  session.1 

Number. 

Per  cent.* 

Remain- 
ing. 

Not  re- 
maining. 

Not  re- 
ported. 

Total. 

Remain- 
ing. 

Not  re- 
maining. 

Total. 

1904 

15 
14 
25 
36 

45 

87 

16 
22 
39 
42 
96 
49 

31 

36 
64 
78 
141 
86 

48.4 
38.9 
39.1 
46.2 
31.9 
43.0 

51.6 
61.1 
60.9 
53.8 
68.1 
57.0 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

1905  

1906 

1907 

1908  

190y  

Total  

172 

26~ 
30 
22 

264 

436 

39.4 

60.6 

100.0 

1911  3 

10 

4 

20 

24 
3 

60 
37 
42 

72.2 

88.2 
52.4 

27.8 
11.8 
47.6 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

1912  

1913  

Total  

78  |             34 

27 

139 

69.6 

30.4 

100.0 

Grand  total    . 

250 

298 

27 

575 

45.6 

54.4 

100.0 

WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL. 


1912  . 

7 

15 

22 

31.8 

68.2 

100  0 

1913 

3 

11 

14 

21  4 

78  6 

100  0 

1914 

g 

25 

34 

26  5 

73  5 

100  0 

Total. 

19 

51 

70 

27.1 

72  9 

100  0 

1  Includes  only  girls  entering  trade  school  for  the  first  time  in  the  summer. 

2  Based  on  number  for  whom  reports  were  received. 

3  No  summer  session  was  held  in  1910. 

In  the  Boston  school  the  proportion  remaining  for  the  fall  term 
has  increased  materially  since  1909,  when  the  summer  session  was 
put  under  the  same  rule  as  the  regular  sessions.  This  may  be  due 
to  the  fact  that  the  earlier  plan  attracted  a  number  who  had  no 
intention  of  remaining,  or  it  may  simply  be  a  change  similar  to  that 
found  among  the  pupils  of  the  school  as  a  whole;  it  will  be  remem- 
bered that  those  entering  during  the  last  five  years  of  the  period 
studied  were  a  less  shifting  group  than  those  of  the  first  period. 
In  Worcester  the  proportion  remaining  for  the  fall  session  has  been 
small  for  the  whole  period  considered;  no  explanation  of  this  fact 
is  offered. 

Classified  by  the  reasons  they  give  for  not  continuing  in  the  trade 
school,  the  pupils  of  the  trade  schools  in  the  two  cities  show  a  very 
different  grouping.  The  following  table  gives  the  number  and  pro- 
portion leaving  for  each  reason : 


THE   SCHOOL  PROBLEM. 


57 


TABLE  34.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  GIRLS  WHO  ENTERED  THE  BUMMER  SESSION 
OF  THE  BOSTON  AND  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOLS,  GIVING  EACH  SPECIFIED 
REASON  FOR  NOT  REMAINING  FOR  FALL  SESSION. 


Reason  for  not  remaining  for  fall 
session. 

Girls  entering  summer  session  of  specified  trade  school  but  not 
remaining  for  fall  session. 

Number. 

Per  cent.' 

Boston  Trade  School. 

Worces- 
ter 
Trade 
School. 

Total. 

Boston 
Trade 
School. 

Worces- 
ter 
Trade 
School. 

Total. 

1904- 
1909 

1909- 
1914 

Total. 

Went  to  work: 
In  her  trade.  .           . 

4 
8 
1 

4 
8 
1 
2 
2 
11 

1 
1 

Q 

2 
11 

In  manufacturing  

In  personal  service  

In  a  store 

1 
2 

6 

1 

In  an  office  

Work  unknown 

5 

1 

Total 

j  

22 
154~ 

31 

10 

6 
__^_ 

28 
171 

S 

3 

io" 

31         10.  3 

9.7 
32.3 

10.2 
59^5 

Returned  to  school 

181 

31 
4 

.    62.6 

School  reasons: 
A  bsence  

Expulsion.... 



i 

Vacation  

10 

Total  

45 

45 

45 

19 
12 

16.5 

14.8 

Personal  reasons: 
Health 

15 

15 
3 
2 

4 
9 

~ 

Incapacity  

2 
2 

1 

Incompatability  

Total 

19 

1 

20 

1 
5 
2 
1 

13 

33  1        7.3 

41.9 

10.9 

Home  causes: 
Economic  pressure  

1 
5 
1 
1 

1 
8 
3 

Needed 

3 
1 

1 

Moved 

1 

Other  reasons  

Total  

8 
16~ 

1 

<T 

sT 

9 
25~ 

298 

5             14           3.3 

16.1 

4.6 

Not  reported  

20             45 
51           349 

Grand  total 

264 

100.0 

100.0  j       100.0 

1  Based  on  number  of  girls  whose  reasons  for  leaving  were  known. 

In  Boston  by  far  the  largest  proportion  left  in  order  to  return  to 
the  regular  schools,  and  the  next  largest  for  some  school  reason. 
These  school  reasons,  however — absence,  expulsion,  and  vacation — 
were  given  in  the  Boston  school  only  during  the  first  five  years  of  its 
history,  before  its  purpose  and  methods  were  thoroughly  under- 
stood. In  Worcester  the  largest  number  left  for  personal  reasons, 
among  which  incapacity  plays  the  most  prominent  part,  and  the 
number  returning  to  the  regular  schools  is,  proportionately,  only 
about  one-third  as  large  as  in  Boston.  The  proportion  leaving  in 
order  to  go  to  work  is  small  in  both  cities,  and  so  is  the  proportion 
leaving  for  home  causes.  Among  these  pupils  economic  pressure  as 
a  reason  for  leaving  is  even  less  important  than  among  the  pupils  of 
the  school  as  a  whole. 


58  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

The  preliminary  conference  with  pupils  and  parents  and  the  sum- 
mer sessions  are  both  useful  in  discovering  what  aptitude  a  girl  may 
possess  for  her  chosen  trade,  but  in  addition  both  schools  make  use 
of  the  plan  of  changing  a  pupil  from  one  course  to  another,  if  she  does 
not  seem  suited  to  the  first.  In  the  Boston  Trade  School  records  123 
pupils,  6  per  cent  of  the  total  group  of  2,044,  were  reported  as  en- 
rolled in  two  or  more  courses.  The  most  frequent  sequence  seems 
to  be  from  custom  work  in  dressmaking  or  millinery  to  power-machine 
operating  on  hats  or  cloth.  Of  the  123  girls  who  changed  from  one 
course  to  another,  two-fifths  (40.7  per  cent)  never  used  either  trade; 
this  probably  means  that  the  pupils  were  unfitted  to  succeed  in  any 
of  the  trades  taught  by  the  school.  In  Worcester,  12  girls,  3.5  per 
cent  of  the  whole  number,  took  a  part  of  two  courses,  beginning 
usually  with  dressmaking  or  millinery  and  then  being  tried  on  power- 
machine  operating. 

SPECIAL  METHODS  FOR  ADAPTING  PUPILS  TO  TRADE  DEMANDS. 

In  addition  to  a  general  knowledge  of  the  trade  they  have  chosen, 
industry  demands  of  the  workers  "common  sense''  or  general  intelli- 
gence, and  trade  skill,  and  an  important  part  of  the  trade-school 
work  consists  of  qualifying  the  pupil  to  meet  these  demands.  The 
task  of  developing  common  sense,  which  is  difficult  because  of  the 
immaturity  of  the  girls  and  the  indefiniteness  of  the  demand,  devolves 
partly  on  the  trade  teachers  and  partly  on  the  academic  teachers  in 
the  trade  schools.  The  academic  teachers  have  reduced  to  as  sys- 
tematic a  form  as  possible  the  general  knowledge  about  the  trades 
which  the  trade  teachers  have  acquired  by  experience.  As  the  pupils 
are  too  young  to  be  taught  theoiy  alone,  they  are  given  such 
principles  as  they  need  to  do  their  work  intelligently.  The  teaching 
in  arithmetic,  art,  and  English  is  based  on  the  trade  work,  and  in  the 
trade  classes  a  constant  demand  for  reasoning  is  made.  As  it  is  a 
manifest  impossibility  to  develop  resourcefulness  in  pupils  by  unsys- 
tematic means,  the  blending  of  theory  and  practice  devised  by  trade 
schools  in  their  supplementary  courses  is  probably  the  best  available 
substitute  for  actual  shop  experience  as  a  training  for  meeting  new 
problems. 

The  demand  for  trade  skill  is  less  indefinite  than  that  for  common 
sense,  and  is  easier  to  meet,  since  skill  can  be  given  by  repetition  and 
variation  of  processes.  The  acquisition  of  skill  requires  practice  on 
the  actual  product  which  the  trade  produces.  For  this  reason,  the 
production  of  salable  articles  has  been  the  goal  since  the  beginning 
of  the  trade-school  experiment.  The  rooms  used  for  trade  work,  the 
methods,  standards,  and  materials  resemble  as  closely  as  possible  those 
of  the  trade,  and  the  Droduct  of  each  school  is  sold  at  market  prices  to 
regular  customers. 


THE   SCHOOL   PROBLEM.  59 

The  making  of  a  salable  product  holds  two  elements  of  danger, 
recognized  as  such  by  the  schools  themselves :  First,  the  gauging  of 
the  success  of  the  school  by  the  money  value  of  the  product,  and  sec- 
ond, the  subordinating  of  the  training  of  the  pupil  to  the  production 
of  standardized  goods.  As  to  the  first,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that 
trade  schools  can  never  hope  to  be  even  approximately  self-support- 
ing. The  revenue  derived  from  the  sale  of  their  products  varies  from 
14.7  per  cejit  to  29:5  per  cent  of  their  cost  of  operation.1  The  real  test 
of  the  success  of  a  trade  school  is  the  success  of  its  pupils  in  their 
trades,  and  it  is  a  menace  to  the  fundamental  conception  of  the  school 
to  apply  any  other  test  to  its  work. 

The  second  danger  is  closely  connected  with  the  first.  When  a 
pupil  has  learned  to  perform  a  given  process  well  and  quickly  there  is 
a  temptation  to  keep  her  on  that  process  for  the  sake  of  the  output, 
if  the  product  is  to  be  sold,  and  if,  therefore,  her  skill  and  speed  have  a 
money  value.  In  fact,  parents  are  inclined  to  complain  that  their 
daughters  are  kept  too  long  on  processes  in  which  they  exhibit  unusual 
skill,  but  the  complaint  does  not  seem  well  grounded.  The  figures 
already  given  (see  Table  24)  show  that  among  the  girls  placed 
by  the  Boston  Trade  School  there  was  a  wide  variation  in  the  time 
spent  in  training;  if  the  school  were  trying  to  keep  a  girl  as  long  as 
possible  in  one  process  for  the  sake  of  utilizing  her  special  skill,  it 
would  hardly  have  placed  nearly  200  girls  who  have  been  in  training 
for  less  than  12  months.  In  Worcester,  it  is  true,  no  girl  may  graduate 
with  less  than  two  years  of  training,  but  the  girl  of  unusual  ability  can 
complete  in  this  time  work  much  greater  in  amount  and  more  varied 
in  process  than  the  girl  of  less  capacity,  and  her  time  is  spent  in  gaining 
this  extra  experience,  not  in  repeating  one  process. 

When  the  experiment  in  trade  training  was  still  new  the  possibility 
of  a  third  danger  was  seen  in  the  opportunity  for  competition  between 
the  trade  school  and  the  manufacturer  in  the  disposal  of  their  prod- 
ucts, but  this  fear  has  proved  unfounded.  Trade  schools  sell  at 
regular  market  prices,  and  produce  a  relatively  small  amount,  which 
is  not  of  uniform  quality;  hence  employers  do  not  fear  them  as  com- 
petitors. 

The  production  under  trade-school  conditions  of  salable  goods, 
although  a  valuable  means  of  training,  does  not  give  the  pupil  the 
familiarity  with  trade  conditions  which  will  enable  her  to  fit  easily 
and  quickly  into  an  actual  shop  or  factory,  and  to  supply  this  several 
devices  have  been  tried.  In  Boston,  trade  shops,  opened  in  1907,2 
were  established  to  "  com  bine  the  necessity  of  earning  a  weekly  wage 
with  the  opportunity  of  prolonging  trade  training."  3  The  girl  who 

1  See  Table  140,  p.  256. 

2  Second  Annual  Report  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls,  1906,  p.  14. 

3  Third  Annual  Report  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls,  1907,  p.  15. 


60  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

had  spent  one  year  at  the  trade  school  was  paid  $4  to  $7  a  week  in 
these  shops,  where  she  was  taught  new  processes  under  trade  condi- 
tions, and  was  acquainted  with  the  items  of  shop  expense,  so  that  she 
could  see  her  own  place  in  the  industry.1 

A  second  experiment,  part-time  work,  was  tried  later.  The  girls 
were  to  work  in  the  shop  and  in  the  school  on  alternate  weeks  until 
their  work  was  worth  $6  a  week  to  their  employers.2  This  plan  failed, 
because  girls  who  had  begun  to  earn  were  unwilling  to  return  to  the 
school. 

A  third  method  has  been  tried  in  Worcester  in  connection  with 
the  millinery  courses.  The  school  has  not  as  yet  enough  orders  for 
work  to  give  girls  the  requisite  training  in  meeting  custom  demands, 
so  they  are  expected  to  spend  from  three  weeks  to  five  months  before 
graduation  in  shops.  Seventeen  girls  have  had  this  training;  their 
wages  vary  from  SI. 50  for  part  time  to  $6  for  full  time. 

The  schools  have,  then,  tried  in  various  ways  to  fit  their  pupils  to 
meet  the  demands  their  trades  will  make  upon  them.  By  a  com- 
bination of  theory  with  trade  work  they  have  endeavored  to  develop 
"common  sense"  or  general  intelligence.  By  insisting  that  their 
trade  work  shall  produce  a  salable  product,  and  by  trade  tests,  they 
have  tried  to  give  skill  in  the  handling  of  materials  and  in  the  pro- 
cesses which  their  pupils  will  be  required  to  use  in  industry;  and  they 
have  also  tried  to  make  them  familiar  with  the  conditions  under 
which  they  will  have  to  work  later,  with  a  view  to  shortening  the 
time  required  for  " fitting  in"  to  the  actual  shop  or  factory. 

STABILITY  OF  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS  IN  TRADE  POSITIONS. 

The  real  test  of  the  success  of  these  devices  comes  when  the  pupils 
go  into  industry,  or  rather,  when  they  go  into  industry  with  the 
approval  of  the  school.  The  conditions  under  which  this  approval 
is  given  are  different  in  the  two  leading  schools.  In  Worcester  the 
pupils  are  required  to  graduate  before  the  school  will  pronounce  them 
fit,  and  for  graduation  they  must  have  had  1,700  hours  of  trade  work 
with  required  supplementary  work.  When  this  has  been  satis- 
factorily completed  the  school  will  recommend  girls  for  positions, 
but  believing  that  they  should  have  the  discipline  of  finding  posi- 
tions for  themselves  the  school  refuses  to  place  them.  In  Boston  the 
pupils  are  placed  as  soon  as  the  school  believes  that  they  have  suffi- 
cient ability  to  succeed.  The  school  has  a  list  of  cooperating  employ- 
ers who  send  to  it  when  they  need  young  workers,  and  thus  it  is 
usually  able  to  send  a  girl  to  a  position  as  soon  as  she  is  fitted  for  it. 
In  lieu  of  diplomas,  the  Boston  school  grants  certificates  to  girls 

1  Florence  M.  Marshall:  Shops  for  trade  training,  Federation  Bulletin,  November,  1907. 

2  Trade  School  Bulletin,  April,  1911. 


THE   SCHOOL  PROBLEM.  61 

placed  in  industry  after  they  have  worked,  satisfactorily  to  their 
employer,  for  three  months.1 

Most  studies  of  young  workers  emphasize  their  tendency  to  shift 
from  one  position  to  another  especially  in  the  first  years  after  going 
to  work.  In  this  respect  the  trade-school  pupils  make  a  fairly  good 
showing.  Table  35  gives  the  number  and  proportion  of  pupils 
from  the  Boston  Trade  School  remaining  for  specified  periods 
in  their  first  position,  and  for  purposes  of  comparison  similar  figures 
are  given  for  the  200  girls,  discussed  above,  who  had  acquired  their 
training  in  the  trade. 

Considering  first  the  trade-school  pupils,  it  appears  that  about  one- 
half  remained  in  their  first  position  for  six  months  or  longer,  about 
one-fifth  remained  longer  than  six  months  but  less  than  one  year,  and 
about  three-tenths  for  a  year  or  more.  The  trade  school,  however, 
frequently  moves  a  girl  on  its  own  initiative  as  better  openings  ap- 
pear or  as  the  placement  agent  learns  of  positions  for  which  these 
young  people  are  better  equipped.  The  girls  who  found  their  own 
positions  show  a  little  more  stability  than  those  placed  by  the  school, 
though  the  difference  is  small,  and  appears  principally  among  those 
who  made  a  very  short  stay  in  the  first  position,  those  who  held 
it  for  less  than  a  month  being  proportionately  twice  as  numerous 
among  the  school-placed  as  among  the  self -placed  pupils.  There 
seems  less  stability  among  those  placed  by  the  school  in  the  last  five 
years  than  among  those  placed  in  the  first  period,  and  like  the  con- 
trast between  the  school-placed  and  the  self -placed  this  is  most  evi- 
dent in  those  staying  but  a  short  time  in  the  first  position ;  those  leav- 
ing within  three  months  formed  only  25.2  per  cent  of  those  placed 
in  the  period  1004-1909  against  32.8  per  cent  of  those  placed  in 
the  period  1909-1914.  Since  the  .school  has  now  a  much  larger 
number  of  cooperating  firms  than  in  its  earlier  period  it  can  use  more 
care  in  its  placements,  and  since  it  keeps  its  pupils  for  a  longer  time 
they  should  be  better  prepared  to  hold  their  first  position;  hence  the 
increase  in  the  proportion  failing  to  do  so  is  doubly  curious.  It  is 
suggested,  however,  that  the  lesser  stability  may  be  due  to  changes 
in  industry,  particularly  in  the  trades  for  which  the  school  offers 
training,  which  militate  against  a  long  tenure  of  the  initial  position. 

Turning  to  the  second  part  of  the  table,  it  is  evident  that  the  girls 
who  acquired  their  training  in  the  trade  excel  the  trade-school  girls 
in  the  length  of  time  spent  in  their  first  position.  Only  28.8  per  cent 
of  the  trade- trained  girls  left  their  first  position  in  less  than  six  months, 
as  against  49.9  per  cent  of  the  whole  group  of  trade-school  girls. 
*  The  proportion  of  the  trade-trained  girls  holding  their  first  position 
less  than  a  month  is  almost  negligible,  and  the  proportion  leaving  it 
under  three  months  is  not  quite  one-eighth.  It  is  to  be  remembered, 

i  Trade  School  Bulletin  VII,  November,  1913. 


62 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE   OF   TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


however,  that  these  trade- trained  girls  are  "survivors,"  girls  who  have 
worked  their  way  up  in  the  trade,  and  that  there  is  no  means  of  know- 
ing how  many  others,  starting  out  at  the  same  tune  they  did,  failed 
to  hold  their  first  position  or  any  subsequent  one,  and  drifted  out  of 
the  trades  altogether. 

TABLE  35.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  WHO  USED 
THEIR  TRADE  AND  OF  TRADE-TRAINED  GIRLS  REMAINING  IN  THEIR  FIRST  POSI- 
TIONS FOR  SPECIFIED  PERIODS. 

BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


Length  of  time  in  first  position. 

Number  remaining  specified  time  in  first  position. 

1904-1909 

1909-1914 

Total. 

Grand 
total. 

Placed 
by  the 
school. 

Not 
placed 
by  the 
school. 

Placed 
by  the 
school. 

Not 
E  laced 
y  the 
school. 

Placed 
by  the 
school. 

Not 
placed 
by  the 
school. 

Under  1  month  

19 
27 
41 
26 
16 
54 
1 

3 
9 
9 
3 
1 
17 
1 

54 
«84 
178 
50 
<31 
123 

15 
i  14 
123 

316 

8 
23 
1 

73 
111 
119 

76 
47 
177 
8 

8 
23 
32 
19 
9 
40 
2 

H 

i:,l 
151 
95 
56 
217 
10 

1  and  under  3  months 

3  and  under  6  months 

6  and  under  9  months  

9  and  under  12  months       .          .  . 

1  year  and  over 

Not  known 

Total  

184 

43 

427 

90 

611 

133 

744 

Under  1  month 

Per  cent  remaining  specified  time  in  first  positions 

10.4 
14.8 
22.4 
1-1.2 
8.7 
29.5 

7.1 
21.4 
21.4 

7.2 
2.4 

40.5 

12.8 
20.0 
18.6 
11.9 
7.4 
29.3 

5.6 
15.7 
25.8 
18.0 
9.0 
25.8 

12.1 
18.4 
19.7 
12,6 

7.8 
29.4 

6.1 
17.6 
24.4 
14.5 
6.9 
30.5 

11.0 

IS.  3 

12.9 
7.6 

29.6 

1  and  under  3  months     

3  and  under  6  months 

6  and  under  9  months 

9  and  under  12  months           

1  year  and  over  .  '  . 

Total 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

TRADE-TRAINED  WORKERS, 


Girls  remaining  specified  time  in  first  position:  Dress- 
making and  cloth  power-machine  operating. 


Timfi  in  first  position. 

Nuinbe] 

Per  cent.s 

Dress- 
mak- 
ing. 

Power- 
ma- 
chine 
operat- 
ing. 

Total. 

Dress- 
making. 

Power- 
machine 
operat- 
ing. 

Total. 

Under  1  month  

4 

1 

5 

4  1 

1  0 

2  5 

1  and  under  3  months     .  . 

8 

11 

19 

8  2 

11  0 

9  6 

3  and  under  6  months 

17 

16 

33 

17  3 

16  0 

16  7 

6  and  under  9  months  

11 

4 

15 

11  2 

4.0 

7  5 

9  and  under  12  months  

5 

11 

16 

5  1 

11  0 

S  1 

1  year  and  over  

53 

57 

110 

54  1 

57  0 

Not  known 

2 

2 

Total  

100 

100 

200 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

1  Including  1  still  in  initial  position.  s  Including  3  still  in  initial  position. 

2  Including  2  still  in  initial  position.  « Including  4  still  in  initial  position. 

&  Based  on  number  of  girls  whose  time  in  first  position  was  known. 


THE   SCHOOL  PROBLEM. 


63 


In  practice,  it  is  not  necessarily  a  misfortune  for  a  Boston  Trade 
Schoolgirl  to  fail  to  hold  her  first  position,  since  it  may  mean  better- 
ment and  also  because  the  school  encourages  its  accredited  pupils  to 
return  for  further  training  whenever  they  are  out  jof  work.  At  such 
times  they  may  take  advanced  courses,  such  as  cutting  and  fitting,  or 
may  gain  speed  on  power  machines,  and  are  ready  to  be  re-placed  at 
the  earliest  opportunity.  The  crowded  condition  of  the  school,  how- 
ever, causes  this  plan  to  work  some  hardship  to  new  pupils  who  desire 
trade  training,  as  old  pupils  are  given  some  preference.  A  special 
workroom  in  which  girls  may  increase  their  efficiency  while  out  of 
work  has  been  suggested  as  a  means  of  meeting  this  difficulty. 

COOPERATION  BETWEEN  TRADE  SCHOOL  AND  EMPLOYERS. 

Since  the  Boston  Trade  School  makes  a  point  of  placing  its  pupils 
it  naturally  strives  to  cultivate  such  relations  with  employers  as  will 
forward  this  work.  Employers  have  proved  willing  not  only  to  take 
trade-school  girls,  but  to  discuss  with  the  school  the  points  in  their 
training  which  need  improvement,  a  proceeding  which  is  helpful  to 
the  school  in  its  efforts  to  make  its  training  really  effective.  In  the 
matter  of  taking  girls  from  the  school,  there  has  been  a  steady  growth 
from  the  beginning  in  the  number  of  employers  willing  to  cooperate. 
The  following  table  shows  how  many  employers  have  taken  pupils, 
and  the  number  of  girls  to  whom  each  employer  has  given  positions: 

TABLE  36.— NUMBER    OF    FIRMS    WITH    WHICH    GIRLS   TRAINED   IN   THE   BOSTON 
TRADE  SCHOOL  HAVE  BEEN  PLACED,  AND  NUMBER  OF  GIRLS  TAKEN  BY  EACH. 


Number  of  girls  placed  with  each  firm. 

Number  of  firms  taking  specified  number  of 
Boston  Trade  School  girls. 

1904- 
1909 

1909- 
1914 

1904- 
1914 

Total. 

Per  cent 
of  total. 

One  girl  .    . 

39 
10 
6 
2 
1 

102 
37 
14 
10 
6 
2 
1 
2 
2 

141 
62 
30 
17 
11 
4 
5 
7 
3 
9 
i 

48.0 
21.1 
10.2 
5.8 
3.7 
1.4 
1.7 
2.4 
1.0 
3.1 
1.7 

Two  girls  

15 
10 
5 
4 
2 
4 
5 
1 
9 
5 

Three  girls   

Four  girls 

Five  girls  ....            .             .. 

Six  girls  

Seven  girls  

Eight  girls  

Nine  girls  

Ten  and  under  15  girls  

Fifteen  girls  and  over  *  

Total  

58 

176 

60 

294 

100.0 

i  One  firm  took  19  girls,  another  23.  another  29,  and  a  fourth  34.     The  Women's  Educational  and  Ind^s- 
trial  Union,  where  the  trade-school  shops  were  conducted,  took  86. 

These  firms  have  taken  849  girls  either  on  original  placements  or 
on  re-placements  by  the  school;  over  two-fifths  of  these,  43.7  per  cent, 
were  taken  by  31,  or  about  10  per  cent,  of  the  firms.  Nearly  half  of 
the  firms,  48  per  cent,  have  taken  only  one  girl.  A  list  of  294 
cooperating  firms  shows  great  activity  on  the  part  of  the  place- 


64 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


inent  agents,  and  it  is  encouraging  to  see  that  60,  or  one-fifth  of 
the  total  number,  have  cooperated  with  the  school  since  the 
beginning  of  its  work.  There  has  naturally  been  some  loss  of  firms 
cooperating  in  the  earlier  period,  but  this  has  been  more  than  com- 
pensated by  the  new  firms  who  have  taken  up  the  plan.  Of  the 
whole  number,  the  cooperation  of  176  firms,  or  59.8  per  cent,  was 
gained  during  the  second  period  of  the  school's  history  and  20  per 
cent  held  over  from  the  first  period,  so  that  only  about  one-fifth 
of  all  the  firms  cooperating  at  any  period  have  ceased  cooperating. 

METHODS  BY  WHICH  TRADE-SCHOOL  PUPILS  SECURE  POSITIONS. 

Schools,  particularly  vocational  schools,  are  constantly  assuming 
more  of  the  responsibility  of  finding  positions  for  their  pupils,  and 
trade  schools  have  not  fallen  behind  in  this  part  of  their  work. 
Nevertheless,  while  the  school's  placement  is  the  most  important 
single  method  by  which  its  pupils  have  secured  work,  the  school 
can  not  as  yet  claim  credit  for  quite  half  of  the  positions  secured  by 
trade-school  girls.  The  744  Boston  Trade  School  girls  who  were 
found  by  investigation  to  have  used  their  trades  for  wage  earning  for 
at  least  a  week  reported  their  methods  of  securing  an  aggregate  of 
2,131  positions,  and  the  166  girls  visited  in  Worcester  reported  for 
203  positions.  The  methods  used,  and  the  number  and  proportion 
of  positions  secured  by  each,  are  shown  in  the  following  table: 

TABLE  37.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  PUPILS  OF  THE  BOSTON  AND  WORCESTER 
TRADE  SCHOOLS  SECURING  POSITIONS  BY  EACH  SPECIFIED  MEANS. 


Means  of  securing  positions. 

Girls  securing  positions  by  specified  mentis. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Boston  Trade  School. 

Worces- 
ter 
Trade 
School. 

Boston  Trade  School. 

Worces- 
ter 
Trade 
School. 

1904- 
1909 

1909- 
1914 

Total. 

1904- 
1909 

1909- 
1914 

Total. 

Placed  by  trade  school  

302 
150 
29 
9 
125 
69 
89 
17 
2 

625 
244 
23 
4 
238 
85 
94 
18 
8 

927 
394 
52 
13 
363 
154 
1S3 
35 
10 

57 
48 

38.1 
19.0 
3.7 
1.1 
15.8 
8.7 
11.2 
2.1 
.3 

46.7 
18.2 
1.7 
.3 
17.8 
6.3 
7.0 
1.3 
.6 

43.5 
18.5 
2.4 
.6 
17.0 
7.2 
8.6 
1.6 
.5 

28.1 
23.6 

Relatives  or  friends 

Former  employer 

Position  ottered  

3 

76 
4 
13 

2 

1.5 

37.4 
2.0 
6.4 
1.0 

Application 

Advertisement 

Recalled  

Agency                         

Other  means  

Total  

792 

1,339 

2,131 

203 

100.0  1     100.0 

100.  0 

100.0 

As  mentioned  before,  the  trade  school  in  Worcester  does  not  make 
any  point  of  securing  places  for  its  graduates,  believing  that  the 
practice  in  securing  their  own  positions  is  good  for  them.  Hence, 
the  proportion  securing  positions  by  this  method  differs  widely  in 
the  two  cities.  Nevertheless,  even  in  Worcester,  well  over  a  fourth 


THE    SCHOOL    I'K'HlLEM.  65 

of  the  positions  \vrn-  obtained  through  the  school.  In  Boston  the 
school  is  by  far  the  most  important  single  agency,  but  even  so  it 
does  not  account  for  one-half  of  the  positions  reported  on.  Al) cad 
of  the  trade  school  in  Worcester,  and  next  but  one  to  it  in  Boston, 
stands  the  oldest  and  -simplest  of  methods,  the  personal  application 
to  employer  after  employer  until  one  is  found  who  needs  the  help 
the  applicant  can  give.  This  method  is  looked  upon  with  disfavor  as 
wasteful  and  unsafe — wasteful  because  the  applicant  may  spend  days 
before  happening  upon  the  one  employer  who  needs  her,  and  unsafe 
because  the  applicant  has  no  means  of  knowing  the  character  of  the 
employer  whose  service  she  enters  or  the  conditions  under  which  she 
will  have  to  work.  In  Worcester,  a  smaller  city  in  which  all  the  firms 
are  well  known,  this  method  holds  a  smaller  element  of  danger  than 
in  Boston.  It  is  also  much  more  frequently  used,  the  proportion  of 
positions  thus  found  being  more  than  twice  as  great  in  Worcester 
as  in  Boston.  The  next  most  important  means,  the  help  of  relatives 
and  friends,  is  more  commonly  used  in  Worcester  than  in  Boston, 
but  the  difference  is  not  great.  In  both  cities  paid  agencies  play  a 
very  unimportant  part.1 

In  Boston  the  second  five-year  period  studied  shows  a  considerable 
increase  in  the  proportion  of  positions  secured  through  the  trade 
school.  This  is  due  to  the  attitude  of  the  school,  which  is  constantly 
assuming  more  of  the  burden  of  helping  the  pupils  in  their  search  for 
"jobs,"  and  it  seems  likely  that  the  proportion  of  places  obtained 
by  its  agency  will  steadily  increase. 

SUMMARY. 

Trade  schools  for  girls  in  Massachusetts  have  grown  rapidly  in 
each  of  the  three  cities  in  which  they  have  been  established.  They 
have  faced  a  difficult  problem,  since  their  task  has  been  to  take  girls 
ranging  in  age  from  14  to  25  and  in  education  from  the  third-grade 
pupil  to  the  high-school  graduate  and  prepare  them  for  exacting 
trades.  Nevertheless,  they  have  been  able  to  send  into  the  trades 
908  girls — 36.3  per  cent  of  the  2,500  girls  who  have  entered  the 
schools,  or  more  than  one- third.  Because  of  the  lack  of  comparable 
data  it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  this  is  a  very  high  or  a  low  per- 
centage! The  High  School  of  Practical  Arts  in  Boston,  which  offers 
a  four-year  course  in  dressmaking,  millinery,  and  cooking,  has 
enrolled  1,243  pupils  since  it  was  established  in  1907.  Fifty-one  of 
its  graduates,  or  4.1  per  cent  of  its  enrollment,  have  used  their  trade 
in  a  wage-earning  capacity,  either  in  industry  or  as  teachers.  The 

1  This  is  true  for  women  in  the  sewing  trades  generally.  See  Mary  Van  Kleeck:  Women  in  the  book- 
binding trades,  p.  125;  May  Allinson:  Dressmaking  as  a  trade  for  women  in  Massachusetts,  Bui.  No.  193, 
United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics. 

85225°— 17— Bull.  215 5 


66  ixiH'STuiA!.  KXIM-MJTENCE  OF  TIIADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 

New  Bedford  Independent  Industrial  School  for  Boys,  with  a  four- 
year  course,  has  enrolled  337  pupils  since  its  foundation  in  1909. 
Thirteen  of  its  graduates  and  72  boys  who  left  the  school  before 
graduation  have  used  their  trades  for  wage  earning,  thus  making 
25.2  per  cent  of  the  total  number  enrolled  who  have  gone  into  their 
trades.  The  girls'  trade  schools  have  sent  a  much  larger  proportion 
of  their  pupils  into  their  trades  than  have  either  of  these  schools. 

The  girls'  trade  schools  have  evolved  a  system  of  individual  in- 
struction which  allows  rapid  progress.  They  have  not  only  pre- 
pared pupils  to  enter  their  trades,  but  have  placed  them  in  positions 
and  assisted  them  in  finding  new  positions.  They  have  analyzed 
the  trades  which  they  teach,  which  in  itself  is  an  achievement,  and 
have  ascertained  the  normal  sequence  in  which  processes  should  be 
taught.  They  have  also  had  to  train  their  teachers. 

The  trade-school  experience  has,  moreover,  shown— 

1.  That  a  completed  grammar-school  education  is  a  great  help  in 
gaining  access  to  these  skilled  trades. 

2.  That  a  certain  degree  of  maturity,  16  years  at  least,  is  essential 
to  entering  these  trades  at  present  in  Massachusetts. 

3.  That  the  majority  of  girls  require  a  trade-school  course  of  at 
least  a  year  in  length  in  order  to  enter  and  remain  in  their  trades. 

The  trade  schools  for  girls  have  not  yet  succeeded  in  their 
endeavor — 

1 .  To  make  a  year  in  trade  school  equivalent  to  a  year  in  the  trade. 

2.  To  find  trades  suitable  for  all  pupils  who  apply  for  training.    / 

3.  To  develop  school  incentives  comparable  to  the  incentive  of  the 
pay  envelope  in  trade,  leading  to  rapid  and  thorough  work. 

From  an  educational  point  of  view  the  great  achievement  of  the 
girls'  trade  schools  has  been  the  relating  of  school  work  to  the  actual 
industrial  life  of  the  community.  There  is  a  certain  danger  that 
trade  schools  may  adopt  an  academic  viewpoint,  in  which  case  this 
achievement  will  be  lost.  Trade  schools  must  follow  pedagogically 
sound  methods  of  teaching,  which  have  necessarily  been  evolved  in 
connection,  with  academic  subjects.  But  to  introduce  academic 
subjects  unrelated  to  trade  work,  or  to  encourage  any  atmosphere 
but  that  of  the  trade  is  to  endanger  the  success  of  the  whole  enter- 
prise. The  insistent  demand  made  by  the  public  that  schools  should 
be  related  to  present-day  conditions  can  be  proved  to  be  or  not  to  be 
worthy  of  attention  by  actual  experiment.  Trade  schools  for  girls 
have  already  accomplished  so  much  that  they  should  be  allowed  un- 
limited freedom  for  development  in  their  own  line,  unhampered  by 
academic  tradition. 


CHAPTER  HI.— INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE  OF  BOSTON  TRADE 

SCHOOL  GIRLS. 

DIFFICULTY    OF    DETERMINING    EFFECTIVENESS    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL 

TRAINING. 

Vocational  schools  of  to-day  are  being  subjected  to  a  test  new  in 
the  educational  world;  namely,  the  measure  of  their  efficiency  by  the 
immediate  as  well  as  by  the  ultimate  productive  power  of  their  pupils. 
Before  such  a  test  can  be  applied  fairly  to  trade  schools  for  girls  a 
number  of  factors  must  be  taken  into  consideration,  in  order  to 
obtain  a  conception  of  what  may  reasonably  be  expected  from  this 
new  type  of  training. 

First,  it  must  be  remembered  that  trade  training  for  girls  is  still 
in  the  experimental  stage.  Massachusetts,  which  is  supposed  to 
stand  foremost  in  its  solution  of  the  problems  involved  in  industrial 
education,  maintains  at  present  only  three  trade  schools  for  girls, 
all  of  recent  establishment.  The  Boston  Trade  School  alone,  with 
its  10  years'  experience,  provides  a  group  of  girls  whose  working 
career  has  been  long  enough  to  show  more  than  immediate  results. 
The  Worcester  Trade  School  with  three  and  one-half  years,  and  the 
Cambridge  Trade  School  with  but  two  years'  experience,  are  more 
serviceable  in  their  suggestion  of  new  methods  and  ways  of  adaptation 
to  local  conditions  than  in  the  actual  statistics  they  furnish  as  to  the 
wage-earning  capacity  of  their  pupils. 

Second,  industrial  training  for  girls  has  been  a  series  of  experiments 
in  training  for  trades  which  are  undergoing  a  tremendous  industrial 
evolution.  The  schools  train  especially  for  the  sewing  trades,  and 
in  these  the  tendency  has  been  toward  a  complete  reorganization  of 
methods  of  production.  Consequently,  the  trade  educators  have 
met  from  the  start  a  fundamental  difficulty — that  of  adjusting  their 
training  to  continually  changing  industrial  needs.  This  difficulty  is 
increased  by  the  natural  tendency  of  education  to  crystallize  and 
develop  along  increasingly  well-worn  grooves,  whereas  the  situation 
calls  for  continual  changes  corresponding  to  those  taking  place 
in  the  trades. 

Third,  the  work  of  the  trade  school  is  hampered  by  the  wide  varia- 
tion in  the  type  of  pupil  who  has  applied  for  training,  this  variation 
being  due  in  part  to  the  fact  that  the  trade  school  is  new  in  the 
educational  system  and  its  purpose  is  little  understood.  Girls  ranging 
from  14  to  25  years  of  age,  regardless  of  previous  education,  are  ad- 
mitted for  trial.  Many  girls  drift  in  with  no  conception  of  the  pur- 
pose of  the  school  or  with  no  real  motive  for  coming.  "  Other  girls 
were  going."  "Thought  I  would  try  it."  "Went  to  trade  school 


68  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

to  get  out  of  home  lessons/'  were  some  of  the  reasons  given  by  the 
girls.  "Mary  never  was  bright  in  school,  so  we  thought  we  would 
send  her  to  trade  school,"  said  one  mother.  " There  ought  to  be 
more  schools  for  feeble-minded  girls  like  Mabel,  who  couldn't  learn 
any  place  else,"  said  one  grandmother.  Unfortunately,  a  study  of 
the  records  of  the  girls  who  have  passed  through  the  trade  schools 
seems  to  bear  conclusive  evidence  that  "  those  who  couldn't  learn 
any  place  else"  did  not  learn  in  the  trade  school.1 

Fourth,  the  majority  of  the  girls  who  have  gone  out  from  the  trade 
school  are  still  young,  and  their  working  experience  has  been  brief. 
This  investigation  is  based  on  a  study  of  849  pupils  from  the  Boston 
school,  166  from  the  Worcester  and  98  from  the  Cambridge  school; 
41.9  per  cent  of  the  Boston  pupils,  86.7  per  cent  of  the  Worcester, 
and  the  same  per  cent  of  the  Cambridge  pupils  were  under  20. 
Naturally  this  immaturity  is  a  serious  factor  in  determining  their 
ability  to  secure  and  maintain  a  foothold  in  their  trades,  since  the 
effect  of  the  industrial  evolution  going  on  in  the  clothing  trades  is 
to  increase  the  proportion  of  mature  workers  required.  As  to  length 
of  working  experience,  none  of  the  pupils  from  the  Worcester  and 
Cambridge  schools  have  been  out  more  than  three  years.  One-fourth 
of  the  girls  from  the  Boston  school  have  been  out  less  than  three 
years,  and  more  than  one-half  have  been  out  less  than  five  years. 
Evidently  the  body  of  experience  available  is  insufficient  for  the  for- 
mation of  a  final  opinion  as  to  the  value  of  trade-school  training. 

When  attempting,  therefore,  to  draw  conclusions  as  to  the  efficacy 
of  trade-school  training  from  the  experiences  of  the  trade-school 
pupils,  all  these  facts  must  be  borne  in  mind  as  affecting  the  decision 
to  be  reached:  The  small  number  of  pupils  w^ho  have  as  yet  been 
instructed  in  the  school,  their  youth  and  the  brevity  of  their  working 
experience,  the  difficulty  the  trade  school  faces  in  trying  to  adapt  its 
training  to  constantly  changing  demands,  and  the  wide  variation  in 
type  of  the  pupils  with  whom  it  must  work. 

Giving  due  weight  to  these  considerations,  however,  a  study  of  the 
industrial  experience  of  the  girls  trained  in  the  trade  schools  of  Massa- 
chusetts seems  likely  to  be  of  value,  for  only  by  studying  the  experi- 
ences of  its  pupils  can  the  school  discover  what  parts  of  its  training 
are  strong  or  weak  and  what  new  measures  must  be  taken  to  meet 
the  requirements  of  the  vocations  for  which  it  trains.  Such  a  survey 
may  be  expected  to  show  some  significant  facts  relating  to  (1)  the 
types  and  proportion  of  pupils  surviving  in  the  trade  schools  and  in 
the  trades  for  which  they  are  trained,  and  the  influences  which  seem 
to  determine  success  or  failure;  (2)  the  rate  of  advancement  and  the 
time  required  to  become  self-supporting  in  the  several  trades  for  which 
the  trade  schools  tram;  (3)  the  subsequent  experience,  stability  and  in- 
dustrial advancement  of  those  entering  occupations  other  than  those  for 

i  See  Tables  12  and  21,  pp.  31  and  38. 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE   OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


69 


which  they  were  trained ;  (4)  the  relative  efficiency  of  trade-school  girls 
compared  with  those  who  have  not  been  trained  in  the  trade  schools. 

STATISTICAL   BASIS    OF   STUDY   OF   INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE. 

As  already  stated,  the  original  intention  was  to  follow  up  the  careers 
of  all  girls  from  the  Boston  and  Worcester  schools  who  had  either 
used  their  trades  or  taken  a  training  of  nine  months  or  more,  and 
all  girls  from  the  Cambridge  school.  But  74  of  the  Boston  and  15 
of  the  Cambridge  girls  could  not  be  located.  The  group  studied 
consists  therefore  of  1,113  girls,  44.5  per  cent  of  the  total  number 
who  have  gone  out  from  the  three  schools  since  their  foundation.  It 
includes  849  girls  from  the  Boston  school,  744  who  used  their  trades, 
and  105  who  did  not;  166  from  the  Worcester  school,  of  whom  94 
used  their  trades  and  72  did  not ;  and  98  from  Cambridge,  of  whom  26 
used  their  trades  and  72  did  not.  In  order  to  compare  the  industrial 
experiences  of  these  girls  with  those  of  girls  without  trade-school 
training,  the  records  were  obtained  of  100  girls  in  dressmaking  shops 
and  of  100  girls  operating  power  machines  in  factories  who  had 
worked  their  own  way  into  the  trades.  In  addition  the  industrial 
records  of  46  girls  employed  in  sewing  trades  in  Worcester  were 
obtained;  these  girls  were  all  attending  the  Worcester  Evening  Trade 
School,  and  none  were  over  25. 

Boston,  it  will  be  observed,  furnishes  three-fourths  (76.2  per  cent) 
of  the  total  group  of  trade-school  girls  studied.  The  pupils  going  out 
from  the  other  schools  differ  so  widely  from  those  of  Boston  in  age, 
length  of  training,  working  experience,  industrial  opportunities,  and 
the  like,  that  they  can  not  be  merged  fairly  with  the  Boston  group, 
whose  numerical  preponderance  would  bring  the  Boston  experiences 
to  the  front  at  the  cost  of  those  of  the  other  two.  Consequently, 
each  group  of  trade-school  pupils  will  be  discussed  separately,  the 
present  chapter  being  devoted  to  the  industrial  experiences  of  the 
girls  from  the  Boston  Trade  School.  On  the  basis  of  the  use  they 
made  of  their  trade  training,  those  studied  from  this  school  were 
divided  as  follows: 

TABLE  38.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  GIRLS  FROM  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  WHO 
HAD  USED  AND  HAD  NOT  USED  THEIR  TRAINING,  BY  TRADES. 


Trade  followed. 

Total. 

Girls  who  had  used 
their  trade  train- 
ing. 

Girls  who  had  not 
used  their  trade 
training. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Number. 

Percent. 

Dressmaking   .  . 

498 
175 

87 
77 
6 
6 

423 
157 

81 

72 
5 
6 

84.9 
89.7 

.       93.1 
93.5 
83.3 
100.0 

75 

18 

6 
5 
1 

15.1 
10.3 

6.9 
6.5 
16.7 

Millinery 

Power  machine,  operating  on  — 
Cloth 

Straw  hats  .  . 

Cooking 

Design  .  . 

Total  .  .       . 

849               744 

87.6 

105 

12.4 

70 


INDUSTRIAL    EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


AGE  AND  LENGTH  OF  WORKING  EXPERIENCE  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS 

STUDIED. 

The  pupils  from  the  Boston  Trade  School  had  a  higher  level  of  age, 
owing  partly  to  the  longer  time  the  school  has  been  in  existence,  than 
those  from  the  other  schools;  nevertheless  they  were  in  the  main 
decidedly  young.  The  following  table  shows  the  age  grouping,  at  the 
time  of  the  investigation,  of  the  849  girls  whose  records  were  studied: 

TABLE  39.— NUMBER  AND   PER  CENT  IN  SPECIFIED  AGE  GROUPS  AMONG   BOSTON 
TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  WHO  HAD  USED  AND  WHO  HAD  NOT  USED  THEIR  TRADES. 

NUMBER. 


Girls  gc 

ing  out  fro 

m  the  Bos 

ton  Trade 

School. 

Ago. 

Who  had 

Who  had 

not  used  tli 

eir  trades. 

Total. 

their 
trades. 

Total. 

Working. 

Not 
working. 

16  and  under  18  years  ' 

132 

115 

17 

14 

3 

18  and  under  20  yenrs 

221 

183 

38 

33 

.") 

20  and  under  25  years                           

419 

371 

48 

37 

11 

25  vent's  and  over 

70 

69 

1 

1 

Not  living 

7 

0 

1 

1 

Total                .                                             

849 

744 

105 

86 

19 

PER  CENT  OF  EACH  AGE.* 


16  nnd  under  18  years  

15.6 

15.6 

16.3 

16.5 

15.8 

18  and  under  20  years 

26.3 

24.8 

36.5 

38.8 

26  3 

20  and  under  25  years 

49  8 

50.3 

46  2 

43  5 

57  9 

25  years  and  over  

8.3 

9.3 

1.0 

1.2 

Total 

100  0 

100.0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

1  None  under  16  years. 


s  Not  including  those  not  living. 


It  is  apparent  that  while  the  whole  group  is  young,  the  age  level  of 
those  using  their  trades  is  somewhat  higher  than  of  those  who  did  not. 
Very  nearly  three-fifths  of  those  using  their  trades  were  20  or  over, 
against  less  than  half  of  those  not  using  them. 

The  length  of  time  these  girls  had  been  out  of  school  is  shown,  by 
trades  for  those  who  used  their  trades,  and  as  a  group  for  those  who 
did  not,  in  Table  40. 

More  than  half  of  these  students  have  been  out  of  the  school  less 
than  five  years,  and  it  is  notable  that  those  having  been  out  this 
shorter  term  form  a  larger  proportion  among  those  who  have  not 
worked  at  their  trade  than  among  those  who  have— 65.7  per  cent 
against  53  per  cent.  The  value  of  the  two  groups — those  who  have 
been  out  for  five  years  or  over  and  those  who  have  been  out  for  less 
than  five  years — for  purposes  of  study,  lies  along  different  lines. 
The  records  of  the  older  group  show  to  what  extent  the  trade-school 
girl  has  maintained  herself  in  the  trade  for  which  she  was  trained, 
and  the  extent  to  which  the  survivors  are  able  to  meet  present-day 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


71 


conditions;  the  records  of  the  younger  group  provide  a  basis  for  a 
study  of  the  difficulties  and  the  possibilities  before  the  young,  par- 
tially trained  girl  who  is  attempting  to  become  established  as  a  wage 
earner  under  present  industrial  conditions. 

TAKI.K  4O.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  OUT  OF   I  UK 
SCHOOL  EACH  SPECIFIED  LENGTH  OF  TIME. 

NUMBER. 


Years  but  of  trade 
school. 

Girls  using  their  trade. 

Not 
using 
their 
trade. 

Total. 

Dress- 
making. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Power-machine 
operating  on— 

Cooking 
and 
design. 

Total. 

Cloth. 

Straw 
hats. 

Under  2  years  
2  and  under  3  years  . 
3  and  under  4  years  . 
4  and  under  5  years. 
5  and  under  6  years. 
r>  and  under  7  years. 
7  and  under  8  years. 
8  years  and  over  
Not  living 

46 
48 
52 
59 
61 
53 
39 
62 
3 

20 
15 
26 
17 
14 
20 
18 
27 

7 
18 
12 
10 
7 
5 
8 
12 
2 

14 
14 
14 
8 
6 
9 
2 
4 
1 

6 
3 
2 

93 
98 
106 
9i 
88 
87 
67 
105 
6 

13 

10 
21 
25 
16 
3 
7 
10 

106 
108 
127 
119 
104 
90 
74 
115 
6 

Total 

423 

157 

81 

72 

11 

744 

105 

849 

PER  CENT.i 


Under  2  years  
2  and  under  3  years  . 
3  and  under  4  years  . 
4  and  under  5  vears  . 

11.0 
11.4 
12.4 
14.0 

12.7 
9.6 
16.6 
10.8 

8.9 
22.8 
15.2 
12.7 

19.7 
19.7 
19.7 
11.3 

54.5 
27.3 
18.2 

12.6 
13.3 
14.4 
12.7 

12.4 
9.5 
20.0 
23  8 

12.6 
12.8 
15.1 
14  1 

5  and  under  6  year? 

14.5 

8.9 

8.8 

8.5 

11  9 

15  2 

12  3 

6  and  under  7  vears  . 

12.6 

12.7 

6.3 

12.7 

11.8 

2  9 

10  7 

7  and  under  8  years 

9.3 

11.5 

10.1 

2.8 

9  1 

6  7 

8  8 

8  years  and  over 

14  8 

f7  2 

15  2 

5  6 

14  2 

9  5 

13  6 

Total  

100.0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

i  Not  including  those  not  living. 

Dressmaking  and  millinery  were  taught  from  the  first,  and  51.2 
per  cent  of  the  dressmakers  and  50.3  per  cent  of  the  milliners 
have  been  out  of  the  trade  school  for  five  years  or  over.  Only 
two-fifths  (40.4  per  cent)  of  the  cloth  machine  operators  and 
less  than  one-third  (29.6  per  cent)  of  the  straw  machine  operators 
have  been  out  of  the  school  for  as  long  as  five  years,  while  none  of 
the  few  who  have  taken  cooking  and  design  have  been  in  the  indus- 
trial world  as  long  as  four  years. 

The  present  chapter,  then,  deals  with  a  group  of  849  girls  from  the 
Boston  Trade  School,  predominantly  young,  not  quite  three-fifths  being 
over  20,  and  of  limited  industrial  experience,  approximately  55  per 
cent  having  been  out  of  trade  school  for  less  than  five  years,  and  only 
a  little  over  one-eighth  (13.6  per  cent)  having  been  out  as  long  as 
eight  years. 

These  girls  fall  into  two  groups — those  who  had  made  some  use  of 
the  trade  for  which  they  were  trained  and  those  who  had  not.  The 


72 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL    GIRLS. 


former,  by  far  the  more  important  group,  was  at  the  time  of  the 
investigation  distributed  as  follows: 

TABLE  41.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  EARNING  AND  NOT  EARNING   WAGES,  AMONG 
BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  WHO  HAD  MADE  SOME  USE  OF  THEIR  TRADES. 


Item. 

Boston  Trade  School 
girls  who  had  used 
their  trades. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Earning  wages: 
In  their  trade  

352 
207 

47.3 
27.9 

In  other  occupations  

Total 

559 

75.2 

Not  earning  wages: 
Married 

97 
63 
13 
6 
6 

13.0 

8.4 
1.8 
.8 
.8 

At  home  

Atschool  

Not  living 

Lost  trace  of  

Total 

185 

24.8 

Grand  total  

744 

100.0 

GIRLS  WHO  DID  NOT  USE  THE  TRADE  FOR  WHICH  THEY  WERE  TRAINED. 

Before  beginning  the  discussion  of  the  industrial  experiences  of 
the  girls  who  had  used  their  trade  training,  it  may  be  well  to  discuss 
briefly  the  105  who  had  attended  the  trade  school  for  nine  months  or 
more  but  had  never  used  the  trade  for  which  they  were  trained.  The 
following  table  shows  their  distribution  at  successive  periods  after 
leaving  the  trade  school: 

TABLE  42.-NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  EARNING  AND  NOT  EARNING  WAGES  WHEN 
OUT  OF  SCHOOL  EACH  SPECIFIED  LENGTH  OF  TIME  AMONG  BOSTON  TRADE 
SCHOOL  GIRLS  WHO  ATTENDED  THE  SCHOOL  9  MONTHS  OR  OVER  BUT  HAD  NOT 
USED  THEIR  TRADES. 


Length  of  time  out  of 
trade  school. 

Number. 

Per  cent  earning  and 
not  earning  wages. 

Grand 
total. 

Earn- 
ing 
wages. 

Not  earning  wages. 

Lost 
trace. 

Earn- 
ing. 

Not 
earn- 
ing. 

Lost 
trace. 

Total. 

Mar- 
ried. 

At 
home. 

At 
school. 

Not 
living. 

At  time  of  first  leaving. 
A.t  the  end  of  — 
First  vear 

105 

105 
92 
82 
61 
36 
20 
17 

61 

59 
51 
51 
34 
22 
12 
9 
4 

44 

46 
40 
30 
26 
14 
8 
8 
5 

2 

2 
4 
4 
3 
4 
2 
3 
3 

39 

40 
31 
24 
20 
9 
5 
4 
1 

3 

4 
4 
1 
2 

58  1 

41  9 

50.  2 
55.4 
62.2 
55.8 
61.1 
60.0 
52.9 
44  4 

43.8 
43.5 
36.6 
42.6 
38.9 
40.0 
47.1 
55  6 

""i.'i 
1.2 
1.6 

Second  year  
Third  year  

1 

1 
1 
1 

Fourth  year  
Fifth  vear 

Sixth  year 

Seventh  year  
Eighth  year  







Nearly  three-fifths  of  these  girls  entered  wage-earning  pursuits  as 
soon  as  they  left  the  trade  school,  and  at  times  a  larger  proportion 
were  gainfully  employed,  so  that  their  failure  to  make  use  of  their 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE   OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


73 


trades  was  not  due  to  their  keeping  out  of  industrial  life  altogether. 
Unless  a  girl  goes  directly  into  the  trade  for  which  she  is  trained, 
she  is  very  unlikely  to  enter  it  later,  for  she  has  lost  touch  with 
1 110  school  which  can  vouch  for  her  and  has  also  lost  her  skill  or  speed. 

TABLE  43.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  GIVING  EACH 
SPECIFIED   REASON   FOR  NEVER  USING  THEIR  TRADES. 

NUMBER. 


Reason  for  never  using  trade. 

Dress- 
making. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Power-machine  op- 
erating on  — 

Cooking 
and 
design. 

Total. 

Cloth. 

Straw 
hats. 

Lack  of  adjustment: 

5 
10 
2 

2 
2 
1 

1 

8 
13 
4 

1 
2 

1 
1 

Not  long  enough  in  school  to  learn  
Disliked  trade  school 

1 

Unstable  

1 

1 

Total  

18 

6 

2 

2 

28 

Physical  incapacity: 
'  Not  strong,  nervous,  weak  eyes,  etc.  .  . 
Color  (Negro) 

8 
2 

1 

i 

1 

11 
2 

Total  

10 

1 

1 

1 

13 

Trade  conditions: 
Dislike  of  work  by  the  girl  or  her  par- 
ents                                   .          

12 
2 
1 
6 

1 

1 
1 

1 

14 
4 
2 
12 

Unable  to  get  position—  poor  pay  

5 

1 

Total  

21 

7 

3 

1 

32 

Advancement  (school)  

1 

1 

Domestic  reasons: 

5 
4 
10 
2 

_ 

= 

_= 

5 
6 
12 
3 

2 
1 

1 

Married  

1 

Total  

21 

3    

1 

1 

26 
5 

Unclassified 

5 

Grand  total 

75 

IS  i               6 

5 

1 

105 

PER  CENT.i 


Lack  of  adjustment 

25.7 

33.4 

33.3 

40.0 

28.0 

Physical  incapacity 

14.3 

5.5 

16.7 

20.0 

13.0 

30  0 

38.9 

50.0 

20.0 

32.0 

5  5 

1.0 

Domestic  reasons 

30.0 

16.7 

20.0 

100.0 

26.0 

Total           

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

Not  including  those  unclassified. 


Thus,  although  a  number  of  these  girls  who  did  not  work  at  first 
leaving  school  afterward  became  wage  earners,  none  of  them  entered 
the  trade  for  which  they  had  been  trained,  while  those  who  on  leav- 
ing the  school  took  up  some  other  work  at»once,  either  kept  it  or, 
if  they  changed,  went  into  some  other  trade  for  which  they  had 


74 


INDUSTRIAL    EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


not  been  trained.  Those  who  took  up  work  for  wages  seem  to  have 
kept  to  it  rather  steadily,  for  the  proportion  gainfully  employed, 
although  it  fluctuates  in  the  successive  years  out  of  trade  school, 
shows  no  serious  decrease  until  the  end  of  the  seventh  year,  at 
which  time  the  numbers  are  so  small  that  little  significance  can  be 
attached  to  the  changes  shown. 

The  reasons  given  by  the  girls  themselves  for  their  failure  to  use 
their  trades  are  shown  in  Table  43. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  a  lack  of  personal  adjustment  and  physical 
incapacity  both  play  important  parts  in  keeping  girls  out  of  their 
trade.  Over  one-fourth  (28  per  cent)  did  not  enter  their  trade 
because  of  failure  or  inability  to  get  the  good  of  their  trade  school 
training,  and  about  one-eighth  (13  per  cent)  because  of  some  physical 
disability.  The  largest  group  ascribed  their  staying  out  to  some 
condition  connected  with  the  trade,  and  the  reason  most  frequently 
given  under  this  classification  was  a  dislike  of  the  trade  on  the  part 
either  of  the  girl  or  her  parents.  It  is  rather  curious  to  see  that 
this  dislike  is  a  far  more  important  reason  among  the  dressmakers 
than  among  the  girls  who  had  studied  other  trades,  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that  dressmaking  is  a  trade  with  which  every  woman  has  some 
acquaintance  and  the  conditions  of  which  should  be  familiar  to  both 
girls  and  parents  before  the  training  is  undertaken. 

This  fact  perhaps  links  itself  with  another.  Comparing  the  pro- 
portions which  the  several  trades  furnish  first  to  the  whole  group  of 
849  girls  studied  and  then  to  the  group  who  never  used  their  trades, 
we  have  the  following  figures: 

TABLE  44.-PER  CENT  IN  EACH  SPECIFIED  TRADE  OF  TOTAL  NUMBER  OF  BOSTON 
TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  STUDIED  AND  OF  THOSE  NOT  USING  THEIR  TRADES. 


Per  cent 

Per  cent 

of 

Trade. 

of 
number 

number 
who  did 

studied. 

not  use 

trade. 

Dressmaking 

58.7 

71.4 

20.6 

17.1 

Power-machine  operating  on  — 
Cloth                                       

10.2 

5.7 

Straw  hats 

9.1 

4.8 

Cooking  and  design                                 .  . 

1.4 

1.0 

Total                         

100.0 

100.0 

Dressmaking  is  the  only  one  of  the  trades  furnishing  more  than 
its  proportionate  share  of  those  who  never  used  their  training. 
Coupling  this  with  the  number  of  those  trained  as  dressmakers  who 
failed  to  use  their  trade  because  they  did  not  do  well  in  school  or 
did  not  like  the  trade,  or  because  they  took  the  first  thing  which  they 
could  get  and  let  their-  trade  go,  it  seems  possible  that  dressmaking, 


INDUSTRIAL  i;\i'i;i;!KNn:  OF  BOSTON  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS.        75 

just  because  it  is  so  well  known,  attracts  an  undue  proportion  of 
the  girls  who  are  unlikely  to  make  a  success  of  any  trade.  Millinery, 
which  is  also  well  known  among  women's  trades,  stands  next  to 
dressmaking  in  the  proportion  it  contributes  to  those  never  using 
their  trades,  while  the  newer  trades,  machine  operating  and  booking 
and  designing,  fall  considerably  below  the  proportion  which,  numeri- 
cally, they  might  fairly  furnish  to  this  group.  Allusion  has  already  been 
made  to  the  fact  that  the  machine-operating  trades  are  looked  upon 
with  some  distrust,  because  they  involve  work  in  a  factory,  while  the 
cooking  and  designing  have  been  taken  by  so  few  that  the  figures 
concerning  them  are  not  significant.  Apparently,  however,  few 
girls  take  the  machine-operating  trades  as  a  matter  of  course.  It 
they  decide  to  take  them,  their  purpose  is  sufficiently  serious  for 
them  at  least  to  enter  the  trades  and  find  out  how  they  like  them 
upon  actual  trial.  It  will  be  shown  hereafter  that  the  conditions 
of  these  trades  are  such  that  many  of  the  girls  give  up  their  trades 
after  having  entered  them,  but  at  least  they  test  their  training  by 
actual  experience. 

GIRLS  WHO  USED  THE  TRADE  FOR  WHICH  THEY  WERE  TRAINED. 

STABILITY  IN  INDUSTRY. 

There  is  a  popular  belief  that  women's  wage-earning  careers  are 
limited  to  five  years  or  seven  years  as  a  general  thing.  This  theory 
unquestionably  tends  to  instill  in  the  mind  of  a  girl  the  belief  that 
her  industrial  career  is  a  temporary  thing,  or  even  to  develop  total 
indifference  to  the  future.  Employers  complain  of  the  lack  of  a  pro- 
fessional attitude  in  women  in  all  occupations,  and  the  fact  that  no 
large  proportion  of  women  is  found  in  the  skilled  and  well-paid  occu- 
pations is  often  lightly  dismissed  with  the  supposition  that  this  may 
be  ascribed  to  their  short  working  career — short,  because  ended  by 
marriage.  How  far  does  the  experience  of  the  trade-school  pupils 
tend  to  confirm  this  theory? 


SIFTING-OUT   PROCESS   IN    SCHOOL. 


The  sifting-out  process  begins  before  these  girls  enter  industry. 
There  is  necessarily  a  serious  sifting  out  of  pupils  hi  any  vocational 
school  which  offers  a  specific  kind  of  training  requiring  fairly 
definite  characteristics  and  capacities.  Many  who  enter  because 
they  "thought  they  would  like"  a  given  vocation  find  they  had 
small  conception  of  its  requirements,  and  recognizing  this,  drop  out 
of  their  own  volition.  This  is  especially  true  in  a  vocational  school 
catering  primarily  to  girls  of  from  14  to  16  years  of  age,  who  have 
little  or  no  conception  of  what  they  wish  to  do  and  little  inclination 
or  capacity  to  persist.  Only  a  little  more  than  one-third  (38.6  per 


76  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

cent)1  of  the  2,044  girls  who  have  attended  the  Boston  Trade  School 
during  its  10  years'  existence  entered  and  used  for  one  week  or 
more  the  trade  for  which  they  had  been  trained.  The  school  sifts 
out  those  least  fitted  to  succeed  industrially — those  who  either  lack 
some  qualification  necessary  for  the  trade  or  have  not  the  necessary 
application  or  perseverance  to  finish  their  training.  Employers  say 
that  this  sifting  out  of  the  ineligibles  is  one  of  the  most  valuable 
services  the  school  renders,  for  it  saves  them  the  time  and  expense 
involved  in  trying  out  a  large  number  of  new  workers  who  could  not 
possibly  succeed  in  the  industry.  Studies  of  the  custom  sewing 
trades  usually  emphasize  the  large  number  of  beginners  who  are 
taken  on,  found  unsuited  for  the  work,  and  dropped  within  a  short 
time.  A  study  carried  on  in  New  York  in  1914  dealing  with  3,983 
milliners  showed  that  almost  one-fifth  (19.6  per  cent)  appeared  on 
the  pay  roll  for  one  week  or  less,2  and  a  study  of  600  dressmakers 
in  Boston  in  1910  showed  12  per  cent  appearing  on  the  pay  roll  one 
week  or  less.3  "  You  can  tell  in  a  few  days  whether  a  girl  will  make 
a  good  milliner  or  not,"  said  the  head  designer  in  the  millinery  work- 
room of  a  large  department  store.  "No  use  wasting  time  on  her  if 
she  does  not  show  the  requisite  qualities  after  a  few  days."  The 
trade  school,  in  numerous  cases,  saves  the  waste  of  even  those  few 
days  or  may  discover  latent  talents  which  did  not  appear  the  first 
few  days. 

The  girl  who  perseveres  through  the  trade  school  and  enters  her 
trade  is  subjected  to  two  influences  tending  to  shorten  her  industrial 
career — industrial  conditions  and  home  demands.  The  first  is  a 
problem  to  be  taken  into  account  in  all  vocational  training,  while  the 
second  is  peculiar  to  girls  or  women,  the  cases  in  which  a  man  or  boy 
is  obliged  to  give  up  his  trade  in  response  to  family  demands  being 
practically  negligible.  The  first  tends  to  make  a  girl  drop  out  of  her 
trade,  the  second,  to  drop  out  of  wage-earning  altogether.  A  girl 
who  marries  may  utilize  her  training  by  sewing  for  friends  and  neigh- 
bors in  a  casual  way,  but  she  usually  ceases  to  be  a  regular  worker  in 
the  trade;  and  a  girl  who*  lives  at  home  with  her  parents  is  frequently 
withdrawn  from  her  wage-earning  career  for  one  year,  two  years,  or 
permanently,  to  keep  house  in  case  of  the  illness  of  some  other  mem- 
ber of  her  family  or  for  some  other  reason.  Either  of  these  influences 
may  come  into  play  at  any  time;  a  dull  season  may  force  a  girl  tempo- 
rarily out  of  her  trade,  or  a  need  for  her  services  at  home  may  develop, 
whether  she  has  been  at  work  four  months  or  four  years.  But  thB 
effect  of  both  is  apt  to  be  cumulative,  when  a  group  of  girls  is  con- 

1  This  proportion  is  based  on  the  788  girls  entered  on  the  records  as  having  entered  their  trades;  44  of 
'these  could  not  be  located  in  this  investigation. 

2  Mary  Van  Kleeck:  Wages  in  the  millinery  trade,  p.  63. 

a  May  Allinson:  Dressmaking  as  a  trade  for  women  in  Massachusetts,  Bui.  No.  193,  United  States 
Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  p.  106. 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE   OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


77 


sidered  as  a  whole.  If  a  girl  is  dropped  from  her  trade  temporarily 
it  is  always  possible  that  she  may  go  permanently  into  whatever  she 
takes  up  as  a  stop-gap,  while  if  she  is  required  at  home,  the  difficulty 
of  regaining  her  place  in  the  industrial  world,  or  home  conditions, 
may  keep  her  from  returning.  So  that,  as  time  goes  on,  an  increasing 
proportion  drops  out  of  the  trade  for  which  training  was  secured, 
to  go  either  into  other  wage-earning  occupations  or  into  household 
employment  at  home. 

INDUSTRIAL   DISTRIBUTION    AT   END    OP    SPECIFIED    PERIODS     OUT    OF    TRADE     SCHOOL. 

To  show  this  double  movement  and  its  effect  upon  the  industrial 
stability  of  trade-school  girls,  Table  45  has  been  made,  giving  the  dis- 
tribution at  the  end  of  each  year's  experience  outside  of  the  school  of 
the  744  girls  leaving  the  Boston  Trade  School  before  September,  1914, 
who  were  found  by  investigation  to  have  used  their  trades.  This 
table  is  made  up  by  combining  the  reported  experiences  of  the  indi- 
vidual girls  when  out  of  school  each  specified  length  of  time.  Thus 
the  figures  for  the  end  of  the  first  year  represent  not  the  employment 
situation  at  the  end  of  any  calendar  year,  but  the  number  of  girls 
in  the  first  class  to  go  out  from  the  school  who  at  the  end  of  their 
first  year's  experience  were  employed  or  not  employed,  together  with 
the  number  of  girls  in  each  successive  class  who  at  the  end  of  the 
first  year  they  had  been  out  were  employed  or  not  employed.  Thus, 
although  the  total  number  out  of  the  school  differs  with  each  year, 
the  proportions  are  comparable. 

TABLE  45.-NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  EARNING  AND  NOT  EARNING  WAGES  WHEN  OUT 
OF  SCHOOL  EACH  SPECIFIED  LENGTH  OF  TIME  AMONG  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL 
GIRLS  WHO  AT  SOME  TIME  USED  THE  TRADES  FOR  WHICH  THEY  WERE 
TRAINED. 


Length  of 
time  out  of 
trade  school. 

Number. 

Per  cent  earning  and  not 
earning  wages. 

Total. 

Earning  wages. 

Not  earning  wages. 

Lost 
trace. 

Earning  wages. 

Not 
earn- 
ing 
wages 

Lost 
trace 

0.1 
.6 
1.3 
1.6 
2.0 
'    2.3 
3.4 
1.9 
3.2 

To- 
tal. 

In 

their 
trade. 

In 
oth- 
eroc- 
cu- 
pa- 
tions 

20 

97 
126 
152 
115 
102 
72 
51 
32 
21 
12 

To- 
tal. 

3 

27 
.    64 
82 
80 
67 
64 
52 
41 
25 
14 

Mar- 
ried. 

2 
13 
33 
37 

33 
38 
34 
31 
20 
11 

At 
home- 

At 
school 

Not 
liv- 
ing. 

Total. 

In 
their 
trade. 

In 
other 
occu- 
pa- 
tions. 

At  first  leav- 
ing 

744 

744 
640 
554 
447 
352 
264 
175 
107 
63 
30 

741 

716 
572 
465 
354 
278 
194 
117 
64 
36 
16 

721 

619 
446 
313 
239 
176 
122 
66 
32 
15 
4 

1 

18 
43 
41 
41 
29 
21 
15 
8 
4 
3 

1 

7 
5 
4 
4 
1 
1 
1 
..... 

99.6 

96.2 
89.4 
83.9 
79.2 
79.0 
73.5 
66.8 
59.8 
76.2 
54.8 

96.9 

83.2 
69.7 
56.  5 
53.5 
50.0 
46.2 
37.7 
29.9 
33.3 
12.9 

•    2.7 

13.0 
19.7 
27.4 
25.7 
29.0 
27.3 
29.1 
29.9 
42.9 
41.9 

0.4 

3.7 
10.0 
14.8 
19.2 
19.0 
24.2 
29.8 
38.3 
20.6 
45.2 

At  end  of— 
1st  year.  .  . 
2d  year... 
3d  year.. 
4th  year. 
5th  year. 
6th  year. 
7th  year. 
8th  year. 
9th  year. 
10th  year 

""3" 
4 
4 
4 
4 
2 
2 

1 

4 
7 
7 
7 
6 
6 
2 
2 

78  INDUSTRIAL    EXI'ivKIKNCE    OF    TRADE-SC  F1OOL    GIRLS. 

Considering  first  the  stability  of  girls  in  the  industrial  world,  this 
table  shows  a  steady  but  not  very  rapid  shrinkage  of  the  proportion 
engaged  hi  wage-earning  occupations.  In  the  first  four  years  about 
one-fifth  have  dropped  out  into  the  ranks  of  nonwage  earners ;  hi  the 
next  four  years  about  one-fifth  more  disappear.  So  few  have  been 
out  for  more  than  eight  years  that  the  figures. for  the  ninth  and  tenth 
years  are  probably  abnormal,  but  such  as  they  are,  they  show  more 
than  half  of  the  group  still  engaged  in  wage-earning  pursuits  at  the 
end  of  the  tenth  year. 

It  will  be  observed  that  these  figures  give  little  support  to  the  idea 
that  the  wage-earning  life  of  the  average  girl  is  only  five  or  at  most 
seven  years  long,  being  terminated  by  marriage  within  that  period. 
At  the  end  of  the  fifth  year  79  per  cent  of  the  352  girls  who  had  been 
out  so  long  were  still  wage  earners,  9.4  per  cent  were  married,  8.6  per 
cent  were  either  at  home  or  in  school,  and  3.1  per  cent  were  either 
known  to  be  dead,  or  could  not  be  traced.  Marriage,  then,  had  with- 
drawn less  than  one-tenth  of  the  group.  At  the  end  of  the  seventh 
year  it  was  responsible  for  a  larger  proportion  of  the  175  who  had 
been  out  so  long.  Of  these,  66.8  per  cent  were  still  wage  earners, 
nearly  one-fifth  (19.4  per  cent)  were  married,  9.1  per  cent  were  at 
home  or  in  school,  and  4.6  per  cent  had  died  or  been  lost  sight  of.  A 
wage-earning  career  of  only  five  or  seven  years,  therefore,  seems  to  be 
limited  to  a  comparatively  small  proportion  of  these  girls.  Since  those 
who  are  married  and  those  who  are  at  home  may  both  return  to  the 
industrial  world,  it  is  impossible  to  say  how  short  or  how  long  the 
career  will  be,  but  at  least  it  can  be  stated  that  four-fifths  of  the 
group  have  worked  more  than  five,  and  two-thirds  more  than  seven 
years. 

STABILITY  IN  TRADE  FOR  WHICH  TRAINED. 

Turning  to  stability  in  the  trade  for  which  the  girl  has  been  trained, 
the  situation  differs  somewhat.  During  the  first  three  years  the 
proportion  going  from  then"  own  trades  to  some  other  wage-earning 
occupations  is  considerably  larger  than  the  proportion  dropping  out 
of  the  industrial  world. into  nonwage-earning  occupations.  By  the 
end  of  the  third  year  those  unsuited  to  the  trades  they  have  chosen 
have  apparently  been  sifted  out  to  a  considerable  degree,  and  dur- 
ing the  next  few  years  the  proportion  leaving  their  own  trade  for 
another  and  the  proportion  dropping  out  of  the  industrial  world  alto- 
gether are  more  nearly  approximate. 

The  relative  stability  within  the  trade  for  which  they  have  been 
trained  of  the  girls  who  have  taken  the  different  trade  courses  is  a 
question  of  some  interest.  The  following  table  shows  the  situation 
in  this  respect: 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE   OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


79 


T\BLE  46.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  EARNING  AND  NOT  EARNING  WAGES  WHEN  OUT 
OF  SCHOOL  EACH  SPECIFIED  LENGTH  OF  TIME,  AMONG  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL 
GIRLS  WHO  AT  SOME  TIME  USED  THE  TRADES  FOR  WHICH  THEY  WERE  TRAINED, 
BY  SPECIFIED  TRADES. 

I.  DRESSMAKING. 


Length  of  time  out  of 
trade  school. 

Number. 

Per  cent  earning  and  not  earning 
wages. 

.Grand 
total. 

Earning  wages. 

Not  earn- 
ing 
wages. 

Earning  wages. 

Not  earn- 
ing 
wages. 

Total. 

In  their 
trade. 

In  other 
occupa- 
tions. 

Total. 

In  their 
trade. 

In  other 
occupa- 
tions. 

At  first  leaving 

423 

423 
366 
329 
277 
217 
156 
102 
62 
40 
20 

421 

415 
335 
279 
222 
173 
112 
67 
39 
23 
10 

415 

380 
286 
218 
169 
127 
85 
46 
22 
11 
4 

6 

35 
49 
61 
53 
46 
27 
21 
17 
12 
6 

2 

8 
31 
50 
55 
44 
44 
35 
23 
17 
10 

99.5 

98.1 
91.5 

84.8 
80.1 
79.7 
71.8 
65.7 
62.9 
57.5 
50.0 

98.1 

89.8 
78.1 
66.3 
61.0 
58.5 
54.5 
45.2 
35.5 
27.5 
20.0 

1.4 

8.3 
13.4 
18.5 
19.1 
21.2 
17.3 
20.5 
27.4 
30.0 
30.0 

0.5 

1.9 
8.5 
•15.2 
19.9 
20.3 
28.2 
34.3 
37.1 
42.5 
50.0 

At  the  end  of— 
First  year 

Second  year  

Third  year  

Fourth  year 

Fifth  year  

Sixth  year 

Seventh  year 

Eighth  year  

Ninth  year 

Tenth  year  

II.  MILLINER Y. 


At  first  leaving  .  . 

157 

156 

153 

3 

1 

99.4 

97.5 

1  9 

0  6 

At  the  end  of— 
First  year  

157 

144 

118 

26 

13 

91.7 

75.1 

16.6 

8.3 

Second  year 

137 

122 

82 

40 

15 

89.1 

59  9 

29  2 

10  9 

Third  year 

122 

101 

52 

49 

21 

82  8 

42  6 

40  2 

17  2 

Fourth  year 

96 

72 

41 

31 

24 

75.0 

42.7 

32  3 

25  0 

Fifth  year 

79 

59 

30 

29- 

20 

74  7 

38  0 

36  7 

25  3 

Sixth  year  

65 

46 

23 

23 

19 

70.6 

35.4 

35.4 

29.2 

Seventh  year 

45 

30 

14 

16 

15 

66.7 

31  1 

35  6 

33  3 

Eighth  year  

27 

13 

7 

6 

14 

48.1 

25.9 

22.2 

51.9 

Ninth  year  

12 

4 

2 

2 

8 

33.4 

16.7 

16.7 

66  6 

Tenth  year 

3 

3 

100  o 

III.  POWER-MACHINE  OPERATING:  CLOTH. 


At  first  leaving  

81 

81 

73 

8 

100.0 

90.1 

9.9 

At  the  end  of— 
First  year  

81 

78 

53 

25 

3 

96.3 

65. 

30.9 

3.7 

Second  year  .  . 

74 

63 

40 

23 

11 

85  2 

54. 

31  1 

14  8 

Tmrd  year  

56 

46 

22 

24 

10 

82.2 

39. 

42.8 

17.8 

Fourth  year  

44 

33 

15 

18 

11 

75.0 

34. 

40.9 

25.0 

Fifth-  year 

34 

28 

10 

18 

6 

82  3 

29 

52  9 

17  7 

Sixth  year  

27 

24 

9 

15 

3 

88.9 

33.3 

55.6 

11.1 

Seventh  year  .     ... 

21 

15 

5 

10 

6 

71.4 

23  8 

47.6 

28.6 

Eighth  year 

13 

9 

2 

7 

4 

69  2 

15  4 

53  8 

30.8 

Ninth  year  

11 

9 

2 

7 

2 

81.8 

18.2 

63.6 

18.2 

Tenth  year  

7 

6 

1 

85.7 

85.7 

14.3 

IV.  POWER-MACHINE  OPERATING;  STRAW  HATS. 


At  first  leaving  

72 

72 

70 

2 

100.0 

97.2 

2.8 

At  the  end  of— 
First  year 

72 

68 

57 

11 

4 

94.4 

79.1 

15  3 

5  6 

Second  year  

58 

47 

33 

14 

11 

81.0 

56.9 

24.1 

19.0 

Third  year     .  .  . 

44 

36 

18 

18 

8 

91.8 

40.9 

40  9 

18.2 

Fourth"  year 

30 

27 

14 

13 

3 

90  0 

46  7 

43  3 

10  0 

Fifth  vear  

22 

18 

9 

9 

4 

91.8 

40.9 

40.9 

18.2 

Sixth  "year 

16 

12 

5 

7 

4 

75  .*0 

31.2 

43  8 

25.0 

Seventh  year 

5 

1 

4 

2 

71  4 

14  3 

57  1 

28  6 

Eighth  year 

5 

3 

1 

2 

2 

60  0 

20  0 

40  0 

40  0 

80  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

For  all  these  trades  the  first  three  years  are  a  period  of  consider- 
able shifting,1  but  the  degree  of  stability  within  the  dressmaking 
trade  is  much  greater  than  in  the  other  sewing  trades  for  which 
the  trade  school  trains.  At  the  end  of  the  third  year  out  of  school, 
two-thirds  of  the  girls  who  had  entered  dressmaking  were  still  in 
their  trade,  against  about  two-fifths  in  each  of  the  other  three  trades. 
At  the  end  of  the  fifth  year  nearly  three-fifths  of  the  dressmakers, 
against  from  less  than  one-third  to  about  two-fifths  in  the  other 
trades,  were  still  in  their  own  trade.  After  the  fiftK  year  the  sifting 
out  from  the  other  trades  is  less  rapid,  and  the  divergence  between 
the  proportion  remaining  in  dressmaking  and  in  the  other  trades 
tends  to  decrease.  The  numbers  in  the  machine-operating  trades ,  how- 
ever, by  the  end  of  the  fifth  year  are  so  small  that  it  is  doubtful  whether 
much  significance  can  be  attached  to  this  apparent  greater  stability 
on  the  part  of  those  who  have  survived  so  long  in  these  trades. 

Conditions  within  the  different  trades  undoubtedly  have  much 
to  do  with  the  variations  in  stability  of  the  girls  trained  for  these 
trades.  In  the  millinery  trade,  the  short  seasons  constitute  the 
greatest  sifting  influence.  A  girl  who  finds  herself  laid  off  because 
of  the  dull  season  naturally  turns  to  some  other  occupation  to  fill 
in  the  interim,  and  very  possibly  becomes  interested  in  this  and  fails 
to  go  back  to  her  trade  when  the  busy  season  begins.  Up  to  the  close 
of  the  seventh  year,  the  proportion  dropping  out  of  the  indus trial 
world  altogether  is  not  much  greater  among  the  milliners  than  among 
the  dressmakers.  More  than  one-half  (59.4  per  cent)  of  the  milli- 
ners who  left  their  trade  gave  trade  conditions  as  the  cause,  and 
"dull  seasons"  as  the  chief  of  these.  (See  Table  56,  p.  94.) 

In  the  power  machine  operating  trades,  also,  trade  conditions  have 
much  to  do  with  the  sifting  out  of  the  girls  trained  for  them,  although 
here  the  difficulty  is  one  not  so  much  met  with  in  custom  trades  like 
millinery — the  demand  for  ability  to  do  independent  work.  A  young 
girl  who  enters  a  millinery  or  dressmaking  shop  is  usually  put  near 
an  older  and  more  experienced  worker  who  may  turn  over  to  her 
the  elementar}7  work,  or  pin  or  baste  a  section  which  she  gives  to  the 
young  helper  to  finish  under  her  immediate  supervision.  The  girl 
can  ask  questions  when  in  doubt,  and  in  general  has  no  large  degree 
of  responsibility.  The  trade,  it  is  true,  is  going  through  an  evolution 
which  tends  to  the  increasing  exclusion  of  the  young,  inexperienced 
worker,  and  which  is  greatly  decreasing  these  favorable  opportunities 
for  beginners  in  the  custom  dressmaking  shops,  but  such  oppor- 
tunities still  exist.  But  in  a  power  machine  operating  factory  the 
young  girl  is  put  down  at  a  machine  and  is  supposed  to  be  able  to 
stitch  her  dozen  of  sleeves,  cuffs,  or  curtains  with  very  little  super- 
vision or  direction.  Moreover,  she  is  usually  working  on  a  piece  wage, 

1  This  table  shows  simply  the  shifting  out  of  the  trade  for  which  the  girl  was  trained,  not  out  of  the  indus- 
trial world.    For  this  latter  aspect,  see  Tables  45  and  47. 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE   OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS.          81 

and  her  small  output  and  consequent  small  earnings  during  the 
first  few  weeks  are  very  discouraging.  There  are  other  contributory 
factors.  The  working  day  is  usually  longer,  the  rush  and  whirr  of 
machinery  is  at  first  confusing  and  wearing,  and  the  necessity  of 
quick  and  accurate  work,  if  she  is  to  earn  at  all,  is  discouraging. 
These,  taken  in  connection  with  the  degree  of  responsibility  and 
power  of  self -direction  required  of  the  girl,  constitute  serious  sifting 
nfluences  for  the  young  worker  entering  these  trades. 

As  a  further  influence  in  the  same  direction,  the  training  for  power- 
macliine  sewing  is  not  yet  so  well  developed  as  for  hand  sewing. 
The  fundamental  principles  of  hand  sewing  have  been  taught  and 
studied  in  the  public  schools  for  40  or  50  years,  and  for  many  years 
past  colleges  and  training  schools  of  domestic  arts  have  prepared 
instructors  to  teach  this  particular  phase  of  the  clothing  trade. 
Training  for  power-machine  sewing  is  relatively  very  new  in  the  edu- 
cational system,  and  if  the  practically  unanimous  reports  of  emplpyers 
may  be  accepted,  it  is  far  from  being  adequately  or  correctly  devel- 
oped. In  order  to  equip  pupils  to  hold  their  places  in  the  industry, 
this  great  and  increasingly  important  branch  of  the  sewing  trades  must 
be  analyzed  both  from  an  industrial  and  a  pedagogical  standpoint 
and  must  be  understood  as  intimately  as  are  the  hand-sewing  trades. 

The  sifting  out  from  the  trades  for  which  the  girls  are  trained 
appears  more  clearly  perhaps  in  a  study  of  classes,  if  all  leaving  dur- 
ing a  school  year  may  be  so  called,  since  thus  the  cumulative  effect 
is  avoided  which  comes  from  grouping  together  all  the  girls  in  spite 
of  varying  lengths  of  experience.  Taking  the  actual  number  of  girls 
leaving  the  trade  school  in  a  school  year  and  following  them  as  a 
group  through  their  whole  period  out  of  the  trade  school  we  have 
the  result  given  in  Table  47.  - 

In  comparing  the  degree  of  sifting  out  from  the  girls'  own  trades 
here  shown,  allowance  must  be  made  for  some  abnormal  factors.  Thus 
the  class  of  1904-5  shows  a  phenomenally  rapid  decrease;  by  the  end 
of  the  third  year  only  about  a  fourth,  and  by  the  end  of  the  fourth 
year  only  a  fifth  of  the  class  remain  in  the  trade  for  which  they  were 
trained.  This  irregular  movement  seems  due  partly  to  the  small 
number  concerned,  partly  to  the  fact  that  the  girls  who  first  came  to 
the  school  had  a  less  definitely  realized  purpose  than  the  later  pupils, 
and  partly  to  the  shortness  of  their  course  of  training.  Those  com- 
ing later  were  prevailed  upon  to  spend  more  time  in  preparation  and 
went  out  more  adequately  equipped  to  hold  their  places.  One  other 
group  shows  decided  irregularity  as  compared  with  the  rest — the 
class  of  1911-12.  It  will  be  observed  that  a  smaller  proportion  of 
these  girls  entered  their  trade  than  was  the  case  with  any  other  class 
except  the  first  one  sent  out.  During  the  first  year  in  the  industrial 
world  the  class  of  1911-12  did  not  show  any  abnormal  loss;  in  fact, 

85225°— 17— Bull.  215 6 


82 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL    (ilKLS. 


the  classes  of  1905-6,  1906-7,  and  1910-11  all  lost  a  larger  propor- 
tion during  this  year;  but  during  its  second  year  the  European  war 
broke  out,  and  the  consequent  disorganization  in  the  clothing  trades 
may  be  partly  responsible  for  the  remarkable  falling  off  the  class 
shows — a  fall  from  82.1  per  cent  to  57.3  per  cent. 

TABLE  47.— NUMBER  OF  GIRLS  LEAVING  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  IN  EACH  SPECIFIED 
YEAR  AND  NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  THOSE  WHO  WERE  WAGE  EARNERS  AND 
NONWAGE  EARNERS  AT  END  OF  EACH  SPECIFIED  YEAR  OUT  OF  SCHOOL. 

NUMBER. 


Year  of  leaving 
1  rade  school. 

Total 
num- 
ber 
leav- 
ing 
trade 
school. 

Earning  wages  in  their  trade. 

Leav- 
ing 
trade 
school. 

At  end  of  each  year  out  of  trade  school. 

1st 
year. 

2d 
year. 

3d 
year. 

4th 
year. 

5th 

year. 

6th 
year. 

7th 
year. 

8th    j    9th 
year.     year. 

10th 
year. 

1904-1914 

744 

15~ 
34 
44 
56 
78 
95 
92 
117 
76 
137 

744 

721 

619 

9~ 
29 
37 
51 
69 
85 
76 
96 
68 
99 

446 

8~ 
24 
31 
41 
60 
68 
67 
67 
53 
27 

313 

4 
22 
26 
34 
50 
59 
51 
53 
14 

239 

3~ 
19 
25 
35 
45 
51 
48 
13 

176 

3~ 
17 
22 
31 

38 

248 
17 

122 

4 
16 
21 
29 
33 
19 

66 

3~ 
15 
19 
21 

8 

32          15 

4 

3 
1 

1904-5     * 

14 
34 
44 
55 
75 
95 
88 
110 
73 
133 

4            3 

9          18 
*14             4 
5 

1905-6.  .  . 

1906-7  

1907-8  . 

1908-9.  .  . 

1909-10. 

1910-11. 

1911-12.... 

1912-13  

1913-14. 

1904-1914 

Earning  wages  in  other  occupations. 

20 

97 

4~ 
4 
7 
5 
7 
7 
11 
12 
7 
33 

126 

6~ 
7 
9 
9 
11 
14 
17 
34 
15 
4 

152 

9~ 
7 
13 
12 
14 
19 
27 
242 
9 

115 

J9~ 
9 
12 
13 
15 
23 
24 
10 

102 

io~ 

13 
13 
16 
18 
26 
6 

72 

9 
10 
11 
16 

219 

7 

J. 

8 
10 
11 
17 
5 

32          21 
===== 
6            7 
12  !        11 
10            3 
4    

12 

7 
5 

1904-5.. 

15 
34 
44 
56 
-      78 
95 
92 
117 
76 
137 

744 

is" 

34 

1905-6 

1906-7 

1907-8.  . 

1 
3 

1908-9 

1909-10 

1910-11 

3 
6 
3 
4 

1911-12 

1912-13 

1913-14 

1904-1914  

Not  earning  wages. 

33 

r 

328 

«68 

o  89  1     &  93 

574 

670 

758 

4 
9 
14 
16 
15 

743           27 

5            5~ 
13           13 
19            9 
6   

14 

1904-5... 

2 
1 

1 

3 
4 
6 
7 
13 
8 
16 
8 
2 

2 
5 
5 
10 
14 
17' 
14 
21 
1 

3 
6 
7 
8 
18 
21 
20 
10 

2 
4 
9 
9 
22 
20 
8 

2 
8 
12 
11 
25 
12 

5 
9 

1905-6 

1906-7 

44 

56 
78 
95 
92 
117 
76 
137 

1907-8 

1908-9.  ..  . 
1909-10  
1910-11 

2 
3 
5 
9 
1 
5 

i 
i 

1911-12.  .  . 
1912  n 

1913-14  
Grand  total. 

744 

744        640 

554 

447 

352 

264 

175 

107          63 

30 

1  Not  including  2  whose  working  experience  did  not  round  out  another  year.  Certain  cases  will  have  a 
working  experience  not  quite  as  long  and  others  will  have  a  working  experience  a  little  longer  than  the 
main  group,  because  all  leaving  during  the  school  year,  September  to  August,  inclusive,  are  included  in 
the  class,  so  girls  leaving  in  September  of  a  particular  year  may  show  practically  a  year's  advantage 
over  the  girl  leaving  in  June  or  July. 

-  Not  including  1  whose  working  experience  did  not  round  out  another  year. 
3  Including  1  of  whom  no  trace  could  be  found. 

*  Including  4  of  whom  no  trace  could  be  found. 
'•>  Including  7  of  whom  no  trace  could  be  found. 

6  Including  6  of  whom  no  trace  could  be  found. 

7  Including  2  of  whom  no  trace  could  be  found. 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE  OF   BOSTON   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


83 


TABLE  47.— NUMBER  OF  GIRLS  LEAVING  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  IN  EACH  SPECIFIED 
YEAR  AND  NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  THOSE  WHO  WERE  WAGE  EARNERS  AND 
NONWAGE  EARNERS  AT  END  OF  EACH  SPECIFIED  YEAR  OUT  OF  SCHOOL— Concld. 

PER  CENT. 


Year  of  leaving 
trade  school. 

Earning  wages  in  their  trade. 

At 
leav« 

trade 
school. 

At  end  of  each  year  out  of  trade  school. 

1st 
year. 

2d 
year. 

3d 
year. 

4th 
year. 

5th 
year. 

6th 
year. 

7th 
year. 

8th 
year. 

9th 

year. 

10th 
year. 

1904-1914  

1904-5 

96.9 

83.2 

59.9 

42.1 

32.1 

23.7 

20.0 
50.0 
50.0 
55.4 
49.0 
50.5 

16.4 

26.7 
47.1 
47.7 
51.8 
42.3 

8.9 

20.0 
44.1 
43.2 
37.5 

4.3 

26.7 
26.5 
31.8 

2.0 

20.0 
23.5 

0.5 

93.3 
100.0 
100.0 
98.2 
96.1 
100.0 
95.6 
94.0 
94.7 
97.0 

60.0 
85.3 
84.1 
91.0 
88.5 
89.5 
80.0 
82.1 
89.5 
72.3 

53.3 
70.6 
70.5 
73.2 
76.9 
71.6 
72.8 
57.3 
69.7 

26.7 
64.7 
59.1 
60.7 
64.1 
62.1 
55.4 
45.3 

20.0 
55.9 
56.8 
62.5 
57.7 
53.7 
52.2 

20.0 

1905-0  
1906-7 

1907  8 

1908-9 

1909-10 

; 

1910-11 

1911-12... 
1912-13 

1913-14  
1904-1914  

I 

I 

Earning  wages  in  other  occupations. 

2.7 

13.0 

16.9 

20.4 

15.5 

13.7 

9.7 

6.9 

4.3 

2.8 

1.6 
4677 

1904-5 

26.7 
11.8 
16.0 
8.9 
9.0 
7.4 
12.0 
10.3 

40.0 
20.6 
20.5 
16.1 
14.1 
14.7 
18.5 
29.1 

60.0 
20.6 
29.5 
21.4 
18.0 
20.0 
29.3 
36.0 

60.0 
26.5 
27.3 
23.2 
19.2 
24.2 
26.1 

66.7 
38.2 
29.5 
28.6 
23.1 
27.4 

60.0 
29.4 
25.0 

28.6 
24.4 

53.3 
29.4 
25.0 
30.4 

40.0 
35.3 
22.7 

46.7 
32.4 

1905  6 

1906-7 

1907  8 

1.8 
3.8 

1908-9 

1909-10 

1910-11 

3.3 
5.  1 

1911-12   .      . 

1912-13 

4.0 
2.9 

9.2 
24.1 

20.0 

1913-14 

1904-1914  

Not  earning  wages. 

0.4  1      3.8 

9.1 

12.1 

12.5 

10.0 

9.4        8.0 

5.8 

3.6           1.9 

1904-5   .      . 

6.7 

13.3 
2.9 

6.7 
8.8 
9.1 
10.7 
9.0 
13.7 
8.7 
13.7 
10.5 

13.3 
14.7 
11.4 
18.0 
18.0 
17.9 
15.2 
18.0 

20.0 
17.6 
15.9 
14.3 
23.1 
22.1 
21.7 

13.3 
11.8 
20.5 
16.1 
28.2 
21.1 

13.3 
23.5 
27.3 
19.6 
32.1 

26.7 
26.5 
31.8 
28.6 

33.3 
38.2 
43.2 

33.3 
38.2 

33.3 

1905-6 

1906-7 

1907-8   .      . 

1908-9 

2.6 
3.2 
5.4 
7.7 
1.3 

1909-10  

1910-11   . 

""i.'i" 

.9 

1911-12 

1912-13  

1913-14... 

3.7 

Grand  total  

100.0 

100.0 

86.0 

74.5 

60.1 

47.2 

35.2  !     23.5 

14.4 

8.5 

4.0 

Discarding  these  two  classes  from  consideration,  as  abnormal,  the 
table  seems  to  show  a  tendency  toward  a'greater  sifting  out  from  the 
trade  in  the  successive  classes.  Apparently,  the  classes  of  the  first 
five  years,  with  the  exception  noted,  show  greater  stability  than  those 
of  the  second;  thus,  if  the  proportions  remaining  in  their  trade  at  the 
end  of  any  given  year  be  compared,  those  for  the  first  five  years  are, 
on  the  whole,  larger  than  those  for  the  second.  The  difference  is  not 
marked,  and  the  classes  to  be  compared  are  few,  so  that  much  stress 


84  INDUSTRIAL  ^EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

can  not  be  laid  on  this  showing,  but  there  seem  indications  that 
the  tendency  is  increasing  steadily. 

This  tendency  agrees  with  what  is  known  of  the  changing  oppor- 
tunities for  young  workers  in  the  custom  sewing  trades,  especially  in 
the  dressmaking  trade,  which  was  chosen  by  more  than  half  of  the 
744  girls  studied.  It  is  known  that  in  custom  dressmaking  oppor- 
tunities for  girls  to  enter  the  trade  have  decreased  very  considerably 
in  the  last  five  years.  This  suggests  the  importance  for  the  trade 
school  of  making  a  careful  study  of  the  market  and  of  following  up 
the  pupils  sent  out.  Otherwise  it  is  possible  that  the  girl  who  has 
gone  out  a  year  or  two  previously  may  be  supplanted  by  the  young 
girl  just  sent  out,  who  can  meet  the  limited  demand  for  young 
workers. 

Corresponding  with  the  decrease  in  the  proportions  remaining  in 
their  own  trades,  the  table  shows  an  increase  in  the  number  going 
into  other  trades.  In  other  words,  the  tendency  is  not  to  leave  the 
industrial  world,  but  merely  to  enter  some  trade  in  which  the  young 
worker  has  better  opportunity  than  in  the  sewing  trades  as  they  are 
now  developing.  There  seems  to  have  been  an  interesting  conflict 
between  increasingly  better  organization  of  trade  training  and  de- 
creasing trade  opportunities.  For  instance,  in  the  first  and  second 
years  out  of  trade  school  a  decreasing  proportion  have  gone  into 
other  wage-earning  occupations  from  the  classes  of  1905-6  down  to 
1909-10,  after  which  the  proportion  increases  again.  In  the  third, 
fourth,  and  fifth  years  out  of  trade  school  the  proportions  going  into 
other  wage-earning  occupations  decreases  from  1905-6  down  to 
1908-9  and  then  begins  to  increase  again.  The  misfortune  has  been 
that  as  the  training  was  developed  and  presumably  became  better 
organized  and  more  nearly  perfected  for  the  custom  sewing  trades, 
the  rapid  growth  of  the  manufacture  of  ready-made  clothing  has 
decreased  the  opportunities  for  young  girls  to  profit  by  their  training 
and  neutralized  the  better  preparatory  work  now  being  done. 

AGE    IN   RELATION   TO   PERMANENCE    IN   TRADE. 

The  preceding  tables  have  shown  that  there  is  a  steady  exodus 
from  the  trade  trained  for,  beginning  as  soon  as  the  girls  enter  the 
industrial  world.  The  rate. varies  from  year  to  year  but  the  process 
is  on  the  whole  continuous,  so  that  the  proportion  of  any  given  group 
working  at  their  own  trade  decreases  as  the  time  out  of  trade  school 
increases.  Since  the  increase  in  the  period  out  of  school  means  also 
an  increase  in  the  age  of  the  former  pupils,  this  movement  from  the 
trade  bears  a  distinct  relation  to  the  age  of  the  workers.  The  fol- 
lowing table  gives  the  distribution  of  the  workers  studied  by  age 
groups : 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE   OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS.          85 


TABLE  48.-NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  WHO  WERE 
WAGE  EARNERS  AND  NONWAGE  EARNERS  AT  EACH  SPECIFIED  AOE. 

NUMBER. 


Age. 

Girls  of  specified  age  who  were— 

Grand 
total. 

Wage  earners— 

Nonwage  earners- 

In 

trade 
trained 
for. 

In 

other 
occupa- 
tions. 

Total. 

Mar- 
ried. 

At 
homo. 

At 
school. 

Lost 
trace. 

Total. 

77 
102 
156 
17 

27 
56 
102 
22 

104 
158 
258 
39 

2 
9 
62 
24 

3 
13 
43 

4 

6 
3 
3 
1 

11 
25 
113 
30 

115 

183 
371 

69 

20  and  under  25  vears           

5 
1 

Total 

352 

207 

559 

97 

63 

13 

6 

179 

1738 

PER  CENT. 


16  and  under  18  years         

67.0 

23.5 

90.5 

1.7 

2.6 

5.2 

9.5 

100.0 

18  and  under  20  years  

55.7 
42.0 

30.6 
27.5 

86.3 
69.5 

4.9 
16.7 

7.1 
11.6 

1.7 

.8 

1.4 

13.7 
30.5 

100.0 
100.0 

25  years  and  over       

24.6 

31.9 

56.5 

34.8 

5.8 

1.5 

1.4 

43.5 

100.0 

Total  

47.7 

28.0 

75.7 

13.1 

8.5 

1.8 

.8 

24.3 

100.0 

1  Not  including  6  not  living. 

The  proportion  working  at  their  own  trade  diminishes  from  two- 
thirds  among  those  aged  16  but  less  than  18  to  a  little  less  than  one- 
fourth  among  those  aged  25  or  over.  While  this  decrease  is  going 
on,  the  proportion  engaged  in  other  wage-earning  occupations  rises 
from  23.5  per  cent  in  the  first  group  to  31.9  per  cent  in  the  last.  This 
increase  accounts  for  only  a  portion  of  those  dropping  out  of  their 
own  trade,  and  the  increase  in  the  proportion  of  those  not  earning, 
which  rises  from  9.5  per  cent  in  the  first  group  to  43.5  in  the  last, 
shows  that  the  drain  from  the  trades  for  which  the  girls  were  primarily 
trained  is  due  largely  to  domestic  demands.  Up  to  the  age  of  20 
comparatively  few  girls  dropped  out  as  a  consequence  of  marriage; 
a  desire  for  further  school  training  or  a  need  for  their  services  at  home 
accounts  for  their  leaving.  After  20,  the  proportion  marrying  and 
dropping  out  increases  rapidly,  so  that  one-third  of  the  whole  group 
aged  25  or  over  has  left  on  this  account.  The  proportion  "at  home" 
increases  steadily  up  to  25,  after  which  age  very  few  leave  to  stay  at 
home,  excepting,  of  course,  those  who  have  married  and  are  staying 
in  their  own  homes. 

SHIFTING  OF  INDIVIDUAL  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 

The  tables  already  given  have  shown  a  considerable  sifting  out  of 
the  trade  trained  for  and  eventually  out  of  the  wage-earning  world 
within  the  group  of  girls  who  have  at  some  time  used  the  trade  they 
were  trained  for.  To  show  what  this  means  to  the  individual  girl, 


86 


INDUSTRIAL    EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


the  experiences  are  given  of  12  girls  who  were  trained  for  dressmaking 
and  entered  their  trade.  And  to  show  the  full  significance  of  these 
facts,  they  are  contrasted  with  the  experiences  of  six  untrained  girls, 
taken  from  among  the  girls  aged  16  to  21  years  who  have  applied  at  the 
Boston  school  offices  for  educational  certificates. 

TABLE  49.— OCCUPATIONS  FOLLOWED  FROM  YEAR  TO  YEAR  OF  12  TRADE-SCHOOL 
GIRLS  TRAINED  IN  DRESSMAKING. 

[These  cases  represent  an  unusual  amount  of  drifting  on  the  part  of  trade-school  girls.  They  have  been 
selected  to  illustrate  the  variety  of  occupations  into  which  these  young  girls  may  drift.  When  compared 
with  the  variety  of  occupations  into  which  the  young  untrained  girls  sometimes  drift  (see  Table  50). 
even  these  extremes  are  remarkably  stable.] 


Girl 
No. 

Occupation  at  the  end  of  each  year  after  leaving  trade  school. 

On  first 
leaving. 

First  year. 

Second  year. 

Third  year. 

Fourth  year. 

Fifth  year. 

1  

2  

•\  
4  

.">  
6  

7  

s 

»;!!.. 

10... 

11  

12  

Plain  sewer  
General  sewer. 

General  sewer. 
Skirt  finisher.. 

Finisher  
Finisher  

Plain  sewer  
General  sewer. 

General  sewer  . 
Waist  finisher. 

Finisher  
Finisher  

General  sewer. 
Plain  sewer  
Finisher  
General  sewer. 
Slee  \efinisher. 
Office  girl  

Busii 
le~ 
Bum 

Nurs 
Wais 

Shop 
Skirt 

Gene 
Skirt 
Gene 
Ath( 
Gene 
Offic< 

less   col- 

3. 

lie  girl.... 

ecirl  
t  finisher. 

aid  
girl  

ral  sewer  . 
lining  .  .  . 
ral  sewer. 
)me 

Bookiee 

Clothing 
tory. 
School  . 

per  .  .  . 

fac- 

Embroider 

Nurse  j'irl  . 
Stenograph 

Studying  n 
sic.' 
Head,  skir 

111 

y 

er.. 
ni- 
ts.. 

Trade  school. 
Stenographer. 

Finisher. 

Teaching  sew- 
ing. 
Married. 
111. 
General  sewer. 
Artist's  model. 
Shoe  operator. 
Office  girl. 

Busines 
lere. 
Studyin 
sic. 
Teachin 
ing. 
Office  ri 
Skirt  lin 
General 
At  hom( 
Finisher 
Office  gi 

5     COl- 

gmu- 

gsew- 
rl 

General  sewer. 
Plain  sewer  
Finisher  

ing... 
sewer. 

> 

Plain  sewer  .  .  . 
General  sewer. 
.Artist's  model. 
Finisher  
Office  girl  

General  sewer. 
Sleeve  finisher. 
Plain  sewer  .  .  . 

ral  sewer  . 
5  girl  

ri.".;;; 

Girl 
No. 

Occupation  at  the  end  of  each  year  after  leaving  trade  school. 

Sixth  year. 

Seventh  year. 

Eighth  year. 

Ninth  year. 

Tenth  year. 

l 

.. 

•>.  . 

:*  

4 

Insane 

Stenographer  . 

Finisher 

Office  work 
Teaching  se 
Married 

G  

7  

s 

Teaching  sewing. 
Married 

wing. 

111 

111. 

P  r  i  v  a  t 
maker. 
General  j 
At  home 
Married 

e  dress- 
ewer  

9... 
10  
11  
12  

Married  

Married  



At  home 

At  home  
Alterations  . 

At  ho 
Marri 
Marri 

me  .  .  . 

Plain  sewer  .  .  . 
Office  girl 

ad 

Married. 
Independent  dress- 
maker. 

Married  

Married 

3d 

The  trade-school  girls  were  selected  as  showing  an  unusual  amount 
of  shifting  about,  yet  compared  with  the  untrained  girls  they  seem 
stable.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  none  of  the  employments  shown  in 
Table  49  are  secondary  or  "filling-in"  occupations,  such  as  a  girl 
may  take  up  during  the  dull  season  of  her  own  trade,  merely  to  busy 
herself  during  the  interim,  but  with  no  idea  of  following  permanently. 
Case  No.  11,  who  has  been  out  10  years  and  had  a  more  varied  career 
than  any  of  the  others,  has  had  only  six  different  wage-earning  occu- 
pations, and  these  have  been  closely  related,  only  one  being  outside 


[NDUBTRIAL    I   \  I  !.!.!  KNCE   OP    BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


87 


of  the  dressmaking  trade.  No.  5,  with  seven  years  out  of  school,  has 
made  five  changes,  but  has  spent  three  years  in  one  occupation  and 
two  in  another.  No.  9,  who  has  been  out  eight  years,  has  had  only 
two  wage-earning  occupations. 

By  contrast,  the  untrained  girls  shown  in  Table  50,  whose  experi- 
ence covers  only  one  year  or  less,  have  held  from  7  to  16  positions, 
often  in  entirely  unrelated  industries.  No.  1,  for  instance,  has  held 
16  positions,  changing  from  department  store  to  grocery  store,  from 
food  product  factory  to  a  dressmaking  shop,  thence  back  to  a  depart- 
ment store,  and  then  through  a  series  of  factories,  no  one  position 
appearing  to  have  the  slightest  relation  to  the  next. 

TABLE  5O.— DATES  OF  APPLICATION  FOR  EMPLOYMENT  CERTIFICATES,  AT  THE  BOS- 
TON SCHOOL  OFFICES,  OF  SIX  GIRLS  AND  KIND  OF  ESTABLISHMENT  ENTERED, 
1913-14. 

[These  cases  were  selected  as  illustrations  of  the  aimless  drifting  of  young  untrained  girls.     All  do  not  drift 
about  so  much,  others  may  drift  more.] 


Girl  No.  1. 

Girl  No.  2. 

Girl  No.  3. 

Date  of 
applica- 
tion. 

Kind  of  establishment 
entered. 

Date  of 
applica- 
tion. 

Kind  of  establishment 
entered. 

Date  of 
applica- 
tion. 

Kind  of  establishment 
entered. 

Oct.       8 
Oct.     30 
Dec.     27 

Department  store. 
Department  store. 
Women's     furnishing 

Dec.     2 
Dec.  11 

Feb.     7 

Department  store. 
Dry  goods  store. 
Dressmaker. 

Sept.  27 
Oct.   21 
Oct.    28 

Wholesale  dru?  house. 
Paper-box  factory. 
Department  store. 

store. 

Feb.  21 

Nail  factory. 

Jan.   20 

Engraving     establish- 

Jan.      2 

Department  store. 

Mar.  10 

Laundry. 

ment. 

Jan.     30 

Grocery  store. 

Mar.  16 

Dressmaker. 

Mar.  24 

Fruit  store. 

Feb.       2 

Shoe  factory. 

Mav  26 

Garter  factory. 

Mar.  27 

Candy  factory. 

Apr.      6 

Apr.     27 

Food  product  factory. 
Dressmaking  shop. 

June  12 
June  16 

Opticians. 
Nail  factory. 

Apr.  15 

Women's  clothing  fac- 
tory. 

May       5 
June      3 
June    23 
July     29 
July     30 
Aug.      5 

Dressmaking  shop. 
Department  store. 
Thermometer  factory. 
Slipper  factory 
Paper-cup  factory. 
Bookbindery. 

July  10 
Aug.  11 
Sept.    9 
Sept.  10 
Sept.  16 
Sept.  23 

Department  store. 
Printing  establishment 
Textile  factory. 
Candy  factory. 
Candjr  factory.            , 
Brush  factory. 

May     4 
May    6 
June  10 
Au<*.  21 
Sept.    2 
Sept.  11 

Department  store. 
Embroideries. 
Electrical  supplies. 
Shoe  factory. 
Embroideries. 
Candy  factory. 

Sept.     8 

Grocery  store. 

Sept.    21 

Speedometer  factory. 

Girl  No.  4. 

Girl  Iso.  5. 

Girl  No.  6. 

Feb.       2 

Shoe  factory. 

Nov.    8 

Razor  factory. 

Jan.    29 

Soap  factory. 

Feb.     26 
Mar.      2 

Women's    furnish  i  n  g 
store. 
Department  store. 

Nov.  26 
Dec.     3 
Mar.  23 

Brush  factory. 
Paper-box  factory. 
Garter  factory. 

Feb.   29 
Mar.  23 
Mar.  31 

Candy  factory. 
Shoe  counter  factory. 
Shoe  findings  factory. 

Mar.     11 
Mar.     U 

Millinery  shop. 
Women's    furnish  ing 

Apr.  23 

Children's  clothing  fac- 
tory. 

May     7 
MaV   21 

Bottling  company. 
Shoe  factory. 

store.                                May   19 

Supplv  company. 

Sept.  17 

Candy  factory. 

Apr.     29 
June      8 

Department  store.             June  10 
Fancy  boxes  and  cases.     Aug.    5 

Printing  office. 
Food  packing  house. 

July     16 

Thermometer  factory.       Aug.    7 

Slipper  factory. 

July     29 
July     30 

Slipper  factory. 
Paper-cup  f  actor  v. 

Aug.  21 
Aug.  27 

Glove  fastener  factory. 
Confectionery  packing. 

Aug.      5 

Bookbindery. 

Aug.     13 

Varnish  factory. 

Among  the  trade-school  girls  shown  in  Table  49  several  gave  up  an 
occupation  for  the  sake  of  securing  training  for  another,  which  was 
then  followed  steadily.  For  instance,  No.  1  and  No.  4  dropped  their 
trades  to  take  a  course  in  a  business  college,  after  which  one  went 
to  work  as  a  bookkeeper  and  the  other  as  a  stenographer.  The  expe- 


88 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


riences  of  the  untrained  girls  do  not  show  any  parallels  to  this.  No. 
2,  for  example,  would  not  find  that  her  experience  in  a  laundry  would 
henefit  her  in  the  dressmaking  establishment  she  next  entered,  nor 
would  the  few  weeks  in  a  department  store  in  July  increase  her  effi- 
ciency in  the  printing  establishment  she  entered  in  August.  The 
movement  from  one  occupation  to  another  appears  to  have  been 
simply  an  aimless  wandering  about;  presumably  the  girls  had  no 
training,  could  not  do  anything  particularly  well,  and  soon  tired  of 
the  unskilled  jobs,  which  were  all  they  could  secure,  or,  being  ineffi- 
cient, were  soon  laid  off. 

MOVEMENT    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL    GIRLS    FROM    ONE    TRADE    TO    ANOTHER,    OR    FROM    ONE 

POSITION    TO   ANOTHER. 

So  far  the  discussion  has  dealt  only  with  the  stability  of  the  trade- 
school  girl  in  her  own  trade  and  in  the  industrial  world.  It  is  evident 
that  this  does  not  cover  the  whole  question.  A  girl  who  has  left  her 
own  trade  may  perhaps  continue  to  make  changes,  and  a  girl  remain- 
ing in  her  own  trade  may  drift  about  from  employer  to  employer  with 
most  unsatisfactory  results.  Table  51  shows  the  extent  to  which  the 
first  form  of  instability,  the  movement  from  one  trade  to  another 
after  leaving  the  primary  trade,  has  prevailed  among  the  733  trade- 
school  girls  who  entered  the  sewing  trades : 

TABLE  51.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  WHO  FOL- 
LOWED ONE  TRADE  ONLY  AND  WHO  FOLLOWED  TWO  OR  MORE  TRADES  AFTER 
ENTERING  EACH  SPECIFIED  TRADE,  BY  NUMBER  OF  YEARS  AT  WORK. 

NUMBER, 


Years  at  work. 

Girls  who  followed  one  trade  only  and  two  trades  or  more  after 
entering  the  trade  of— 

Total 
in 
one 
trado 
only. 

Total 
in 
two 
or 
more 
trades. 

To- 
tal. 

Dressmaking.1 

Millinery.2 

Cloth  machine 
operating.3 

Straw  machine 
operating.4 

One    T™ 
°*.m0orre. 

To- 
tal. 

One 
only. 

Two 
or 
more. 

To- 
tal. 

One 
only. 

Two 
or 
more. 

To- 
tal. 

12 
29 
16 
13 
11 

One 
only. 

Two 
or 
more. 

To- 
tal. 

Under  1  
land  under  3. 
3  and  under  5. 
Sand  under  7. 
7  and  over  
Not  reported  . 

Total... 

47          11 
87  i       34 
80  !      43 
55  i       21 
22          19 
3           1 

58 
121 
123 
76 
41 
4 

14 
27 
16 

11 
8 
2 

7 
24 
20 
18 
10 

21 
51 
36 

29 
18 
2 

7 
16 
8 
4 
2 

5 

13 
8 
9 
9 

10 
11 

9 
7 
2 

6 
7 
12 
3 
5 

16 

18 
21 

10 

7 

78 
141 
113 
77 
34 
5 

29 
78 
83 
51 
43 
j 

107 
219 
196 
128 

77 
6 

294       129 

423 

78 

79 

157 

37 

44 

81 

39 

33 

72 

448 

285  j     733 

PER  CENT.' 


Under  1  

81.0 

19.0100.0 

66.7 

33.  3 

100.  0|  58.3 

41.7 

100.0 

62.5 

37.5100.0     72.9 

27.1 

100.0 

land  under  3. 

71.9 

28.  1  100.0 

53.0 

47.0 

100.0 

55.  2 

44.8 

100.0 

61.1 

38.9100.0     64.4 

35.6 

100.0 

3  and  under  5. 

6  Y  0 

35.0100.0 

44.4 

55.  6  100.  0 

50.  0 

50.0 

100.0 

42.9 

57.1100.0!     57.7 

42.3 

100.  0 

5  and  under  7  . 

72.4 

27.6100.0 

37.9 

62.1100.0   30.8 

69.2 

100.0 

70.0 

30.0100.0     60.2 

39.8 

100.0 

7  and  over  

53.7 

46.  3  (  100.0 

44.4 

55.6100.0 

18.2 

81.8 

100.0   28.6 

71.4|lOO.O     44.2 

55.8 

100.  0 

Total... 

69.5 

30.  5  100.  0 

49.7 

50.3100.0 

45.7 

54.3 

100.  OJ  54.2 

45.  8  100.  OJ     61.1 

38.9 

100.0 

1 

I 

1 

I           i 

1 13  had  had  thres  and  5  had  had  four  primary  trades. 

2 16  had  had  three  and  2  had  had  four  primary  trades. 

3  4  had  had  two,  11  had  had  three,  1  had  had  five,  and  1  had  had  six  primary  trades. 

<  4  had  had  three  and  2  had  had  four  primary  trades. 

5  Based  on  number  whose  time  at  work  was  not  reported. 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE   OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


89 


While  the  amount  of  changing  from  one  trade  to  another  differed 
with  the  length  of  time  in  the  industrial  world,  it  was  not  large. 
For  the  whole  group,  something  over  three-fifths  (61.1  per  cent)  had 
had  only  one  trade,  though  some  of  these  girls  had  been  out  of  the 
trade  school  for  seven  years  and  over.  It  has  been  pointed  out  be- 
fore that  those  taking  up  dressmaking  show  a  greater  tendency  to 
remain  in  their  own  trade  than  those  who  take  up  the  other  sewing 
trades.  Coupled  with  this  is  a  greater  tendency  on  the  part  of  the 
dressmakers  to  make  few  changes  after  leaving  their  own  trade,  if 
they  do  leave  it.  Only  30.5  per  cent  of  the  dressmakers  had  had 
two  or  more  trades,  against  50.3  per  cent  of  the  milliners,  54.3  per 
cent  of  the  cloth  power-machine  operators  and  45.8  per  cent  of  the 
straw  power-machine  operators. 

Turning  to  the  question  of  instability  within  their  own  trades,  the 
following  table  shows  the  extent  to  which  the  girls  have  changed 
employers  during  their  experience  after  leaving  the  trade  school: 

TABLE  52.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  ENTERING 
SEWING  TRADES  WHO  HAD  WORKED  FOR  SPECIFIED  NUMBER  OF  FIRMS,  BY  NUM- 
BER OF  YEARS  AT  WORK. 

NUMBER. 


Years  at  work. 

Girls  who  entered  sewing  trades  and  worked  for  specified 
number  of  firms  in  primary  trades.1 

Total. 

One 
firm. 

Two 

firms. 

Three 
firms. 

Four 
firms. 

Five 
firms  or 
more. 

Not  re- 
ported. 

Under  1  .   . 

42 
31 
19 
14 
11 
10 
5 
2 
8 
1 

43 
50 
31 
28 
23 
17 
7 
6 
6 

19 
27 
31 
24 
27 
19 
9 
10 
10 
2 

2 
10 
13 
12 
19 
16 
14 
6 
7 

1 

2 
5 
22 
14 
16 
13 
8 
13 

107 
120 
99 
101 
95 
78 
50 
32 
45 
6 

1  and  under  2 

2  and  under  3  

3  and  under  4 

1 
1 

4  and  under  5  

5  and  under  6  

6  and  tinder  7 

2 

7  and  under  8 

8  and  over  .  . 

1 
3 

Not  reported 

Total  

143 

211 

178 

99 

94 

8 

733 

PER  CENT.2 


Under  1  

39  3 

40.2 

17.8 

1.8 

0.9 

100.0 

1  and  under  2 

25  8 

41  7 

22  5 

8  3 

1.7 

100  0 

2  and  under  3  

19.2 

31.3 

31.3 

13.1 

5.1 

100.0 

3  and  under  4.  .  . 

14.0 

28.0 

24.0 

12.0 

22.0 

100.0 

4  and  under  5 

11  7 

24  5 

28  7 

20  2 

14  9 

100  0 

5  and  under  6 

12  8 

21  8 

24  4 

20  5 

20  5 

100  0 

6  and  under  7.  

10.4 

14.6 

18.7 

29.2 

27.1 

100.0 

7  and  under  8 

6  2 

18  8 

31  2 

18.8 

25.0 

100.0 

8  and  over 

18  1 

13  6 

22  9 

15  9 

29  5 

100  0 

Total. 

19  7 

29.1 

24.5 

13  7 

13.0 

100.0 

1  Primary  trade  signifies  the  main  or  principal  occupation  of  the  worker.    Thus,  a  milliner  may  be  a 
waitress  at  a  summer  hotel,  but  she  regards  this  occupation  as  merely  a  means  of  supplementing  her  in- 
come from  her  real  or  "primary"  occupation,  millinery.    If  she  should  decide  to  go  south  to  the  winter 
hotels  instead  of  returning  to  the  city  for  the  fall  season  in  millinery,  domestic  service  would  become  her 
primary  trade. 

2  Based  on  number  whose  time  at  work  was  reported. 

In  considering  what  these  changes  mean,  the  seasonal  character  of 
the  sewing  trades  for  which  these  girls  were  trained  must  be  borne 


90 


l\Dl  STRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL    GIRLS. 


in  mind.  Generally  speaking,  they  would  be  laid  off  once,  and  fre- 
quently twice  a  year  on  account  of  the  dull  season.  Remembering 
this,  the  extent  to  which  they  returned  to  their  former  employers  is 
rather  striking.  Very  nearly  one-fifth  had  worked  only  for  their 
first  employer,  although  some  had  been  in  the  industrial  world  for 
from  8  to  10  years.  Only  26.7  per  cent  of  the  whole  group  had 
worked  for  more  than  three  different  employers  in  their  primary 
trade.  Naturally  the  proportion  having  had  several  employers  was 
larger  among  those  who  had  been  out  longest  than  among  those  who 
had  recently  left  the  school.  Yet  even  among  those  who  had  been 
out  for  eight  years  or  more,  less  than  one-half  (45.4  per  cent)  had  had 
more  than  three  employers,  while  among  those  who  had  been  out 
less  than  five  years  only  19.2  per  cent  had  worked  for  four  or  more 
firms. 

SECONDARY  EMPLOYMENTS. 

The  seasonal  fluctuations  of  the  sewing  trades  are  pronounced,  and 
the  working  seasons  in  millinery  and  the  manufacture  of  straw  hats 
are  very  short.  Nevertheless,  the  girls  do  not  resort  to  secondary 
occupations  in  any  large  degree.  The  following  table  shows  the  ex- 
tent to  which  they  have  filled  in  the  dull  seasons  with  work  at  an- 
other trade  or  occupation. 

TABLE  53.— NUMBER  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  AT  WORK  EACH  CLASSIFIED 
NUMBER  OF  YEARS  WHO  HAVE  HELD  SPECIFIED  NUMBER  OF  SECONDARY  POSI- 
TIONS TO  FILL  IN  DULL  SEASON. 


Years  at  work. 

Girls  at  work  each  classified  number  of  years  who  have  held 
specified  number  of  secondary  employments.1 

Total. 

One 

posi- 
tion. 

Two 
posi- 
tions. 

Three 
posi- 
tions. 

Four 
posi- 
tions. 

Five 

posi- 
tions. 

Six 
posi- 
tions. 

Seven 
posi- 
tions. 

Eight 
posi- 
tions. 

Under  1  

1  and  under  2 

12 

18 
7 
17 
8 
7 
3 
1 
7 

1 
1 
3 

6 
8 
1 
2 

4 
3 

1 

14 

20 
10 

i 

12 

12 
6 
11 

1 

2  and  under  3  



3  and  under  4 

3 
2 
1 
2 
1 

1 

1 

4  and  under  5  

1 
2 
1 

2 

o  and  under  6  
6  and  under  7 

1 
1 

i 

2 

1 

7  and  under  8  

8  and  over  '  
Total  

1 

80 

29 

10 

4 

4 

3 

1 

2 

133 

i  Secondary  employment  signifies  temporary  work  regarded  as  a  means  of  supplementing  the  income 
from  the  primary  occupation  and  of  filling  in  idle  time. 

It  will  be  seen  that  less  than  one-fifth  (17.9  per  cent)  of  the  744 
girls  who  had  used  their  trades  had  filled  in  the  dull  season  with 
secondary  employments,  and  of  these  only  two-fifths  had  had  more 
than  one  secondary  position.  A  study  of  the  girls  taking  these  other 
occupations  show  that  the  practice  is  more  common  among  those 
engaged  in  straw  machine  operating  than  among  those  in  the  other 
three  trades;  the  long  unbroken  stretch  of  five,  six,  or  seven  months 


INDUSTK'.AI.    EXPERIENCE    OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL   Mlil.s. 


91 


of  unemployment  in  the  straw-stitching  industry  probably  arrounte 
for  this  difference. 

Although  comparatively  few  resorted  to  this  means  of  increasing 
their  annual  earnings,  yet  when  there  was  real  pressure  at  home  a 
girl  occasionally  dovetailed  occupations  in  a  remarkable  fashion. 
The  following  table  shows  the  manner  in  which  two  girls  avoided 
unemployment,  as  well  as  the  wages  they  earned  in  their  primary 
and  secondary  occupations: 

TABLE  54.-OCCUPATIONS  FOLLOWED  IN  SIX  SUCCESSIVE  YEARS  BY  TWO  BOSTON 
TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  DURING  FLUCTUATIONS  IN  SEASONAL  WORK,  WITH  TIME 
EMPLOYED,  WA.GES,  ETC. 

GIRL  NO.  1. 


Month    begin- 
ning- 

Time  em- 
ployed. 

Time  idle. 

Industry. 

Occupation. 

Last 
weekly 
wage. 

September,  1909. 
December,  1909. 
March,  1910  

Mos. 
3 

3 

3 

Wks. 

Mos. 

Wlcs. 

Milliner  v  

Errands  

$4.00 
4.00 

4.00 
4.50 

4.50 
5.00 

5.00 
6.00 

6.00 
6.00 

7.00 
7.00 

7.50 
7.00 

7.50 
6.00 

8.00 
6.00 

8.00 
6.00 

9.00 

Waist  manu- 
facture. 
Millinery  

Hand  finisher. 
Maker... 

June  1910. 

3 

Waist  manu- 
facture. 
Millinery  

Waist  finisher. 
Maker  

September,1910. 
December,  1910. 

March,  1911  

3 
3 

i 

Waist  manu- 
facture. 
Millinery  
Dress    manu- 
facture. 
Millinery.  
Dress    manu- 
facture. 
Millinerv..     .. 

Hand  finisher. 

Maker  
Waist  finisher. 

Maker  

June,  1911  

SeDtember,1911. 
De'cember,  1911. 

March,  1912  
July,  1912  

3 

3 
3 

4 
2 

Hand  finisher. 
Maker  

Dress    manu- 
facture. 
Millinery  
Dress    manu- 
facture. 
Millinery  
Dress    manu- 
facture. 
Millinery  
Dress    manu- 
facture. 
Millinery  
Straw        hat 
manufacture. 
Millinery  

'  Hand  finisher. 
Maker  

September,  1912. 
December,  1912. 

March,  1913 

^3 

4 

Hand  firusher. 
Maker  

July  1913 

2 

Hand  finisher. 
Maker 

September,  1913. 
December,  1913. 

March,  1914  

4 
3 

4 

Hand  finisher. 
Maker  

July,  1914  ..  .  . 

2 

Hand  finisher. 
Maker  

September,  1914. 

i 

!  

Reason  for 
leaving. 


loyer 

marrie 
Recalled. 

Dull  season. 
Recall  sd. 

Dull  season. 
Recalled. 

Dull  season. 
Recalled. 

Dull  season. 
Recalled. 

Dull  season. 
Recalled. 

Dull  season. 
Recalled. 

Dull  season. 
Recalled. 

Dull  season. 
Recalled. 

Dull  season. 

Return      to 

millinery. 


GIRL  NO.  2. 


1st  ... 

September,  1909. 
July,  1910  

8 

2 

2 

1 

2 

Dressmaking.  . 
Settlement 

Sleeve  finisher. 
Interpreter  

$6.00 
3.50 

Dull  season. 
"To  go  back 

2d  ... 

September,  1910. 

9 

1 

house. 
D  ressmaking 

Sleeve  finisher 

7.00 

to  work." 

July  1911 

2 

Private  home. 

Housework 

3  00 

3d.... 
4th... 

September,  1911. 
July,  1912  

September,  1912 

8 
1 

9 

2 
2 

1 
1 

] 

Dressmaking.  . 
Underwear 

manufacture. 
Dressmaking 

Sleeve  finisher. 
Machine  oper- 
ating. 
Charge    of 

8.00 
6.00 

9  50 

to  work.'' 
Dull  season. 
"Togo  back 
to  work.-' 

July,  1913  

1 

2 

2 

do 

sleeves. 
General   sew- 

9  50 

5th... 

•September,  1913. 
July,  1914  

9 
2 

1 

do  
Private  home 

ing. 
Charge     of 
sleeves. 
Child's  nurse 

12.00 
4.00 

son. 
Dull  season. 

"To  go  bark 

6th... 

September,  1914 

D  ressmak  ing 

12  00 

to  work." 

sleeves. 

92 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


Girl  No.  1  was  an  Italian  girl,  aged  20,  who,  with  her  two  sisters, 
was  supporting  her  mother  and  putting  a  younger  sister  through 
high  school.  The  father  was  dead.  She  was  a  grammar  school 
graduate  who  had  attended  the  Boston  Trade  School  for  15  months 
and  had  entered  the  millinery  trade  at  the  age  of  15.  For  five  years 
she  maintained,  she  had  never  lost  any  time,  dovetailing  her  milli- 
nery positions  with  work  in  women's  ready-made  clothing  factories, 
in  which  she  had  practically  as  permanent  a  position  as  in  her  origi- 
nal trade.  Girl  No.  2,  also  an  Italian  girl  of  20,  was  the  main  support 
of  her  family,  her  father  heing  a  teamster  who  was  out  of  work  all 
winter,  and  her  brother  an  invalid.  She  alternated  her  work  in  her 
own  trade,  dressmaking,  with  housework,  care  of  children,  sewing 
for  other  dressmakers,  and  work  in  factories,  but  in  spite  of  this 
versatility  usually  lost  a  month  every  summer. 

Another  trade-school  girl,  not  included  in  the  table,  was  a  straw- 
machine  operator,  whose  family  were  in  fairly  comfortable  circum- 
stances. She  found  that  the  long  dull  season  of  the  straw-stitching 
trade  which  included  the  summer  months  set  her  free  for  work  in 
the  summer  hotels  during  their  busy  season,  and  she  went  every 
year  to  the  mountains  for  this  purpose.  Here  she  was  obliged  to 
work  for  $3.50  per  week,  "with  board  and  tips,"  while  in  her  own 
trade,  making  straw  hats,  she  could  average  $20  a  week  and  earn 
as  high  as  $35  a  week  in  the  full  season. 

During  the  year  preceding  the  investigation  352  of  the  trade-school 
girls  studied  were  working  at  their  primary  trade,  and  of  these  94" 
resorted  at  some  time  during  the  year  to  secondary  employments. 
Table  51  shows  in  what  industrial  group  the  latter  found  employment 
and  at  what  wages. 

TABLE  55.— NUMBER  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  WORKING  IN  SECONDARY 
EMPLOYMENTS  DURING  ONE  YEAR  WHO  EARNED  EACH  CLASSIFIED  WEEKLY 
AMOUNT  AND  PER  CENT  IN  EACH  KIND  OF  EMPLOYMENT. 


Kind  of  secondary  employment. 

Girls  employed  during  dull  season  in  secondary 
employments  who  earned— 

Total. 

Under 
$6 

$6  and 
under 

$8 

$8  and 
under 
$10 

$10  and 
over. 

Not 
esti- 
mated.1 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

In  primary  trade 

2 

4 

i 

7 
2 

1 
1 
3 

31 

~"l 

34 
20 
19 
14 
6 

36.2 
21.3 
20.2 
14.9 
6.4 
1.0 

Manufactures  

13 

2 

3 
1 

2 
9 
5 

Domestic  and  personal  service.  . 
Trade 

Clerical  occupations  

1 

Professional  service  

Total  

24 

16 

,6 

ti 

32 

94 

100.0 

1  Independent  dressmakers  and  milliners  who  could  not  estimate  their  earnings. 

Many  of  the  girls  have  opportunity  to  make  dresses  for  friends  and 
neighbors  in  their  idle  time,  but  since  the  work  is  sporadic  and  the 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE  OF   BOSTON   TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS.         93 

price  different  for  every  dress  and  every  customer  the  majority  found 
it  impossible  to  estimate  the  amount  earned  in  this  way. 

The  largest  single  group  found  employment  within  their  own 
trade,  most  of  them  working  independently  and  having  very  little 
idea  of  what  their  earnings  had  heen.  Manufactures  and  personal  and 
domestic  service  were  taken  up  by  nearly  equal  numbers,  about  one- 
ilfth  of  the  group  going  into  each.  The  earnings,  it  will  be  seen,  are 
decidedly  low.  Of  the  62  who  could  report  definitely  what  they  had 
made,  over  three-fifths  (64.5  per  cent)  had  earned  less  than  $8  by 
their  secondary  activities.  This  would  seem  to  indicate  a  short 
period  of  employment,  as  well  as  low  wages.  The  data  at  hand 
indicate  that  the  earnings  in  the  secondary  occupation  are  seldom 
equal  to  those  in  the  original  occupation.  Girl  No.  1  (Table  54) 
sometimes  got  her  successive  increases  in  wages  first  in  her  primary, 
sometimes  in  her  secondary  trade  until  she  got  up  to  $7  a  week,  after 
which  she  never  got  as  high  wages  in  her  secondary  as  in  her  primary 
trade.  Girl  No.  2  found  her  primary  trade  the  more  profitable,  some- 
times getting  three  times  as  much  in  this  as  in  the  work  she  took  up 
during  its  dull  seasons.  The  relatively  low  wage  earned  by  the  straw- 
hat  stitcher  in  the  hotel  work  she  took  up  during  the  summers  has 
already  been  mentioned. 

The  small  earnings  secured  by  the  interim  work  may  be  one 
reason  why  so  few  resort  to  secondary  occupations.  Other  reasons 
of  course  come  into  play.  Some  do  not  wish  or  need  to  work  12 
months  in  the  year,  some  are  unwilling  to  leave  home,  and  some 
will  not  or  can  not  take  the  kind  of  work  available.1  Others  can 
not  get  positions.  Some  girls  have  tramped  the  streets  for  weeks, 
have  applied  at  all  kinds  of  establishments,  in  all  kinds  of  indus- 
tries, and  yet  have  been  unable  to  find  work.  When  they  do 
secure  a  position,  they  naturally  hesitate  to  undertake  the  nerve- 
racking  experience  again,  so  that  many  who  get  another  job  "just 
keep  it,"  even  when  the  busy  season  in  their  own  trade  conies  around 
again.  In  other  cases  the  parents,  unwilling  to  allow  their  young 
daughters  to  be  subjected  to  this  experience  every  year,  send  them 
to  commercial  schools  for  a  new  kind  of  training,  to  hospitals 
to  train  for  nurses,  or  advocate  their  entering  stores,  telephone 
offices,  etc. 

REASONS  FOR  LEAVING  PRIMARY  TRADE. 

Comment  has  already  been  made  on  the  fact  that  conditions 
within  the  trade  have  a  good  deal  to  do  with  the  stability  within  it 
of  the  girls  going  into  it  from  the  trade  school.  This  fact  is  empha- 

1  See  May  Allinson:  Dressmaking  as  a  trade  for  women  in  Massachusetts,  Bui.  No.  193,  United  States 
Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  p.  88. 

A  very  few  of  the  men  workers  in  the  cloak,  suit,  and  skirt  industry  filled  iu  with  secondary  occupations. 
See  wages  and  regularity  of  employment  in  the  cloak,  suit,  and  skirt  industry,  Bui.  No.  147,  United  States 
Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  p.  135. 


94 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


>i/od  by  the  reasons  given  by  the  girls  who  have  left  their  trades  to 
account  for  their  action.  The  following  table  gives  these  reasons, 
grouped  according  to  the  trade  left: 

TABLE  58.— NUMBER    AND    PER   CENT    OF    GIRLS    GIVING    SPECIFIED    REASON    FOR 

LEAVING  THEIR  TRADE. 


Reason    tor   leaving  the 
trade. 

Number. 

Total. 

Per  cent.i 

Total. 

1  )  rt'ss- 
mak- 
Ing. 

Mil- 
li- 
nery. 

Power-ma- 
chine operat- 
ing on  — 

Cook- 
ing 
and 
de- 
sign. 

Dress- 
mak- 
ing. 

Mil- 
li- 

11  cry. 

Power-ma- 
ohmo  operat- 
ing on  — 

Cook- 
ing 
and 
de- 
sign. 

Cloth. 

Straw 
hats. 

Cloth. 

Straw 
hats. 

Lack  of  personal  adjust- 
ment: 
Not  successful  in  work  : 
Not  long  enough  in 
trade     school     to 
learn  

4* 
2 

3 

6 

1 
1 

14 

3 

7 

2.0 

1.0 
2.9 

3.0 

13.6 

2.5 
2.5 

3.6 

.8 
1.8 

Wanted    something 
else  

6 

1 

2  3 

Total  

12 

21 

3 

rs=22=: 

6 

7 

•  -  —  '     ~ 

6 

2 

3 
1 

24 
36 

5.9 

"  ™  

10.4 

3.0 

15.9 

5.0 

6.2 

Physical  incapacity: 
Illness,    not   strong, 
weak  eves,  etc  
Color  (Negro)  

.  — 

5.9 

13.6 

7.5 
2.5 

9.2 
.3 

9.5 

9.2 

6.2 
19.5 
1.0 

8.2 

Total  

10.4 

21 

21 

10 
23 

1 

13 

6 

2 

6 
39 
1 

12 

6 

L^!--.- 

8 

7 
1 
1 

5 

4 

5 

1 
13 
1 

2 

37 

36 

24 
76 
4 

32 

5.9 

13.6 

;  _  .  -  _   -  -~ 

18.2 

15.9 
2.3 
2.3 

11.3 

10.0 

•—  —  _--^___-™__; 

12.5 

2.5 
32.5 
2.5 

5.0 

Trade  conditions: 
Dislike  of  work,  too 
hard,  long  hours  
Not  recalled,  poor  po- 
sition or  pay  

===== 

10.4 

5.0 
11.4 
.5 

6.4 

2.0 

5.9 
38.6 
1.0 

11.9 

Dull  seasons  

Too  far  from  home  
"  Got  another  job  and 
just  kept  it"  

Total. 

68 

6 
14 

60 

4 

7 

22 

===== 

1 
1 

22 

172 

—,M  .._,    - 

13 
24 

33.7 

59.4 

4.0 
6.9 

50.0 

2.3 
2.3 

55.0 

2.5 
2.5 

33.3 
33.4 

44.1 

3.3 

6.2 

Advancement: 
For  further  schooling. 
For  more  professional 
work  

~ 
1 
1 

1 
1 

2.9 
7.0 

Total  

20 

11 

4 

1 
13 

2 

===== 

4 
3 

2 

- 

1 

2 

5 

2 

=== 

"T 

37 

12- 

28 
68 

9.9 

- 

3.4 

10.4 
22.8 

10.9 

4.0 

1.0 
12.8 

4.6 

5.0 

2.5 

5.0 
12.5 

6G.7 

9.5 

Domestic  reasons: 
Wished  to  be  at  home. 
Helping  or  needed  at 
home  .  . 

7 

21 
46 

9.1 

6.8 

"33."3" 

3.1 

7.2 
17.4 

Married 

Total 

74 

7 
1 

203 

18 
101 

7 

1 

8 

2 
1 

i 

108 

12 
2 

36.6 

===== 

3.5 

17.8- 



3.0 

15.9 

20.0 
5.0 

33.3 

27.7 
3.0 

Died  or  moved  and  lost 
trade  
Unclassified  

Grand  total 

41 

r 

392    100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

1  Not  including  those  unclassified. 

Taking  the  group  as  a  whole,  more  left  on  account  of  dull  seasons 
than  for  any  other  single  reason.  With  these  might  be  included 
those  who  "got  another  job  and  just  kept  it,"  since  so  often  their 
reason  for  getting  the  other  job  was  that  they  had  been  laid  off  owing 
to  the  slack  season  in  their  own  trade.  If  these  are  included,  over 
one-fourth  left  on  account  of  the  seasonal  character  of  their  trade, 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE   OF    BOSTON    TKADK -S( 'II.OOL   GIRLS.          95 

a  condition  which  they  were  powerless  to  remedy,  and  which  is  quite 
apart  from  any  tendency  to  instability  in  the  girls  themselves.  The 
next  largest  group,  a  little  over  one-sixth,  left  on  account  of-  mar- 
riage; about  one-tenth  left  on  account  of  physical  incapacity  and 
another  tenth  because  they  wished  to  be  at  home  or  were  needed 
there.  Almost  the  same  proportion  left  to  secure  more  schooling 
or  to  take  more  professional  work.  Dislike  of  the  work  or  failure 
to  succeed  in  it  account  for  about  one-sixth. 

The  importance  of  these  several  reasons  varies  from  trade  to  trade. 
Among  the  dressmakers,  who  constituted  by  far  the  largest  group, 
marriage  was  the  principal  cause  for  leaving,  over  one-fifth  leaving 
on  this  account.  Dull  seasons,  even  including  in  this  those  who  left 
because  they  wished  to  keep  another  job  they  had  secured,  accounts 
for  only  a  little  over  one-sixth,  and  no  other  single  cause  for  as  much 
as  one-eighth.  In  millinery  the  dull  season  accounts  for  more  depart- 
ures than  in  any  other  of  these  trades,  constituting  by  far  the  most 
important  single  cause.  One-eighth  left  on  account  of  marriage  and 
one-tenth  to  advance  themselves.  In  cloth  machine  operating  the 
dull  season  counts  for  little,  but  a  lack  of  adjustment  between  the 
girl  and  the  work  is  a  serious  cause  of  displacement.  Of  the  44  girls 
who  dropped  this  trade,  15.9  per  cent  either  failed  in  it  or  wanted 
something  else,  18.2  per  cent  disliked  the  work  or  some  of  its  accom- 
paniments, and  13.6  per  cent  were  physically  unfitted  for  it.  Six- 
teen per  cent  more  left  either  because  they  were  not  recalled,  which 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  their  work  was  not  satisfactory,  or  be- 
cause they  had  poor  positions  or  poor  pay.  Almost  two-thirds, 
therefore,  of  those  who  left  the  trade,  and  nearly  two-fifths  of  those 
who  entered  it,  were  unfitted  either  from  a  physical  or  an  industrial 
standpoint  for  the  work  which  they  had  undertaken.  These  power- 
machine  operating  trades  offer  good  opportunities  for  the  more  mature 
worker,  but  the  young  girls  find  them  difficult,  both  because  of  the 
physical  strain  involved,  and  because  they  are  left  to  a  large  extent  to 
their  own  resources  in  carrying  on  the  work.  In  the  straw  machine- 
operating  trades,  the  dull  season  again  becomes  the  most  important 
of  all  reasons  for  leaving.  Dislike  of  the  work,  physical  incapacity 
and  the  like  do  not  seem  to  have  much  more  importance  as  reasons 
for  leaving  than  in  dressmaking. 

SUMMARY. 

It  appears  that  two  influences,  industrial  conditions  and  domestic 
demands,  are  important  in  withdrawing  girls  from  then:  trades,  the 
first,  contrary  to  popular  belief,  weighing  most  heavily.  The  greatest 
sifting  out  from  the  trade  comes  within  the  first  three  years  for  all 
trades,  but  varies  in  degree  in  the  different  trades.  Almost  one-half 
of  the  milliners  and  machine  operators  had  sifted  out  of  their  trade 


96  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL    GIRLS. 

by  the  end  of  the  second  year.  In  the  millinery  trades,  short  seasons 
are  the  predominating  influence  in  driving  girls  out.  In  the  power- 
machine  operating  trades,  the  sifting  out  is  largely  due  to  the  inability 
of  the  young  girl  to  meet  the  demands  for  independent  production 
with  the  requisite  speed.  There  are  some  indications  that  this  sifting 
out  from  the  trades,  instead  of  decreasing,  as  might  be  expected  with 
the  better  organization  of  the  trade-school  training,  has  increased 
during  the  last  five  years;  this  situation  is  probably  due  to  the  indus- 
trial evolution  going  on  in  the  sewing  trades.  In  general,  however, 
the  trade-school  girl  has  shown  remarkable  stability  in  comparison 
with  the  untrained  worker,  three-fifths  having  worked  only  at  one 
trade,  and  only  about  one-fourth  having  worked  for  more  than  three 
employers.  In  spite  of  the  seasonal  fluctuations  of  the  trades  they 
have  entered,  comparatively  few  resort  to  secondary  occupations, 
and  they  only  occasionally.  The  indications  of  increasing  instability 
discovered  in  the  experience  of  the  girls  going  out  from  the  school 
during  the  last  five  years,  however,  raise  the  question  whether  this 
permanence  in  trade  and  in  position  will  continue  in  the  future. 


CHAPTER  IV.— WAGES  OF   BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS. 

INTRODUCTION. 

The  wages  of  the  pupils  trained  in  a  vocational  school  are  of  particu- 
lar interest  for  several  reasons.  First,  it  is  desirable  to  know  whether 
the  time  spent  in  training  in  a  trade  school  is  as  profitable  or  more 
profitable  than  a  similar  length  of  time  spent  in  the  industry  in  which 
training  is  given.  There  are  still  well-known  educators  who  are 
dubious  as  to  the  advantages  of  trade-school  training.1  Second, 
vocational  education  is  expensive  and  it  is  desirable  to  know  whether 
the  pupiil  can  secure  commensurate  advantages  in  the  trade.  Third, 
it  is  advantageous  to  know,  for  each  of  the  several  trades,  how  long  it 
takes  a  girl  trained  in  the  trade  school  to  command  an  adequate  wage, 
so  that  girls  who  must  earn  quickly  shall  not  be  directed  into  a  trade 
involving  long  apprenticeship.  Fourth,  an  appreciation  and  under- 
standing of  the  many  influences  which  determine  ability  to  advance 
or  even  to  persist  in  the  trade  is  essential  for  efficient  vocational 
guidance  and  direction. 

A  most  important  point  to  be  kept  in  mind  in  this  study  of  wages 
in  the  sewing  trades  is  that  the  wage  reported  here  is  the  nominal 
wage  or  weekly  rate  which  is  (1)  reduced  by  absence  or  holidays  and 
(2)  depends  wholly  on  the  number  of  weeks  actuaUy  worked.  A 
study  of  the  sewing  trades  in  1910-11  showed  that  the  nominal  weekly 
wage  was  reduced  10  per  cent  in  custom  dressmaking  and  14  per  cent  in 
factory  dressmaking  by  short  absences  alone,  such  as  occasional  days 
out  for  illness  or  holidays.2  Almost  two- thirds  of  533  trade-school  girls 
in  the  trade  for  whom  data  on  this  point  were  obtained  worked  less 
than  10  months  in  their  trade  in  a  full  year.3  In  the  custom  trades, 
which  pay  a  weekly  rate,  the  dull  season  means  total  unemploy- 
ment. In  the  factory  trades,  which  pay  a  piece  rate,  the  girls  may 
continue  to  do  what  work  comes  in,  but  their  weekly  earnings  will 
be  much  smaller,  as  they  are  paid  only  for  the  actual  work  turned 
out. 

The  wages  vary  in  significance  in  the  several  trades  because  of  the 
difference  in  length  of  the  working  season  and  in  methods  of  wage  pay- 
ment ;  also  the  number  of  girls  in  the  several  trades  is  very  unequal, 
which  again  affects  the  significance  of  the  wages  reported.  Accord- 
ingly, the  wages  for  the  different  trades  will  in  many  cases  be  pre- 

1  Anna  C.  Hedges:  Wage  worth  of  school  training  (1915),  p.  9. 

2  May  Allinson:  Dressmaking  as  a  trade  for  women  in  Massachusetts.    Bui.  No.  193,  United  States  Bu- 
reau of  Labor  Statistics. 

3  See  Table  80,  p.  143. 

85225°— 17— Bull.  215 7  97 


98  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

sented  separately.  The  workers  in  the  millinery  trades,  whether 
custom  or  wholesale  millinery  or  the  manufacture  of  straw  hats,  have 
very  short  seasons.  Moreover,  those  working  in  the  custom  trades, 
dressmaking  and  millinery,  are  usually  paid  weekly  rates,  while  those 
in  the  power-operating  industries  are  usually  pieceworkers.  The 
dressmaking  trade  has  been  most  emphasized  in  the  trade  school,  and 
has  received  56.9  per  cent  of  the  774  girls  studied  who  have  utilized 
their  training. 

The  attempt  to  secure  a  complete  list  of  all  positions  held  and  of 
the  wage  received,  both  for  all  positions  and,  in  the  case  of  a  perma- 
nent position,  for  each  year,  has  been  on  the  whole  more  successful 
than  was  anticipated,  because  the  majority  of  the  girls  have  not  had  a 
long  working  experience  nor  held  a  large  number  of  positions.  The 
heading  "Not  reported"  or  " Unclassified,"  however,  may  hide  the 
story  of  a  long  series  of  unsuccessful  efforts  to  get  the  truth.  For 
instance,  one  girl  who  entered  a  dressmaking  shop  on  leaving  school 
soon  went  into  a  bookbindery,  where  she  has  been  working  10  years 
on  a  piece  wage.  Obviously,  she  could  not  remember  nor  esti- 
mate her  wages  for  the  past  10  years.  The  investigator  wdnt  to  her 
employer,  explained  the  purpose  and  importance  of  securing  her 
wage  for  successive  years,  and  after  some  persuasion  he  agreed  to  try 
to  secure  from  the  pay  rolls  the  girl's  weekly  wage  for  each  successive 
year.  On  the  appointed  day  the  investigator  hopefully  returned. 
The  bookkeeper  presented  a  neat  tabulation  of  the  girl's  total  earnings 
for  each  of  the  last  three  years,  but  said  the  books  for  the  preceding 
four, years  had  been  burned.  The  first  seven  years7  wages  for  this  girl 
were  thus  returned  "Not  reported."  The  difficulty  was  not  always 
with  those  receiving  wages.  The  girls  who  did  independent  dress- 
making were  sometimes  unable  to  estimate  their  weekly  earnings, 
and  where  they  were  unwilling  to  venture  the  investigator  feared  to 
tread,  so  their  wages  for  these  years  were  left  unclassified.  In 
general,  however,  the  girls,  sometimes  with  the  aid  of  then-  mother, 
father,  or  young  sister,  were  able  to  remember  their  wages  and  posi- 
tions with  surprising  clearness,  for  they  have  drifted  about  very 
little.  A  previous  investigation  of  the  larger  portion  of  the  older 
workers  of  this  same  group  made  hi  1910  showed  a  comforting  corre- 
spondence in  the  wages  for  the  earlier  years  of  their  wage-earning 
career,  and  served 'as  a  check  on  these  later  returns. 

AVERAGE  WEEKLY  WAGES  IN  SUCCESSIVE  YEARS. 

For  a  preliminary  glimpse  into  the  possibilities  of  wage  advance- 
ment, the  average  wage  earned  in  each  successive  year  out  of  the  trade 
school  may  be  suggestive.  As  many  girls  drift  into  other  occupations, 
the  wages  earned  in  the  trades  for  which  they  were  trained  and  in 
other  occupations  are  presented  separately,  in  order  to  show  financial 
opportunities  in  those  trades  which  the  trade  schools  have  adopted. 


WA(!KS  OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL 


99 


CSIRLS  REMAINING  IN  TRADE  FOR  WHICH  TRAINED  AND  THOSE  LEAVING  IT  FOR  OTHER 

OCCUPATIONS. 

The  following  table  gives,  by  trades,  the  average  wages  for  the  girls 
who  remained  hi  the  trades  for  which  they  had  been  trained,  and  also 
the  average  wages  of  those  who  left  their  trades,  without  distinction 
as  to  the  occupation  entered : 

TABLE  57.— NUMBER  AND  AVERAGE  WEEKLY  WAGES,  WHEN  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  EACH 
SPECIFIED  LENGTH  OF  TIME,  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  TRAINED  FOR 
AND  EMPLOYED  IN  SPECIFIED  TRADES  AND  OF  GIRLS  TRAINED  FOR  BUT 
EMPLOYED  IN  OTHER  THAN  SPECIFIED  TRADES. 

[Table  includes  only  those  for  whom  wages  were  reported.] 
I.  GIRLS  TRAINED  FOR  AND  EMPLOYED  IN  SPECIFIED  TRADES. 


Length  of  time  out 
of  trade  school. 

Dressmaking. 

Millinery. 

Power-machine  operating  on— 

Total. 

Cloth. 

Straw  hats. 

Num- 
ber. 

Aver- 
age 
weekly 
wage. 

Num- 
ber. 

Aver- 
age 
weekly 
wage. 

Num- 
ber. 

Aver- 
age 
weekly 
wage. 

Num- 
ber. 

Aver- 
age 
weekly 
wage. 

Num- 
ber. 

Aver- 
weekly 
wage. 

At  first  leaving.  . 

414 

375 
279 
213 
162 
123 
83 
44 
21 
11 
3 

$5.44 

6.15 
7.07 
7.94 

a  75 

9.35 
10.63 
11.24 
11.88 
11.95 
10.17 

151 

117 

80 
50 
39 
30 
23 
14 
7 
2 

$5.15 

6.11 

7.24 
8.63 
9.72 
10.62 
11.54 
11.44 
11.64 
10.50 

70 

51 
39 
22 
15 
9 
9 
5 
2 
2 

$5.14 

6.44 
7.12 
8.27 
8.23 
9.06 
9.96 
10.30 
11.50 
11.50 

64 

56 
33 
18 
13 
9 
5 

1 

$8.23 

9.59 
12.47 
14.  56 
14.96 
16.94 
17.20 
20.00 
20.00 

699 

599 
431 
303 
229 
171 
120 
64 
31 
15 
3 

$5.60 

6.48 
7.51 
8.47 
9.23 
9.95 
11.03 
11.34 
12.06 
11.70 
10.17 

At  the  end  of— 
1st  year  

2d  year 

3d  year  

4th  year 

5th  year  

6th  year. 

7th  year 

8th  year.  .  . 

9th  year 

10th  vear.. 

II.  GIRLS  TRAINED  FOR  BUT  EMPLOYED  IN  OTHER  THAN  SPECIFIED  TRADES. 


At  first  leaving  
At  the  end  of— 
1st  year 

6 

32 

$4.42 
6.94 

3 

26 

$5.50 
7.21 

8 
23 

$7.38 
6.85 

2 
11 

$2.75 
6.59 

19 
92 

$5.61 
6.95 

2d  year  

46 

6.84 

40 

7.39 

22 

6.68 

14 

7.14 

122 

7.02 

3d  year 

58 

8.03 

48 

7.77 

23 

7.33 

15 

7.70 

144 

7.79 

4th  year  
5th  year  . 

49 
41 

8.34 
9.19 

31 

29 

8.92 
9.84 

17 
16 

7.80 
7.88 

11 

8 

8.77 
9.00 

108 
94 

8.45 
9.  15 

6th  year  
7th  year  

23 

18 

10.65 
12.  39 

22 
15 

9.27 
10.  03 

13 
10 

7-96 
8.40 

7 
4 

11.07 
11.75 

65 

47 

9.70 
10.73 

8th  year 

14 

12.50 

6 

11.67 

7 

8.  "6 

2 

11.00 

29 

11.23 

9th  year  

11 

13.00 

2 

10.00 

7 

8.64 

20 

11.18 

10th  year  

5 

14.90 

6 

7.83 

11 

11.04 

For  the  699  whose  initial  wage  was  reported,  the  average  received 
at  beginning  was  $5.60.  In  considering  the  adequacy  of  this,  the 
age  of  the  young  workers  must  be  taken  into  account.  Of  the  total 
group  who  used  then-  trade,  25.7  per  cent  were  under  16,  and  51.5 
per  cent  16  but  under  18  on  leaving  the  trade  school.1  Since  entrance 
into  the  trade  usually  follows  promptly  on  leaving  the  school,  these 
proportions  probably  apply  in  the  main  to  the  group  under  con- 
sideration. Nine-tenths  (90.8  per  cent)  of  the  whole  group  entered 
the  dressmaking,  millinery,  or  cloth  machine-operating  trades,  the 


*  See  Table  9,  p  .28. 


100 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


average  initial  wage  for  the  three  being  $5.24.  The  straw  machine 
operators  began  at  a  much  higher  average,  $8.23 ;  their  busy  season, 
however,  is  short. 

The  girls  who  entered  other  than  their  own  trades  show  a  much 
greater  range  of  average  initial  wages,  ranging  from  $2.75  to  $7.38, 
but  the  numbers  concerned  are  so  small  that  there  is  little  significance 
in  this  fact.  For  the  whole  group  the  initial  wage — $5.61 — is  almost 
identical  with  that  for  those  who  went  into  their  own  trades.  At  the 
close  of  the  first  year  out  of  the  trade  school  the  girls  in  other  than 
their  own  trade  have  a  slight  advantage  over  those  who  remained 
in  their  own  trade,  their  average  wage  being  $6.95  as  against  $6.48, 
the  average  for  the  larger  group.  After  that,  however,  the  average 
wage  for  the  girls  in  their  own  trade  is  higher  than  for  those  in  other 
occupations,  the  difference  being  especially  marked  from  the  sixth 
year  onward. 

GIRLS  WHO  NEVER  USED  TRADE  FOR  WHICH  TRAINED. 

A  similar  difference,  except  that  the  divergence  is  greater,  appears 
if  the  girls  who  at  some  time  used  their  trade  be  compared  with  those 
who  had  spent  nine  months  or  more  at  the  trade  school  and  after- 
wards became  wage  earners,  but  who  never  used  the  trade  they  had 
been  trained  for.  The  following  table  shows  the  average  wages  for 
these  two  groups  at  the  end  of  each  year  out  of  trade  school: 

TABLE  53.— NUMBER  AND  AVERAGE  WEEKLY  WAGES,  WHEN  OUT  OP  TRADE 
SCHOOL  EACH  SPECIFIED  LENGTH  OF  TIME,  OF  GIRLS  TRAINED  FOR  SEWING 
TRADES  IN  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  WHO  ENTERED  THEIR  TRADE  AND  OF 
THOSE  WHO  DID  NOT  USE  THEIR  TRADE. 

[This  table  does  not  include  11  girls  trained  in  cooking  and  design  and  using  their  trade  or  girls  not  report- 
ing their  wage  at  each  specified  period.] 


Sewing-trades  girls— 

Who    attended 

Length  of  time  out 
of  trade  school. 

Who  entered  their 
trade. 

trade    school    9 
months  or  more 
but  did  not  use 
their  trade. 

Number. 

Average 
weekly 

Number. 

Average 
weekly 

wage. 

wage. 

At  first  leaving  

718 

$5.60 

59 

$5.74 

At  the  end  of— 

1st  year 

691 

6.55 

58 

6.19 

2d  year 

553 

7.41 

49 

6.42 

3d  year 

447 

8.25 

49 

7.52 

4th  year  

337 

8.99 

33 

7.68 

5th  year  

265 

9.67 

22 

8.18 

6th  year      

185 

10.56 

12 

8.50 

7th  year 

111 

11.09 

9 

8.06 

8th  year  

60 

11.66 

4 

7.00 

9th  y^ar 

35 

11.31 

10th  year 

14 

10.90 

Those  who  did  not  use  their  trade  began  wage  earning  at  a  slightly 
higher  average  wage  than  those  who  did,  but  by  the  end  of  the  first 


WAGES  OF   BOSTON   TRADE^SCllOOL  GIRl  101 

year  they  had  lost  the  advantage,  afrd  from*  llialT time'  oil  'tHose  using 
thoir  trade  show  the  higher  average,  the  difference  becoming  con- 
siderable as  the  number  of  years  out  of  trade  school  increases. 

TIME  REQUIRED  BY  DIFFERENT  GROUPS  TO  REACH  $8  A  WEEK. 

One  of  the  purposes  of  the  study  of  wages  is  to  discover  how  soon 
after  leaving  trade  school  a  girl  may  expect  to  earn  a  living  wage. 
If  $8  be  accepted  as  a  minimum  living  wage,  then  in  general  the  trade- 
school  girls  who  remain  in  their  trades  have  reached  economic  inde- 
pendence, as  expressed  in  an  average  wage  of  $8,  by  the  end  of  the  third 
year;  those  who  leave  their  own  trades  reach  this  point  by  the  end  of 
the  fourth  year,  and  those  who  never  use  their  own  trades  by  the 
end  of  the  fifth  year.  There  is  considerable  difference  in  this  respect 
among  those  following  different  trades.  The  straw  machine  opera- 
tors begin  at  an  average  wage  of  over  $8,  and  by  the  end  of  the  third 
year  are  averaging  $14.56;  the  milliners  and  cloth  machine  operators 
have  reached  and  passed  the  $8  mark  by  the  end  of  the  third  year, 
and  the  dressmakers  reach  it  somewhere  between  the  end  of  the  third 
and  the  fourth  years  out.  The  girls  trained  for  the  sewing  trades 
who  have  left  them  show  a  curious  difference  in  their  rate  of  advance- 
ment in  the  trades  they  take  up.  Those  trained  for  dressmakers  who 
go  into  other  trades  average  $8  a  week  sooner  than  those  who  remain 
in  then*  trade;  those  who  go  out  from  cloth  machine  operating  take 
seven  years  instead  of  three  to  reach  this  average,  while  the  milliners 
and  the  straw  machine  operators  take  four.  The  number  leaving 
their  own  trades  for  others  is  small,  and  it  is  impossible  to  say  defi- 
nitely what  is  the  significance  of  this  difference.  The  preceding 
chapter,  however,  has  shown  that  many  of  those  who  leave  their 
trade  do  so  because  they  are  unfitted,  either  physically,  mentally,  or 
by  lack  of  suitable  training,  to  succeed  there,  and  it  is  entirely  likely 
that  this  same  handicap  accounts  for  their  lack  of  rapid  progress  in 
other  trades.  The  girls  who  have  never  used  their  own  trades  do  not 
reach  the  average  of  $8  a  week  until  the  end  of  the  fifth  year  out  of 
trade  school.  Summing  up  the  situation  in  this  respect,  it  appears 
that  the  girls  who  remain  in  the  trade  for  which  they  were  trained 
first  reach  this  minimum  of  economic  independence,  then  the  girls 
who  have  used  their  own  trades  but  have  left  them  for  others,  and 
last  the  girls  who  never  have  used  their  own  trade. 

RATE  OF  ADVANCE  IN  DIFFERENT  GROUPS. 

The  rate  of  increase  of  wages  in  the  different  groups  is  shown  by 
the  Table  59.  The  table  shows  the  rate  of  advance  over  the  initial 
wage  when  the  girls  were  out  of  school  each  specified  number  of  years 
and  the  rate  of  advance  of  wages  at  the  end  of  each  year  out  of  school 
over  wages  received  at  the  end  of  the  preceding  year. 


102  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

TABLE  59.— 1-EIi  CENT  OF  INCREASE,  OySR  INITIAL  WAGES  AND  OVER  WAGES  IN  EACH 
PRECEDING  PERIOD,  IN  AVERAGE  WEEKLY  WAGES  PAID  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL 
GIRLS  WHEN  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  EACH  SPECIFIED  NUMBER  OF  YEARS. 


Years  out  of  trade 
school. 

Per  cent  of  increase  over  initial  wage. 

Girls  using  their  trade  at  specified  period. 

Girls 
working 
in  other 
occupa- 
tions at 
specified 
period. 

All  girls 
using 
their 
trade 
at  some 
time. 

Girls 
never 
using 
their 
trade. 

8.0 
11.8 
31.0 
33.8 
42.5 
48.1 
40.4 

Dress- 
making. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Power-machine 
operating  on— 

All  girls 
using 
their 
trade. 

Cloth. 

Straw 
hats. 

At  the  end  of— 
1st  year  

13.1 
30.0 
46.0 
60.8 
71.9 
95.4 
106.6 

18.4 
40.3 
87.2 
88.3 
105.8 
123.  6 
121.7 

25.3 

38.5 
60.9 
60.1 
76.3 
93.8 
100.4 

16.5 
51.5 
76.9 
81.8 
105.8 
109.0 

15.7 
32.3 
51.3 
64.8 
77.7 
97.0 
102.5 

23.9 
25.1 
38.9 
50.6 
63.1 
73.0 
91.3 

17.0 
32.3 
47.3 
60.5 
72.6 
88.6 
98.0 

2d  year. 

3d  year  

4th  year  

5th  year  . 

(5th  year  

7th  year  

At  the  end  of— 
1st  year 

Per  cent  of  increase  in  wages  over  those  in  preceding  period. 

13.1 
15.0 
12.3 
10.2 
6.9 
13.7 
5.7 

18.4 
18.5 
19.2 
12.6 
9.3 
8.7 
1.8 

25.3 
10.6 
10.  2 
15.0 
10.1 
9.9 
3.4 

16.5 
30.0 
16.8 
2.7 
13.2 
.9 

15.7 
15.9 
12.8 
9.0 
7.8 
10.9 
2.8 

23.9 
1.0 
11.0 
8.5 
8.3 
6.0 
10.6 

17.0 
13.1 
11.3 
9.0 
7.6 
9.2 
5.0 

8.0 
3.7 
17.1 
2.1 
6.5 
3.9 
15.2 

2d  year  

3d  year  

4th  year 

5th  year  

6th  year 

7th  year 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  rate  of  increase  is,  on  the  whole,  continuous ; 
that  it  is  at  once  greater  and  more  regular  among  those  using  their 
own  trade  than  among  those  who  have  left  it  for  others,  and  that,  as 
between  the  trades,  millinery  shows  the  greatest  percentage  of 
increase  over  the  initial  wage. 

TABLE  GO.— AVERAGE  WAGES  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  WHEN  OUT  OF 
TRADE  SCHOOL  EACH  SPECIFIED  LENGTH  OF  TIME  AND  RANGE  OF  WAGES 
PAID  M1DI/LE  50  PER  CENT. 


Length  of  time  out  of  trade 
school. 

Average 
wages.1 

Range  of  wages  paid 
middle  50  per  cent.2 

At  first  leaving  .  . 

$5.60 

$4  but  less  than  $7. 

At  the  end  of— 
First  year  

6.48 

$5  but  less  than  $7. 
$6  but  less  than  $8. 

Second  vear. 

7.51 

$7  but  less  than  $10. 

Third  year  

8.47 

$8  but  less  than  $10. 

Fourth  year  
Fifth  year 

9.23 
9.95 

$9  but  less  than  $11. 

2  This  column  was  derived  from  Table  63,  p.  107.  The  expression  "middle  50  per  cent"  includes  those 
'oming  within  the  second  and  third  quartiles  and  represents  that  half  of  the  workers  clustering  about  the 
'nedian  and  the  arithmetic  average. 

RELATION  OF  WAGES  OF  INDIVIDUAL  WORKERS  TO  AVERAGE  WAGE. 

The  wages  of  the  individual  workers  naturally  diverge  from  the 
average  wage  to  an  increasing  extent  with  advancing  years  as  indi- 
vidual capacity  has  an  opportunity  to  assert  itself.  Up  to  the  sixth 


WAGES   OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS.  103 

year  the  wages  of  the  middle  50  per  cent,  as  shown  by  Table  60,  cluster 
very  closely  around  the  average  wage. 

From  the  sixth  year  the  range  widens  with  a  rather  irregular 
tendency  to  group  more  heavily  on  the  lower  side  of  the  average 
wage.  The  wages  of  those  working  in  occupations  other  than  their 
own  trade  congregate  less  closely  about  the  average,  especially  at  the 
beginning  and  after  the  fifth  year;  at  the  beginning,  because  the 
wages  represent  a  wide  variety  of  occupations,  and  after  the  fifth 
year,  because  in  addition  to  the  variety  of  occupation  some  of  the 
more  mature  workers  have  developed  individual  capacity  and  ability 
to  take  advantage  of  opportunities  which  may  arise,  while  others 
remain  where  they  started. 

AVERAGE  WAGES  OF  TRADE-TRAINED  WORKERS. 

The  question  naturally  arises  as  to  how  this  wage  advancement 
compares  with  that  of  girls  who  have  not  received  trade-school 
training.  To  secure  a  basis  of  comparison  a  study  was  made  of  100 
girls  who  had  worked  at  custom  dressmaking  and  100  from  the  cloth 
power-sewing  trades,  who  were  of  about  the  same  age  and  length 
of  working  experience  as  the  trade-school  girls.  Five  were  not  in 
wage-earning  occupations  at  the  time  of  the  investigation.  Some 
had  begun  work  in  a  foreign  country,  and  their  wages  for  those  years 
were  so  incomparable  with  those  of  the  trade-school  girls  that  they 
were  not  included  in  the  wage  tables. 

Before  considering  the  question  of  wages,  notice  must  be  taken  of 
one  important  difference  in  the  industrial  history  of  the  trade-school 
girls  and  of  these  trade-trained  girls.  When  the  trade-school  girl 
has  received  her  training,  she  is  placed  directly  in  her  trade,  from 
which  in  time  many  drift  out  into  other  occupations.  Many  of  the 
trade-trained  girls,  on  the  other  hand,  have  begun  in  other  occu- 
pations and  drifted  into  the  sewing  trades,  so  the  order  of  trade 
acquirement  is  just  reversed.  The  variety  of  occupations  through 
which  the  trade- trained  girls  have  passed  is  shown  for  the  100  in 
factory  sewing  trades  in  Table  61. 

Not  far  from  one-half — 42  per  cent — of  these  girls  began  work  in 
other  occupations.  About  one-half  of  those  who  began  in  the  man- 
ufacturing branch  of  the  trade  were  first  employed  on  hand  processes, 
such  as  sewing  on  buttons,  folding,  cleaning,  inspecting,  marking, 
boxing,  and  keeping  stock,  preliminary  stages  which  the  young 
worker  must  often  pass  through  before  she  has  an  opportunity  to 
work  on  the  machines.  A  few  had  sewed  in  custom  shops  before 
entering  the  factory  and  have  been  included  with  those  in  the  trade 
because  this  experience  provided  the  preliminary  experience  in 
handling  cloth  and  materials  which  seems  to  be  essential  to  the 
machine  operator.  From  42.9  per  cent  engaged  on  hand  processes 


104 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE    OF   TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


in  the  factory  at  the  end  of  the  first  ye?-r  the  proportion  dropped  to 
26.5  per  cent  at  the  end  of  the  second  year  and  15.2  per  cent  at  the 
end  of  the  third  year.  After  the  third  year  four-fifths  or  more  were 
employed  as  power-machine  operators.  That  is,  it  required  three 
years  of  work  at  miscellaneous  processes  before  four-fifths  of  the 
group  were  really  employed  in  their  trade. 

TABLE  61.— OCCUPATIONS  AT  BEGINNING  WORK  AND  AT  END  OF  EACH  SUCCESSIVE 
YEAR  OF  EMPLOYMENT  OF  100  TRADE-TRAINED  GIRLS  EMPLOYED  IN  FACTORY 
SEWING  TRADES  AT  THE  TIME  OF  THE  INVESTIGATION. 

NUMBER. 


Occupation. 

At 
begin- 
ning 
work. 

At  end  of— 

1st 
year. 

2d 
year. 

3d 

year. 

4th 
year. 

5th 
year. 

6th 
year. 

7th 
year. 

8th 
year. 

9th 
year. 

loth 
year. 

TRAINING   ACQUIRED   INSIDE    THE 
TRADE. 

Custom  shops  

18 

27 
13 

s 

5 
1 

26 

5 
4 
2 
2 
1 

3 

2 

3 
1 

2 
2 

1 

1 

-L'lT-TT   ;JS 

Factories:  Hand  processes- 
Sewing,  buttons,  snaps,  etc... 
Folding 

11 
6 

4 
2 

5 

•  ""  '         — 

1    '           — 

•" 

1 

1 

Cleaning  

1 

1 

1 
1 

1 

Inspecting,  examining  

32 
4  1 

32 

31                   1 

Drafting,  designing 

Pressing  

3 

2 
1 

1 

1 

Marking  

1 
1 

Boxin0'  

1 

1 

1 

1 

Stock  .. 

1 

Total  

24 

526 

30 

18 

9 

8 
541 

4 

3 

4 



25 

2 

1 

g 

1 

Factories:  Machine  processes- 
Stitching,  etc  

33 

544 

547 

534 

27 

19 

5 

Total   trained    inside   the 
trade  (cloth  workers)  

TRAINING  ACQUIRED  OUTSIDE  THE 
TRADE. 

Sewing,  millinery  goods: 
Custom  

58 

70 

68 

59 

51 

40 

31 

30 

21 

10 

6 

64 

23 

n 

23 

Factory,  straw  machine  oper- 
ating 

1 



Total  

4 

4 

3 

1 

Sewing,  shoe  factory  

83 

34 
1 

83 

19 
1 

Other  occupations        

16 
1 

13 

7 

6 

3 

1 

2 

Unclassified 

Total  trained  outside  the 
trade  earning  wages  

42 

27 

20 

13 

7 

6 

4 

-  ,.    '     - 

2 

37~ 

2 

- 

1 

= 

== 

Not  earning  wages. 

3 
100 

1 
89~ 

1 

±—--± 

73 

Grand  total  

;- 

100 

58~ 

46 

32~ 

zT 

11  |          6 

PER  CENT. 


TRAINING   ACQUIRED   INSIDE   THE 
TRADE. 

Custom  shops 

13  8 

10  0 

8  8 

5  1 

3  9 

5  0 

3.2 

3.3 

Factories*  Hand  processes 

41.4 

42.9 

26.5 

15.2 

15.7 

10.0 

9.7 

13.3 

9.5 

10.0 

16.7 

Factories:  Machine  processes  

44.8 

47.1 

64.7 

79.7 

80.4 

85.0 

87.1 

83.4 

90.5 

90.0 

S3.  3 

Total 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

1  2  were  apprentices. 

*  1  was  an  apprentice. 
»  1  gave  out  work  also. 

*  Was  a  forewoman  also. 


s  1  did  cutting  on  a  rotary  machine. 

6  Apprentices. 

7  Made  feather  stick-ups  in  a  factory. 

8  1  did  handwork,  cementing. 


WAGES   OF    BOSTON    TI!.\I>K  SCI  I  no  I,    C1KI.S. 


105 


Taking  the  average  wages  of  these  trade-trained  girls  on  first  going 
to  work  and  at  the  end  of  each  successive  year,  we  have  the  following 
figures: 

TABLE  62.-NUMBER  AND  AVERAGE  WEEKLY  WAGE  AT  BEGINNING  WORK  AND  AT 
END  OF  EACH  SUCCESSIVE  YEAR  OF  EMPLOYMENT  OF  DRESSMAKERS  AND 
FACTORY  SEWING  GIRLS  STUDIED  WHO  WERE  NOT  TRADE-SCHOOL  TRAINED. 

[This  table  does  not  include  girls  whose  wages  were  not  reported.] 


Dressmakers. 

Factory  sewers  (cloth  machine 
operators). 

Time  out  of  trade 

In  the  trade. 

In  other 
occupations. 

Total. 

In  the  trade. 

In  other 
occupations. 

Total. 

school 

Aver- 

Aver- 

Aver- 

Aver- 

Aver- 

Aver- 

Num- 
ber. 

age 
weekly 

Num- 
ber. 

age 
weekly 

Num- 
ber. 

age 
weekly 

Num- 
ber. 

age 
weekly 

Num- 
ber. 

age 
week- 
lv 

Num- 
•ber. 

age 
week- 

1  V 

wage. 

wage. 

wage. 

wage. 

wage. 

»y 

wage. 

At  beginning  work  

84 

$4.24 

12 

$5.75 

96 

$4.43 

58 

$4.96 

141 

$4.38 

99 

$4.72 

At  the  end  of— 

1st  year 

81 

5.30 

12 

6.83 

93 

5.49 

69 

6  12 

1  26 

5.63 

95 

5  98 

2d  year  

66 

6.41 

11 

7.14 

77 

6.51 

68 

7.14 

1  19 

6.61 

87 

7.02 

3d  year  

61 

7.49 

5 

9.90 

66 

7.67 

58 

8.08 

13 

8.13 

71 

7.98 

4th  year 

50 

8  40 

4 

10  25 

54 

8  54 

51 

8  54 

7 

8  79 

58 

8  57 

5th  year  

42 

8.95 

6 

7.83 

48 

8.81 

39 

9.12 

6 

7.67 

45 

8.92 

6th  year 

OQ 

9.93 

4 

8.50 

42 

9  80 

30 

9  83 

3 

9  16 

33 

9  77 

7th  year  

39 

10.38 

1 

9.50 

40 

10.36 

30 

9.61 

2 

7.00 

32 

9.44 

8th  year  

26 

11.10 

2 

8.50 

28 

10.91 

21 

9.31 

21 

9.31 

9th  year 

21 

11  81 

1 

10  50 

22 

11  75 

10 

8  10 

1 

11  50 

11 

8  41 

10th  year  

17 

12.24 

17 

12.24 

6 

8.00 

6 

8.00 

1  Not  including  1  in  a  foreign  country  whose  wage  was  not  comparable. 

AVERAGE  WAGES  OP  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS  COMPARED  WITH  THOSE  OF  TRADE- 
TRAINED  WORKERS. 

Comparing  these  wages  with  those  received  by  the  trade-school 
girls,  the  greatest  difference  is  found  in  the  initial  stage.  This  is 
easily  accounted  for,  as  the  trade-school  girl  is  usually  a  little  older 
at  beginning  work,  and  her  year  in  the  trade  school  has  given  ^er 
some  of  the  fundamental  preparation,  so  that  she  generally  com- 
mences as  a  worker  instead  of  as  an  errand  girl,  stock  girl,  boxer, 
examiner,  or  cleaner.  Comparing  the  two  groups  of  dressmakers 
working  at  their  trade,  the  initial  wage  of  the  trade-school  girls, 
$5.44,  exceeds  that  of  the  trade-trained  girls  by  $1.20;  by  the  end 
of  the  first  year  the  difference  has  decreased  to  85  cents  and  the 
approach  continues  until  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  year  the  difference 
is  only  35  cents.  From  this  point  onward  both  groups  of  wages 
move  in  rather  irregular  fashion,  but  the  trade-school  girls  maintain 
the  advantage  up  to  the  tenth  year,  when  the  trade-trained  girls 
suddenly  take  the  lead,  showing  at  the  end  of  this  year  an  average 
wage  of  $12.24  against  an  average  of  $10.17  for  the  trade-school  girls. 
As  at  this  point  there  are  only  3  of  the  trade-school  girls  against  1 7 
of  the  trade-trained,  it  is  probable  that  this  reversal  of  the  previous 
situation  has  but  little  if  any  significance. 


106  INDUSTRIAL    EXPERIENCE;    OF    TRALHC-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

In  the  factory  branch  of  the  trade  likewise  the  trade-school  girl 
has  an  immediate  advantage,  beginning  work  at  an  initial  wage  of 
$5.14  as  compared  with  $4.96  for  the  untrained  workers.  After  the 
first  year,  however,  the  wages  of  the  two  groups  maintain  a  very  close 
relation,  sometimes  one  and  sometimes  the  other  being  the  higher, 
in  spite  of  the  immediate  advantage  of  the  trade-school  girls  in 
being  able  to  begin  on  the  machines  at  entrance.  In  view  of  this 
fact,  the  wages  of  the  trade-school  girls  might  reasonably  be  expected 
to  make  a  more  favorable  showing  in  comparison  with  those  of  the 
untrained  girls  than  they  do,  for  almost  three-fourths  of  the  girls 
who  have  come  up  through  the  industry  began  work  in  other  proc- 
esses or  in  wholly  unrelated  trades,  and  so  may  be  starting  on  the 
machines  at  a  beginner's  wage  in  the  second,  third,  fourth,  or  fifth 
year  of  their  working  experience. 

The  wages  of  the  trade-school  and  the  trade-trained  workers  are 
not  really  comparable  after  the  eighth  year  of  working  experience 
for  the  dressmakers  and  the  sixth  year  for  the  factory  sewers,  be- 
cause of  the  small  numbers  in  one  group  or  the  other  in  later  years. 
The  average  wages  of  the  school-trained  and  trade-trained  workers 
at  the  end  of  these  periods  were  approximately  the  same,  with  some 
slight  advantage  for  the  trade-school  girl.  At  the  end  of  her  eighth 
year  out  of  trade  school  the  trade-school  girl  in  dressmaking  earned 
an  average  wage  of  $11.88  and  the  trade-trained  girl  in  her  eighth 
year  at  work  earned  $11.10.  The  trade-school  girl  in  the  factory 
sewing  trades  at  the  end  of  her  sixth  year  earned  $9.96  while  the 
trade-trained  girl  earned  $9.83. 

Both  the  school  and  the  trade-trained  girls  are  selected  groups 
for  both  are  "  survivors  "  in  the  trades  in  which  they  are  employed. 
Only  a  little  over  one- third1  of  the  trade-school  girls  in  the  three  schools 
persevered  through  the  school  course  and  entered  the  trades  for  which 
they  were  trained,  and  only  one-half  of  those  who  had  been  out  of 
trade  school  as  long  as  five  years  or  over  were  in  their  trades  at  the 
end  of  the  fifth  year.2  No  similar  figures  are  available  as  to  the  de- 
gree of  sifting  represented  by  those  who  have  come  up  through  the 
industry  itself.  The  chief  difference  in  their  experience  is  the  way 
of  approach;  for  the  trade-school  girl  the  way  has  been  smoothed 
and  the  girl  has  been  sheltered  and  protected  until  she  was  more  ma- 
ture, while  the  trade-trained  girl  has  come  up  through  unskilled  in- 
dustries and  processes,  acquiring  her  training  wholly  through  her  own 
efforts  and  initiative.  The  surprising  thing  is  the  similarity  of  finan- 
cial advancement,  which  should  provide  an  impetus  to  the  school  to 
gain  an  understanding  of  the  requirements  of  these  trades. 

i  See  Table  13,  p  32.  *  See  Table  45,  p.  77. 


WAGES   OF    BOSTON    TKAhK-S*  '  II  <  ><  >!.    <i!KLS. 


107 


CLASSIFIED  WEEKLY  WAGES  IN  SUCCESSIVE  YEARS  IN  SEWING  TRADES. 

The  average  wage  gives  a  general  idea  of  the  rate  at  which  the  girl 
has  advanced  in  the  industrial  world,  but  for  trade  educators  a 
knowledge  of  the  actual  numbers  earning  $8  or  more  hi  each  year 
out  of  trade  school;  and  of  the  length  of  time  required  to  reach  eco- 
nomic independence  is  vitally  important.  These  facts  can  be  ob- 
tained from  the  following  tables,  which  give  the  classified  wages  of 
the  trade-school  girls  for  each  year  out  of  trade  school  by  trades,  and 
also  for  the  whole  group,  omitting  only  the  11  who  took  cooking  or 
designing.  For  purposes  of  comparison,  similar  tables  are  given  for 
the  trade- trained  girls,  the  wages  in  their  case  being  taken  at  the  end 
of  each  year  of  working  experience. 

TABLE  63.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  TRAINED 
IN  EACH  OF  FOUR  SPECIFIED  TRADES  WHO  EARNED  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT 
OF  WEEKLY  WAGES  AT  SPECIFIED  TIME  OUT  OF  TRADE  SCHOOL. 

DRESSMAKING. 

[Percentages  in  this  table  are  based  on  the  number  of  girls  whose  wages  were  reported.] 


Classified  weekly 
wages. 

Number  earning  each  classified  weekly  amount. 

At 
begin- 
ning 
work. 

At  end  of— 

1st 
year. 

2d 
year. 

3d 

year. 

4th 
year. 

5th 
year. 

6th 
year. 

7th 

year. 

8th 
year. 

9th 
year. 

10th 
year. 

IN  THE  TEADE. 

Under  $3  

10 
38 
86 
114 
156 
7 

3 

1 

19 
42 
83 
165 
45 
13 
6 

1 
5 
8 
31 
96 
83 
31 
18 
5 

$3  and  under  $4 

3 
2 
8 
39 
74 
41 
28 
12 
1 
5 

1 

2 
1 
21 

29 
38 
44 
14 
4 
7 
1 

1 
1 

1 

1 

$4  and  under  $5  .  . 

$5  and  under  $6 

$6  and  under  $7  

6 
21 
22 
35 
22 
6 
8 
1 

1 
3 
13 
21 
18 
7 
13 
4 
1 
2 

$7  and  under  $8 

1 
6 
10 
12 
5 
5 
4 
1 
2 

1 

$8  and  under  $9.  .  . 

1 
6 
5 
1 
5 
3 

$9  and  under  $10 

3 

4 

1 
2 

$10  and  under  $11 

$11  and  under  $12 

$12  and  under  $15 

1 

1 

1 

$20  and  over 

2 

Not  reported  . 

1 

5 

7 

5 

7 

4 

1 

1 

Total  

415 

1 
1 
2 
1 
1 

380 

286 

218 
1 

169 

-  -A-,  _  _•—  —  • 

127 

L-J    _  ,_—  '  — 

85 

46 

22 

=£= 

1 

IN  OTHER  OCCU- 
PATIONS. 

Under  $3  

$3  and  under  $4 

3 
3 
10 
13 

7 
.  7 
2 

1 

2 

$4  and  under  $5 

6 
10 

4 
4 
4 
2 

4 
2 
11 
15 
14 
5 
2 
2 

$5  and  under  S6  

3 

4 
6 
10 
6 

7 
2 

1 
1 

1 
5 

i 

1 

$6  and  under  $7 

6 
13 

12 
8 
4 
1 
2 

1 
1 

$7  and  under  $8  

2 

4 
5 

6 
3 

1 
1 

1 
4 

"Y 

4 
2 

$8  and  under  $9    

2 
2 

2 

$9  and  under  $10 

3 
2 

$10  and  under  $11  

$11  and  under  $12  . 

$12  and  under  $15 

1 

6 

1 
2 
3 

4 
1 
2 
3 

1 
3 
1 

$15  and  under  $20  

1 

1 
2 
1 

$20  and  over  . 

1 
3 

2 

3 

Not  reported 

3 

4 

Total..  .. 

6 

35 

49 

61 

53 

46  |        27 

21 

17  i        12 

6 

108 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE  63.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  TRAINED 
IN  EACH  OF  FOUR  SPECIFIED  TRADES  WHO  EARNED  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT 
OF  WEEKLY  WAGES  AT  SPECIFIED  TIME  OUT  OF  TRADE  SCHOOL— Continued. 

DRESSMAKING— Concluded. 


Classified  weekly 

rer  cent  earning  each  classified  weekly  amount. 

At 

At  end  of— 

ning 
work 

1st 

2d 

3d 

4th 

5th 

6th 

7th 

8th 

9th 

10th 

year. 

year. 

year. 

year. 

year. 

year. 

year. 

year. 

year. 

year. 

IN  THE  TRADE. 

Under  $8  

99.3 

94.7 

80.3 

59.2 

33.3 

23.6 

7.2 

2.2 

9.1 

$8  and  over 

7 

5  3 

19  7 

40  8 

66  7 

76  4 

92  8 

97  8 

100  0 

90  9 

100  0 

IN  OTHER  OCCU- 

PATIONS. 

Under  $8.. 

100.0 

75.0 

78.3 

56.9 

44.9 

31.7 

8  7 

14  3 

16  7 

$8  and  over 

25.0 

21.7 

43.1 

55.1 

68.3 

91.3 

100.0 

85.7 

83.3 

100.0 

MILLINERY. 


IN  THE  TRADE. 

Under  $3 

Number  earning  each  classified  weekly  amount. 

10 
17 
42 
37 
38 
2 
3 
1 
1 

2 

4 
18 
27 
49 
7 
6 
1 
1 
1 
1 

1 

$3  and  under  $4  
$4  and  under  $5 

1 
5 
7 
26 
22 
13 
3 
1 

2 
2 

7 
12 
18 
2 
3 

1 

$5  and  urder  $6 

1 
1 
2 
5 

5 
3 
3 
2 
1 

1 

1    '.'. 

S3  and  under  $7  .     .   . 

1 
7 
13 
4 
7 
1 
2 
2 
1 
2 

1             1 

""ill! 

1             1 

4             2 

$7  and  under  $$ 

1 
2 
4 
3 
2 
8 
2 

$8  and  under  $9  

$9  and  under  $10  . 

$10  and  under  $11  

... 

$11  and  under  $12  
$12  and  under  $15 

•1 

1 

5 

1  1          1 

1 

$15  and  under  $20 

3 
2 

$20  and  over 

Not  reported 

2 

1 

2 

Total  

IN  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS. 

Under  $3 

153 

118 

82 

52 

41 

30 

23 

14  i          7             2    

1 

$3  and  under  $4  
$4  and  under  $5 

1 
1 

3 
3 

ll 
ll 

1 
I 

1 
9 
10 
10 

! 

2 

$5  and  under  $6 

10 
6 
6 
1 
1 
1 

6 
8 
4 
6 
2 

1 

2 

..... 

7 
6 
6 
3 
1 
3 
2 

1 
2 
2 
7 
3 
2 
3 
2 

1 

86  and  under  $7  
$7  and  under  S8 

.1             1 
3 

$8  and  under  $9 

1 

$9  and  under  SI  0  
$10  and  under  $11 

3             1 
3  j          1 
1             1 
3             1 

1    . 
1    

$11  and  under  $12 

S12  and  under  $15 

$15  and  under  $20 

$20  and  o~'er 

1 

1 

Not  reported 

n  

j 

I 

Total  

!               i 

3 

26 

40 

49 

31 

29           23           16            6            2    

i 

IN  THE  TRADE. 

Under  $8  

Per  cent  earning  each  classified  weekly  amount. 

96.7 
3.3 

66.7 
33.3 

91.5 

8.5 

84.6 
15.4 

76.3 
23.7 

75.0 
25.0 

46.0 
54.0 

58.3 
41.7 

23.1 
76.9 

48.4 
51.6 

13.3 
86.7 

27.6 
72.4 

8.7 
91.3 

22.7 
77.3 

. 

7.1       14.3 

92.  9       85.  7 

13.3       16.7 
86.7  ,    83.3 

50.0    
50.0    

$8  and  over  

IN  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS. 

Under  $8  

WAGES  OF   BOSTON   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


109 


'TABLE  63.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  TRAINED 
IN  EACH  OF  FOUR  SPECIFIED  TRADES  WHO  EARNED  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT 
OF  WEEKLY  WAGES  AT  SPECIFIED  TIME  OUT  OF  TRADE  SCHOOL— Continued. 

CLOTH  MACHINE  OPERATING. 


Classified  weekly 
wages. 

Number  earning  each  classified  weekly  salary. 

At 
begin- 
ning 
work. 

At  end  of— 

1st 
year. 

2d 
year. 

3d 
year. 

4th 
year. 

5th 

year. 

Oth 
year. 

7th 
year. 

8th 
year. 

Oth 

year. 

10th 

year. 

IN  THE  TRADE. 

Under  $3 

6 
9 
14 
20 
18 
1 
1 

1 

i 

$4  and  under  $5  
$5  and  under  $6 

6 

7 
28 
7 
2 

1 
1 
2 
2 
3 
4 
1 
1 

1 

1 

5 
16 
13 
3 
1 

-  5 
5 
4 
4 
2 

1 

$6  and  under  $7 

1 
2 
2 
1 
2 

1 
1 
2 
1 

! 

$8  and  under  89 

$9  and  under  $10 

I 

l 

1 

$10  and  und°r  111 

1 

1 

$12  and  imder  $15 

1 

1 

2 

1           1 

$15  and  under  $20 

I 

$20  and  o^er 

i 

Not  reported 

3 

2 

1 

1 

Total 

73 

53 

40 

22 

15 

10 

•  |         5 

2 

2 

IN  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS. 

Under  $3  

$3  and  under  §4 

1 
5 
1 
7 
1 
4 
3 
1 

...„ 

2 
5 
3 
4 
1 
1 

1 
2 
3 

7 
3 
4 
1 
1 

$4  and  under  $5 

1 
2 
4 

2 
3 
2 
3 
4 
1 
1 

1 
5 
1 
2 
4 
1 

1 

3 
1 
2 
4 
1 

$5  and  under  86  

2 
1 
2 
1 
2 
1 

1 

1 
2 

1 

1 

2 
1 

$6  and  under  $7  . 

$7  and  under  $8  

$8  and  under  $9 

1 
1 
1 
1 

2 
1 
1 
1 

1 

$9  and  under  $10  

$10  and  under  $11  
$11  and  under  $12  

2 

1 

$12  and  under  $15 

$15  and  under  $20  

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

$20  and  over  

Not  reported 

2 

1 

1             1 

2 

2 

Total... 

i 

8 

25 

23 

24 

18 

18 

15 

10 

7 

7 

6 

IN  THE  TRADE. 

Under  $8 

Per  cent  earning  each  classified  weekly  amount. 

97.1 
2.9 

8?.  5 
12.5 

i 

94.1 
5.9 

65.2 
34.8 

87.2 
12.8 

72.7 
27.3 

50.0 
50.0 

69.6 
30.4 

40.0 
60.0 

58.8 
41.2 

22.2 
77.8 

56.2 
43.8 

22.2 
77.8 

53.8 
46.2 

20.0 
80.0 

50.0 
50.0 

$8  and  over  

IN  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS. 

Under  $8 

100.0 

28.6 
71.4 

100.0 

50.0 
50.0 

50.0 
50.0 

$8  and  over  

STRAW  MACHINE  OPERATING. 


IN  THE  TRADE. 

Under  $3 

Number  earning  each  classified  weekly  amount. 

$3  and  under  $4  

$4  and  under  $5 

3 
6 
13 
15 

7 
6 
4 
5 
5 

2 


$5  and  under  $6  

_ 

$6  and  under  $7  

8 
12 
7 
5 
4 
7 
9 
2 

$7  and  under  $8 

3 
1 
5 
4 
4 
10 
4 
2 

2 

1 



$8  and  under  $9  

$9  and  under  $10  
$10  and  under  $11  
$11  and  under  $12  
$12  and  under  $15  
$15  and  under  $20  

1 

1 

1 
6 
6 
2 

1 

1 
5 
2 

5 
4 

2 

1 

3 
1 

$20  and  over  '  

1 

1 

Not  reported  

6 

1 

Total  . 

70 

57           33 

18 

14 

9  i          5 

1 

1 

110 


IXDISTIUAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE  63.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  TRAINED 
IN  EACH  OF  FOUR  SPECIFIED  TRADES  WHO  EARNED  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT 
OF  WEEKLY  WAGES  AT  SPECIFIED  TIME  OUT  OF  TRADE  SCHOOL— Concluded. 

STRAW  MACHINE  OPERATING— Concluded. 


Classified  weekly 
wages. 

Number  earning  each  classified  weekly  amount. 

At 
begin- 
ning 
work. 

At  end  of  — 

1st 
year. 

2d 
year. 

3d 
year. 

4th 
year. 

5th 
year. 

6th 
year. 

7th 
year. 

8th 
year. 

9th 

year. 

10th 
year. 

IN  OTHEE  OCCUPATIONS. 

Under  $3  

1 

1 

$3  and  under  $4  

$4  and  under  $5  

1 

2 
5 
2 

2 
3 
...„ 

3 
2 

1 
1 

5 
3 

1 
2 
1 

1 

$5  and  under  $6  

$6  and  under  $7  

1 
3 

2 
2 
1 

$7  and  under  $8  

2 

l 

1 
1 

$8  and  under  $9  

1 

$9  and  under  $10  

1 

2 
2 
2 

$10  and  under  $11  

I 
1 
1 

$11  and  under  $12  

2 
1 
1 

$12  and  under  $15  

1 
1 

1 

$15  and  under  $20  

$20  and  o  *er  

Not  reported 

3 

2 

1 



1 

Total.  . 



2 

11 

14 

18 

•13 

9 

7 

4 

2 

IN  THE  TEADE. 

Under  $8..  . 



57.8 
42.2 

39.3 
60.7 

90.9 
9.1 

Per  cent  earning  each  classified  amount. 

9.1 
90.9 

64.3 
35.7 

11.1 
88.9 

66.7 
33.3 

7.7 
92.3 

45.5 
54.5 

$8  and  over  

100.0 

50.0 
50.0 

100.0 

28.6 
71.4 

100.0 

25.0 
75.0 

100.0 

IN  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS. 

Under  $8  

$8  and  over 

100.0 

100.0 

TOTAL  IN  THE  FOUR  SEWING  TRADES. 


Number  earning  each  classified  weekly  amount. 


IN  THE  TRADE. 

Under  $3 

25 

3 

1 

64 

23 

6 

3 

1 

1 

1 

145 

68 

13 

4 

4 

2 

1 

1 

$5  and  under  $6 

177 

117 

43 

11 

2 

1 

2 

2">5 

250 

138 

51 

24 

7 

1 

1 

1 

$7  and  under  $8 

25 

71 

121 

93 

39 

24 

5 

2 

$8  and  under  $9 

14 

28 

48 

63 

54 

29 

16 

8 

1 

$9  and  under  $10    .  .  . 

7 

12 

27 

35 

53 

44 

27 

12 

8 

4 

1 

$10  and  under  $11  
Sll  and  under  $12 

6 
5 

5 
9 

10 
4 

17 
2 

22 

6 

28 
12 

22 
10 

17 

5 

7 

4 

2 

$12  and  under  $15  
$15  and  under  $20 

5 

11 
2 

13 
5 

12 
9 

14 

7 

12 

8 

24 
9 

12 

5 

8 
4 

3 

820  and  over 

2 

3 

3 

3 

2 

2 

1 

2 

Total»  

699 

599 

431 

303 

229 

171 

120 

64 

31 

15 

3 

IN  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS. 

Under  $3 

2 

1 

$3  and  under  $4 

3 

\ 

3 

2 

1 

$4  and  under  $5 

4 

12 

12 

10 

5 

1 

1 

§5  and  under  $6 

3 

23 

24 

9 

4 

8 

4 

3 

1 

2 

2 

$6  and  under  $7 

5 

22 

28 

38 

15 

8 

3 

1 

3 

1 

1 

§7  and  under  $8 

13 

24 

27 

27 

17 

8 

4 

2 

$8  and  under  $9.  .  f  
$9  and  under  $10    . 

1 

9 

7 

20 
6 

30 
10 

20 
17 

21 
13 

16 
9 

8 
9 

2 
5 

4 
4 

3 

§10  and  under  $11 

2 

9 

11 

8 

6 

4 

3 

2 

$11  and  under  $12 

5 

4 

5 

8 

1 

2 

1 

$12  and  under  $15 

1 

1 

3 

5 

4 

11 

6 

$15  and  under  $20     .  . 

i 

1 

2 

3 

4 

3 

2 

2 

1 

1 

$20  and  over 

1 

2 

2 

1 

1 

2 

2 

3 

2 

Total  * 

19 

92 

122 

144 

108 

94 

65 

47 

29 

20 

11 

Not  including  girls  whose  wages  were  not  reported. 


WAGES   OF   BOSTON    TRADE- SCHOOL    <;i«LS. 


Ill 


TABLE  64.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  100  TRADE-TRAINED  (ilKLS  IN  EACH  OF  TWO 
SPECIFIED  TRADES  WHO  EARNED  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT  OF  WEEKLY  WAGES 
AT  BEGINNING  WORK  AND  AT  THE  END  OF  SUCCESSIVE  YEARS  AT  WORK. 

[Percentages  in  this  table  are  based  on  the  number  of  girls  whose  wages  were  reported.] 
DRESSMAKING. 


Classified  weekly 
wages. 

Number  earning  each  classified  weekly  amount. 

At 
be- 
gin- 
ning 
work. 

At  end  of  — 

1st 
year. 

2d 
year. 

3d 
year. 

4th 
year. 

5th 
year. 

6th 
year. 

7th 
year. 

8th 
year. 

9th 
year. 

10th 
year. 

IN  THE  TRADE. 

Under  $3               *    -  - 

25 
22 
10 
12 
6 
3 
3 
1 
1 
1 

7 
16 
18 
12 
13 
7 
4 
2 
1 
1 

2 
6 
10 
10 
14 
10 
6 
4 
3 
1 

1 
2 
2 
12 
8 
10 
12 
8 
3 
2 
1 

$4  and  under  $6     .... 

$5  and  under  $6 

1 
9 

11 
12 
11 
4 
1 
1 

1 

$6  and  under  $7      ... 

2 

9 
9 
14 
6 
2 

1 
1 
12 
9 
9 
3 
2 

$7  and  under  $8 

1 
6 
11 
10 
5 
4 

1 

2 
1 
1 
2 
4 
2 
1 

$8  and  under  $9      .... 

3 

7 
6 
4 
5 

2 
5 
4 
4 
3 
2 

$9  and  under  $10 

$10  and  under  $11  
$11  and  under  $12 

$12  and  under  $15 

$15  and  under  §20    .  .  . 

$20  and  over 

1 
1 

1 

1 

Not  reported  

3 

4 

4 

3 

3 

3 

Total  

87 
2 

85 

70 

64 

53 

r=_:.^_—  := 

45 

===== 

39 

39 

26 

21 

17 

IN  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS. 

Under  $3 

$3  and  under  $4 

$4  and  under  $5     .... 

4 
1 
1 
2 
1 

3 
3 
2 

2 

4 
2 

1 

$5  and  under  $6 

$6  and  under  $7    

1 

2 

3 
1 

1 

1 

1 

$7  and  under  $8 

$8  and  under  $9 

1 
2 

$9  and  under  $10    . 

1 

1 
1 

1 

1 

$10  and  under  $11 

2 

1 

1 

1 



$11  and  under  $12  
$12  and  under  $15 

1 

1 

1 

1 

$15  and  under  $20  

1 

$20  and  over    .  .  . 

Not  reported 

1 

Total 

13 

12 

11 

5 

4 

6 

4 

1 

2 

1 

IN  THE  TRADE. 

Under  $8  
$8  and  over  .  . 

Per  cent  earning  each  classified  weekly  amount  . 

92.9 
7.1 

83.3 
16.7 

90.1 
9.9 

66.7 
33.3 

78.8 
21.2 

72.7 
27.3 

57.4 
42.6 

40.0 
60.0 

42.0 
58.0 

50.0 
50.0 

26.2 
73.8 

66.7 
33.3 

5.3 
94.7 

50.0 
50.0 

5.1 
94.9 

7.1 
92.9 

50.0 

"ioo.'o" 

5.9 
94.1 

IN  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS. 

Under  $8  

$8  and  over 

100.0 

50.0 

100.0 

CLOTH  MACHINE  OPERATING. 


Number  earning  each  classified  weekly  amount. 


IN  THE   TRADE. 

Under  $3 

2 

1 

1 

$3  and  under  $4    .... 

18 

8 

1 

1 

$4  and  under  85 

15 

8 

3 

3 

1 

1 

1 

$5  and  under  $6 

7 

15 

11 

5 

3 

2 

1 

1 

$6  and  under  $7      ... 

10 

16 

22 

11 

9 

5 

1 

1 

1 

$7  and  under  $8  
$8  and  under  $9  

4 

14 
3 

12 
9 

9 
13 

9 
12 

3 
12 

3 

8 

2 
8 

3 

3 

2 
3 

4 
1 

$9  and  under  $10 

1 

3 

5 

10 

9 

6 

7 

11 

8 

3 

1 

$10  and  under  $11  
$11  and  under  $12  

1 

1 

1 
1 

3 
1 

2 

5 

3 
4 

4 
2 

2 
1 

2 
2 

$12  and  under  $15 

2 

3 

2 

1 

2 

3 

$15  and  under  $20 

2 

2 

1 

1 

$20  and  over 

Not  reported  

1 

1 

1 

i 

Total 

58 

70 

68 

59 

51 

40 

31 

30 

91 

10 

§ 

112 


INDUSTKIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE  64.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  100  TRADE-TRAINED  GIRLS  IN  EACH  OF  TWO 
SPECIFIED  TRADES  WHO  EARNED  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT  OF  WEEKLY  WAGES 
AT  BEGINNING  WORK  AND  AT  THE  END  OF  SUCCESSIVE  YEARS  AT  WORK— Concid. 

CLOTH  MACHINE  OPERATING— Concluded. 


Classified  weekly 
wages. 

Number  earning  each  classified  weekly  amount. 

At 
be- 
gin- 
ning 
work. 

At  end  of— 

1st 
year. 

2d 

year. 

3d 
year. 

4th 
year. 

5th 
year. 

6th 
year. 

7th 
year. 

8th 
year. 

9th 

year. 

10th 
year. 

IN  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS. 

Under  $3  

8 
9 
9 
8 
5 
2 

3 
4 
3 
4 
4 
5 
2 

2 

$3,  and  under  $4  

$4  and  under  $5      ... 

1 
4 

6 
3 

l 
3 
2 
4 

1 
1 

1 

2 

$5  and  under  S6 

$6  and  under  $7  

1 
1 

1 

1 

$7  and  under  $8     ... 

2 

1 

$8  and  under  $9 

$9  and  under  $10  

1 
1 

1 
1 

1 

1 

$10  and  under  $11 

1 

$11  and  under  $12 

1 



$12  and  under  $15    

1 

1 

2 

1 

1 

$15  and  under  $20 

$20  and  over 

Not  reported  

1 

1 

1 

1 

Total 

42 

27 

20 

13 

7 

6 

4 

2 

1 

IN  THE  TRADE. 

Under  $8  

Per  cent  earning  each  classified  amount. 

96.6 
3.4 

100.0 

89.9 
10.1 

88.5 
11.5 

73.5 
26.5 

84.2 
15.8 

48.3 
51.7 

76.9 
23.1 

41.2 

58.8 

57.1 
42.9 

28.2 
71.8 

66.7 
33.3 

16.7 
83.3 

66.7 
33.3 

13.3 

86.7 

100.0 

23.8 
76.2 

40.0 
60.0 

66.7 
33.3 

$8  and  over 

IN  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS. 

Under  $8 

$8  and  over  

100.0 

Considering  the  trade-school  girls  as  a  group,  and  omitting  those 
whose  wages  were  not  reported,  it  appears  that  a  considerable 
apprenticeship  in  the  trade  itself  was  necessary  before  the  majority 
of  them  reached  the  degree  of  economic  independence  expressed  in 
wages  of  $8  or  more  a  week.  Of  those  who  followed  their  trade,  at 
the  end  of  the  third  year  more  than  half — 53.4  per  cent — were 
earning  less  than  $8.  By  the  end  of  the  fourth  year,  however,  a 
good  majority — 69.4  per  cent — had  reached  or  passed  the  $8  wage, 
and  from  that  time  on  the  proportion  earning  less  than  this  figure 
decreased  rapidly.  Those  who  left  their  own  trade  for  others  made 
slower  progress;  at  the  end  of  the  third  year,  60.4  per  cent  were  still 
earning  less  than  $8  a  week,  and  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  year,  only 
51.9  per  cent  were  earning  $8  or  more.  Considerable  differences 
appear  among  those  trained  for  the  different  sewing  trades.  At  the 
end  of  the  third  year  nearly  three-fifths  (59.2  per  cent)  of  the  girls 
who  went  into  dressmaking  earned  under  $8,  but  in  their  fourth 
year,  two-thirds  of  those  who  remained  in  their  trade,  and  over  one- 


WAGES  OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS.  113 

half  (55.1  per  cent)  of  those  who  had  gone  into  other  occupations 
were  earning  $8  or  more.     Of  those  who  remained  in  the  millinery" 
trade,  over  one-half  (54  per  cent)  earned  $8  or  more  in  the  third 
year;  the  short  working  season,  however,  must  be  counted  against 
this  apparent  advantage.     Not  until  the  end  of  the  fourth  year  had 

51.6  per  cent  of  those  who  left  millinery  and  were  earning  in  other 
occupations  reached  $8  or  more  a  week,  though  longer  seasons  may 
have  equalized  the  actual  income  for  the  two  groups.     One-half  of  the 
cloth  machine  operators  remaining  in  then*  trade  earned  $8  or  more 
by  the  end  of  their  third  year,  but  not  until  their  seventh  year's 
experience  had  one-half  of  those  who  went  into  other  occupations 
reached  this  wage.     A  comparatively  small  number  of  girls  have 
gone  into  the  straw  machine  operating  and  over  two-fifths  of  these 
earned  $8  a  week  or  more  from  the  beginning.     While  the  wages 
here  are  better  than  in  most  sewing  trades,  the  opportunity  for  the 
young  girl  is  very  limited,  few  employers  wishing  to  take  women 
under  21  years  of  age.     The  seasons  also  are  short,  causing  a  sifting 
out  into  other  occupations.     Not  until  the  fourth  year  had  one-half 
or  more  of  those  leaving  the  trade  reached  a  wage  of  $8  or  over. 

Turning  to  the  wages  of  the  trade-trained  girls,  it  is  at  once  appar- 
ent that  they  show  a  wider  range  and  less  grouping  about  the  aver- 
age than  those  of  the  trade-school  girls.  This  might  be  expected. 
The  trade-scnool  girls  are  a  fairly  homogeneous  group,  have  had 
similar  preparation  and  previous  experience,  and  naturally  show  a 
similar  rate  of  advancement  in  the  trade.  The  difference  is,  how- 
ever, marked.  The  wages  of  the  trade-school  girl  in  dressmaking 
cluster  about  the  average  wage,  and  the  middle  50  per  cent  (except 
on  first  leaving  school)  come  within  a  $2  range  up  to  the  fourth 
year.  The  wages  of  the  girls  who  have  acquired  their  training 
in  the  trade  scatter  much  more  from  the  average,  and  the  wages 
of  the  middle  50  per  cent  scatter  within  a  $4  range  up  to  the  fifth 
year.  Larger  numbers  might  show  more  grouping  about  the  aver- 
age wage,  but  the  varied  background  and  experiences  of  these  girls 
must  undoubtedly  result  in  a  wider  wage  range  than  that  of  the  trade- 
school  girls.  More  than  one-half  (58  per  cent)  of  the  trade-trained 
dressmakers,  however,  earned  $8  or  more  by  the  end  of  the  fourth 
year, and  73.8  percent1  by  the  end  of  the  fifth  year,  as  compared  with 

66.7  per  cent  and  76.4  per  cent2  of  the  trade-school  dressmakers  at 
the  end  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  years,  respectively.     Similarly,  in 
the  factory  sewing  trades,  one-half  of  both  school  and  trade  trained 
workers  earned  $8  or  more  by  the  end  of  the  third  year,  and  about 
three-fifths  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  year. 

i  See  Table  64,  p.  ill.  2  See  Table  63,  p.  108. 

85225°— 17— Bull.  215 8 


114  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

INITIAL  WAGE  OF  THE  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRL. 

POLICY  OF  SCHOOL  IN  RESPECT  TO  INITIAL  WAGE. 

The  policy  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  authorities  in  recent  years 
under  public  management  has  been  to  establish  a  $6  minimum  place- 
ment wage  for  their  accredited  pupils.  During  the  second  five 
years  covered  by  the  investigation,  the  pupils  leaving  the  school 
show  as  compared  with  those  going  out  in  the  first  five  years  an 
increase  in  average  age,  a  higher  level  of  previous  school  training, 
and  a  longer  period  spent  in  the  trade-school  training.01  All  these 
factors,  combined  with  the  better  organization  of  the  trade  training 
and  the  increased  efficiency  due  to  increasing  experience,  naturally 
tended  to  bring  about  a  higher  initial  wage,  apart  from  the  efforts 
of  the  management.  The  average  initial  wage  for  those  going 
out  during  the  first  five  years  was  $4.93,  while  during  the  last 
five  years  it  was  $5.82,  an  increase  of  18.1  per  cent.  The  advance 
in  the  initial  wage  varied  in  the  several  trades,  being  greatest  in  dress- 
making and  millinery,  which  showed  increases,  respectively,  of  20.5 
per  cent  and  22  per  cent.  The  special  emphasis  which  has  been  put 
on  the  training  for  these  trades  gives  a  probable  explanation  of  this 
superiority  in  the  increase  of  the  initial  wage.  In  the  cloth  power- 
machine  operating  trades  the  girls  showed  an  increase  of  14.6  per 
cent  in  initial  wage,  while  for  those  entering  the  straw  machine-oper- 
ating trades  there  was  a  decrease  of  13.4  per  cent.  This  group  also 
shows  a  falling  off  in  average  age  at  time  of  entering  the  trade,  where- 
as all  the  others  show  an  increase.  Since  the  initial  wage  for  these 
girls  is  based  on  the  experiences  of  only  66  girls,  and  since  only  13  of 
these  had  entered  the  trade  during  the  first  five-year  period,  not  much 
significance  can  be  attached  to  this  decrease. 

INITIAL  WAGE  FOR  TWO  FIVE-YEAR  PERIODS. 

Turning  to  the  classified  wages,  Table  65  shows  how  the  initial 
wage  has  varied  in  the  two  five-year  periods. 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  that  the  ideal  of  a  $6  placement  wage  has 
been  only  partially  realized,  but  that  there  has  been  a  marked  in- 
crease, nevertheless,  in  the  proportion  receiving  this  initial  wage. 
During  the  first  period  80.9  per  cent  of  the  girls  began  work  at  a 
weekly  wage  of  less  than  $6;  during  the  second  period  only  49.2 
per  cent  began  under  that  figure.  During  the  first  period  a  scant 
fifth  of  the  number  entering  their  trades1  began  at  as  much  as  $6  or 
more;  during  the  second  period  half  entered  at  that  wage  or  over. 
The  proportion  differs,  however,  according  to  the  trade  entered. 

a  See  Tables  5,  6,  and  20,  pp.  22,  24,  and  38. 


WAGES    UK    liOSToN    TK  ADK-SCHOOL   GIRLS.  115 

During  the  second  period,  49.8  per  cent  of  those  taking  up  <1 
making,  59.7  per  cent  of  those  in  millinery,  57.3  per  cent  of  those  in 
cloth  machine  operating,  and  18.9  per  cent  of  those  in  straw  machine 
operating  began  work  at  less  than  $6  a  week. 

TABLE  65.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  ENTERING 
THE  FOUR  SEWING  TRADES  DURING  EACH  OF  TWO  SPECIFIED  5-YEAR  PERIODS 
WHO  EARNED  EACH  CLASSIFIED  INITIAL  WAGE. 


Weekly  wages  at 
beginning  work. 

Girls  receiving  specified  initial  wage.i 

1904  to  1909 

1909  to  1914. 

Number. 

14 
36 
74 
55 
27 
6 
1 
3 
5 

Per  cent. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Under  $3  

6.3 
16.3 
33.4 
24.9 
12.2 
2.7 
.5 
1.4 
2.3 

14 
31 
75 
125 
203 
21 
13 
4 
12 

2.8 
6.2 
15.1 
25.1 
40.8 
4.2 
2.6 
.8 
2.4 

$3  and  under  $4  .     . 
$4  and  under  $5  . 
$5  and  under  $6.     . 
$6  and  under  $7  .     . 
$7  and  under  $8  r     . 
$8  and  under  $9.     . 
$9  and  under  $10     . 
$10  and  over 

Total  

2221 

100.0 

'•-i:/ 

100.0    ! 

1  This  table  does  not  check  with  Table  63,  tocause  not  all  of  thes3  gir's  began  work  immediately  on 
leaving  trade  school. 

2  Not  including  6  who  did  not  report  wages. 

3  Not  including  8  who  did  not  report  wages. 

RATE  OF  WAGE  ADVANCE  COMPARED  WITH  INITIAL  WAGE. 

Has  the  young  trade  school  girl  placed  at  a  higher  initial  wage 
under  the  public-school  system  any  permanent  advantage  over  the 
girl  placed  by  the  private  school  in  earlier  years  at  a  lower  rate  ?  To 
test  this  a  comparison  was  made  of  the  wages  earned  in  the  second 
year  out  by  the  girls  going  out  in  two  successive  years  of  each  five- 
year  period.  The  girls  trained  in  dressmaking  were  selected  for  the 
test,  since  the  school  has  put  its  best  efforts  and  greatest  emphasis 
on  training  for  this  trade.  The  girls  going  out  in  1906-7  and  1907-8, 
the  third  and  fourth  years  of  the  period  when  the  school  was  under 
private  management,  and  those  of  1911-12  and  1912-13,  the  corre- 
sponding years  of  its  experience  under  public  management,  were 
taken  for  the  comparison.  Table  66  shows  the  classified  wages  of 
these  two  groups  of  girls  at  the  end  of  their  second  year  out  of  trade 
school. 

From  the  standpoint  of  previous  preparation  the  earlier  classes 
had  a  slight  advantage,  since  four-fifths  (83  per  cent)  of  their  number 
against  two-thirds  (69.4  per  cent)  of  the  two  later  classes  had  attended 
trade  school  nine  months  or  more.  At  the  end  of  the  second  year  of 
wage  earning  the  wage  distribution  of  the  two  groups  does  not  show 
a  great  variation.  About  one-fifth  (21.4  per  cent)  of  the  first  group 
against  about  one-sixth  (15.4  per  cent)  of  the  second  had  not  yet 


116 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


reached  $6  a  week;  55.3  per  cent  of  the  first  and  61.2  per  cent  of  the 
second  group  were  earning  $6  but  less  than  $8  a  week,  and  the  pro- 
portions who  had  reached  the  comparative  independence  of  $8  or 
more  a  week  were  almost  identical  for  the  two  groups — 23.4  per  cent 
for  the  first,  and  23.6  per  cent  for  the  second.  The  average  wage, 
likewise,  shows  very  little  difference.  At  the  end  of  the  second  year 
out  of  school  the  average  wage  of  the  girls  going  out  in  the  two  earlier 
classes  was  $7.05,  and  in  the  two  later  classes,  $7.18.  Comparing  the 
two  classes  of  each  period  separately,  there  is  still  little  difference.  For 
the  girls  going  out  in  1906-7  the  wage  at  the  end  of  the  second  year 
averaged  $7.18,  for  those  going  out  in  1911-12,  $7.20.  For  those 
going  out  in  1907-8  the  wage  at  the  end  of  the  secord  year  averaged 
$6.96,  and  for  those  going  out  in  1912-13,  $7.15.  From  the  standpoint 
both  of  the  average  wage  and  of  the  wage  distribution  of  the  workers, 
therefore,  it  is  evident  that  the  end  of  the  second  year  finds  the  girls 
who  went  out  in  the  later  period  but  little  ahead  of  those  who  went 
out  in  the  earlier.  The  higher  placement  wage,  thus,  brings  imme- 
diate financial  advantages  but  does  not  insure  automatic  wage 
advance  at  the  same  rate. 

TABLE  66.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  ENTERING 
DRESSMAKING  TRADE  IN  SPECIFIED  YEARS  WHO  EARNED  EACH  CLASSIFIED 
AMOUNT  OF  WEEKLY  WAGES  AT  END  OF  SECOND  YEAR. 


Classified  weekly 
wages. 

Girls  earning  each  classified  weekly  wage  at  end  of  second  year  at  work. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

1905-71 

1907-81 

1911-122 

1912-132 

1906-7 
and 
1907-81 

1911-12 
and 

1912-13  2 

1906-7 
and 
1907-81 

1911-12 
and 
1912-132 

Under  $3 

1 
1 
1 
3 
5 
13 
6 
2 
1 

1 
2 
1 
9 
23 
29 
10 
8 
2 

1.2 
2.4 
1.2 
10.6 
27.1 
34.1 
11.8 
9.4 
2.4 

S3  and  under  $4  .  .     .  . 
$4  and  under  |5  .  .     .  . 
§5  and  under  $6  .  . 
$6  and  under  S7  .  . 
$7  and  under  $8  .  . 
S8  and  under  S9  .  .   .  . 
$9  and  under  $10.   .  . 
?10  and  over  

1 
1 

5 
6 
2 
3 

1 
1 

5 
9 
6 
2 
2 
2 

1 

2 
2 

6 
14 
12 

4 
5 
2 

4.3 

4.3 
12.8 
29.8 
25.5 
8.5 
10.6 
4.3 

6 
18 
16 
4 
6 
1 

Total 

3  19 

4  28 
?6.96 

552 

"33 

747 

885 

100.0 

100.0 

Average  wage  

$7.18 

S7.20 

$7.15 

$7.05 

S7.18 

1  Under  private  management. 

2  Under  public  management. 

3  14  or  73.7  per  cent  were  in  trade  school  9  months  or  more. 
«  25  or  89.3  per  cent  were  inlrade  school  9  months  or  more. 
&  28  or  53.8  per  cent  were  in  trade  school  9  months  or  more, 
e  31  or  94  per  cent  were  in  trade  school  9  months  or  more. 

*  39  or  83  per  cent  were  in  trade  school  9  months  or  more. 
8  69  or  69.4  per  cent  were  in  trade  school  9  months  or  more. 


WAGES  OF   BOSTON   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


117 


WAGES   AND  OCCUPATIONS  OF  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS  AT  SPECIFIED 
PERIODS  IN  THEIR  WORKING  EXPERIENCE. 

GIRLS    REMAINING    IN    TRADE  FOR    WHICH    TRAINED  AND   THOSE   LEAVING   IT  FOR 

OTHER    OCCUPATIONS. 

Many  girls,  as  has  been  seen,  sift  out  of  the  trades  for  which  they 
have  been  trained  into  other  wage-earning  occupations.  A  cross 
section  of  their  working  experience  gained  through  a  more  intensive 
study  of  the  first,  third,  and  fifth  years  out  of  trade  school  shows  both 
the  kind  of  occupations  into  which  they  go  ana  whether  they  gain  or 
lose  by  going.  The  following  table  gives  for  the  girls  trained  in  each 
trade  the  percentage  in  each  wage  group  at  the  end  of  the  first,  third, 
and  fifth  years,  according  to  whether  they  remained  in  their  own 
trade,  entered  some  allied  trade,  or  sought  wholly  unrelated  occu- 
pations :  ° 

TABLE  67.— NUMBER  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  TRAINED  FOR  EACH  OF 
FOUR  SPECIFIED  TRADES  AND  PER  CENT  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT 
PER  WEEK  IN  SPECIFIED  OCCUPATION  GROUPS  AT  END  OF  FIRST,  THIRD,  AND 
FIFTH  YEARS  OUT  OF  TRADE  SCHOOL. 

END  OF  FIRST  YEAR. 


Trade  for  which  trained  and  group 
in  which  earning  wages. 

Number.i 

Per  cent  of  girls  earning  per  week  — 

Under  $6 

$6  and 
under  $3 

$8  and 
under  $10 

S10  and 
over. 

Total. 

Dressmakers:  Earning  wages  in  — 
Own  trade  

375 
9 
23 

38.7 
55.6 
47.8 

56.0 
22.2 
26.1 

5.1 
22.2 
17.4 

0.3 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

Other  needle  trades 

Other  occupations 

8.7 

Total 

407 

39.6 

53.6 

6.1 

.7 

100.0 

Milliners:  Earning  wages  in- 
Own  trade 

11? 
7 
19 

43.6 

28.6 
42.1 

47.9 
57.1 
42.1 

5.9 
14.3 
5.3 

2.5 

"'io.'s' 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

Other  needle  trades  

Other  occupations  .  .        ... 

Total  

143 

42.7 

47.6 

6.3 

3.5 

100.0 

Cloth  machine  operators:  Earning  wages 
in- 
Own  trade 

51 

7 
16 

25.5 
14.3 

37.5 

68.6 
57.1 
25.0 

3.9 
14.3 
37.5 

2.0 
14.3 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

Other  needle  trades  

Other  occupations  ...        ... 

Total  

74 

27.0 

58.1 

12.2 

2.7 

100.0 

Straw  machine  operators:  Earning  wages 
in- 
Own  trade  . 

56 
2 
9 

3.6 
50.0 
22.2 

35.7 

""77."8" 

21.4 
50.0 

39.3 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

Other  needle  trades 

Other  occupations  

Total 

67  1           7.4 

40.3 

19.4 

32.8 

100.0 

END  OF  THIRD  YEAR. 


Dressmakers:  Earning  wages  in- 
Own  trade 

213 

6  1 

53  0 

32  4 

8.5 

100.0 

Other  needle  trades  

11 

27.3 

45.4 

27.3 

100.0 

Other  occupations  

47 

8.5 

44.9 

34.0 

12.8 

100.  0 

Total 

271 

7  4 

51  3 

32  5 

8  9 

100.0 

1  Not  including  those  whose  wages  were  not  reported. 

a  Full  details  as  to  earnings  at  the  end  of  each  year  of  working  experience  have  already  been  given  in 
Tables  57  and  58,  pp.  99  and  100. 


118 


•'NDUSTKIAL    HXPKKIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL    GIBLS. 


TABLE  o/.  —  .s  UMBER  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  TRAINED  FOR  EACH  OF 
FOU3  SPECIFIED  TRADES  AND  PER  CENT  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT 
PER  WEEK  IN  SPECIFIED  OCCUPATION  GROUPS  AT  END  OF  FIRST,  THIRD,  AND 
FIFTH  YEARS  OUT  OF  TRADE  SCHOOL— Concluded. 

END  OF  THIRD  YEAR— Concluded. 


Trade  for  which  trained  and  group 
in  which  earning  wages. 

Number.i 

Per  cent  of  girls  earning  per  week— 

Under  $6 

$6  and 
under  $8 

$8  and 
under  $10 

$10  and 
over. 

Total. 

* 
Milliners:  Earning  wages  in- 
Own  trade  

50 
7 
41 

8.0 

38.0 
42.9 
43.9 

40.0 
57.1 

24.4 

14.0 

100.0 

100.0 
100.0 

Other  needle  trades 

other  occupations 

17.1 

14.6 

Total 

98 

11.2 

40.8 

34.7 

13.3 

100.  0 

i  "loth  machine  operators:  Earning  wages 
in— 
<  >wn  trade 

22 
5 

18 

4.5 
20.0 
27.8 

45.5 
60.0 
38.9 

36.4 

13.6 
20.0 
5.6 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

Other  needle  trades 

other  occupations  

27.8 

Total 

45 

15.6 

44.4 

28.9 

11.1 

100.0 

machine  operators:  Earning  \ 
m— 
Ovvii  trade 

18 
1 
14 

11.1 

100.0 
50.0 

5.6 

83.3 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

01  hiv  needle-  trades  •.  

(  >  (  her  occupations  

14.3 

14.3 

21.4 

Total  

33 

6.1 

30.3 

9.1 

54.5 

100.0 

END  OF  FIFTH  YEAR. 


Dressmakers:  Earning  wages  in- 
Own  trade 

123 

1  6 

22  0 

46  3 

30  1 

100  0 

Other  needle  trades 

7 

28  6 

14  3 

42  8 

14  3 

100  0 

Other  occupations  

34 

2.9 

26.5 

38.2 

32  4 

100  0 

Total 

164 

3  0 

22  6 

44  5 

29  9 

100  0 

Milliners:  Earning  wages  in— 
1    Own  trade 

30 

3.3 

10.0 

40  0 

46  7 

100  0 

Other  needle  trades 

4 

25  0 

75  0 

100  0 

Other  occupations  

25 

28.0 

36.0 

36  0 

100  0 

Total 

59 

1  7 

18  6 

40  7 

39  0 

100  0 

Cloth  machine  operators:  Earning  wages 
in- 
Own  trade 

9 

11  1 

11  1 

44  5 

33  3 

100  0 

Other  needle  trades  

2 

50.0 

50.0 

100  0 

Other  occupations  

14 

35.7 

14.3 

35.7 

14.3 

100.0 

Total 

25 

28  0 

16  0 

36  0 

20  0 

100  0 

Straw  machine  operators:  Earning  wages 
in- 
Own  trade 

9 

100  0 

100  0 

Other  needle  trades  

1 

100.0 

100  0 

Other  occupations  .  .  . 

7 

42  9 

14  3 

42  9 

100  0 

Total 

17 

23  5 

5  9 

70  6 

100  0 

1  Not,  including  those  whose  wages  were  not  reported. 

Since  $8  a  week  has  been  taken  as  the  minimum  wage  which  makes 
a  girl  self-supporting,  the  attainment  of  that  wage  may  be  regarded 
as  a  measure  of  a  girl's  success  in  her  trade.  The  attainment  of  a 
bare  living  wage  may  not  be  considered  much  of  a  success,  but  cer- 
tainly the  girl  who  does  not  attain  it  has  not  succeeded,  and  as  a 
modest  standard  it  may  pass.  Taking  this  as  the  measure,  then, 


WAGKS    OF    I50STMN 


119 


which  fare  better,  the  girls  who  remain  in  their  own  trade  or  who 
go  into  something  else  ?  The  following  summary  shows  the  position 
for  each  group : 

TABLE  68.— PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  EARNING  f8  AND  OVER  PER 
WEEK  IN  SPECIFIED  OCCUPATION  GROUPS  AT  END  OF  FIRST,  THIRD,  AND  FIFTH 
YEARS  OUT  OF  TRADE  SCHOOL. 


Trade  for  which  trained  and 
occupation  group. 

Per  cent  earning  *£  and  over 
per  week  at  end  of  specified 
year  out  of  trade  school. 

1st  year. 

3d  year. 

5th  year. 

Dressmakers:   Earning  wages 
in- 
Own  trade 

5.4 
22.2 
26.1 

8.4 
14.3 

15.8 

5.9 
28.6 
37.5 

60.7 
50.0 

40.9 
L7.3 

46.8 

54.0 
57.1 
39.0 

50.0 
20.0 
33.4 

88.9 

76.4 
57.1 
70.6 

86.7 
75.0 
72.0 

77.8 

Other  needle  trades 

Other  occupations  

Milliners:  Earning  wages  in- 
Own  trade               

Other  needle  trades.  .  . 

Other  occupations 

Cloth  machine  operators:  Earn- 
ing wages  in- 
Own  trade...              

Other  needle  trades 

Other  occupations  

50.0 
100.0 

Straw    machine    operators  : 
Earning  wages  in- 
Own  trade  ..        

Other  needle  trades 

Other  occupations 

35.7 

57.2 

The  straw  machine  operators  present  a  considerable  contrast  to  the 
other  three  groups,  since  at  each  period  those  remaining  in  their  own 
trade  show  a  larger  percentage  earning  $8  or  more  a  week  than  do 
those  who  have  gone  into  either  allied  trades  or  other  occupations. 
In  the  other  trades  at  the  end  of  the  first  year  those  remaining  in  their 
own  trade  show  a  smaller  proportion  who  have  reached  self-support 
than  those  who  went  into  other  wage-earning  pursuits,  but  thereafter 
the  position  changes.  At  the  end  of  the  third  year,  the  cloth  machine 
operators  remaining  in  their  own  trade  show  a  considerably  larger 
proportion  in  the  $8  group  than  is  found  among  those  who  have  left 
their  trade.  Among  the  dressmakers,  those  who  have  gone  into 
other  occupations  show  a  larger  proportion  earning  $8  than  those 
who  have  remained  in  their  own  trade,  and  these,  in  turn,  show  a 
larger  proportion  in  this  group  than  those  who  have  gone  into  allied 
needle  trades.  By  the  end  of  the  fifth  year  those  who  remained  in 
their  own  trade  show  everywhere  a  larger  proportion  earning  $8  than 
is  found  among  either  those  who  have  gone  into  other  needle  trades 
or  into  other  occupations.  So  far  as  this  table  can  be  taken  as  indica- 
tive it  seems  to  show  that  while  girls  may  in  their  first  few  years  out 
of  school  do  as  well  or  even  better  in  trades  for  which  they  have  not 
been  trained,  in  the  long  run  the  majority  fare  better  by  keeping  to 
the  line  of  work  for  which  they  have  been  prepared. 

The  table  shows  also  that  the  girls  who  leave  their  own  trades  seem 
more  inclined  to  go  into  something  totally  different  than  into  related 


120 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


trades.  In  general  the  proportion  going  into  unrelated  trades  is 
greater  at  the  end  of  the  first  year  and  increases  more  rapidly  than 
the  proportion  going  into  other  needle  trades,  The  following  sum- 
mary shows  this  difference: 

TABLE  69.— PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  TRAINED  FOR  SPECIFIED 
TRADES  WHO  WERE  IN  OTHER  NEEDLE  TRADES  AND  IN  OTHER  UNALLIED  OCCU- 
PATIONS AT  END  OF  FIRST  AND  FIFTH  YEARS  OUT  OF  TRADE  SCHOOL. 


In  other  needle 

In  other  unallied 

trades. 

occupations. 

Trade  for  which  trained. 

1st  year. 

5th  year. 

1st  year. 

5th  year. 

Dressmaking.  .  . 

2.2 
4.9 
9.5 
3.0 

4.3 
fi.8 
8.0 
5.9 

5.7 
13.3 
21.6 
13.4 

20.7 
42.4 
56.0 
41.2 

Millinery.. 

Cloth  machine  operating  
Straw  maclu'ne  operating  

The  proportion  of  those  going  into  other  occupatiors  who  reach  a 
wage  of  $8  a  week  or  more  differs  considerably  with  the  trade  from 
which  they  come.  Thus  at  the  end  of  the  fifth  year  70.6  per  cent  of 
those  trained  for  dressmaking  and  72  per  cent  of  those  trained  for 
millinery  who  had  gone  from  their  own  trade  into  other  occupations 
had  reached  $8,  while  of  those  trained  for  cloth  machine  operating 
and  straw  machine  operating  who  had  gone  into  other  occupations 
only  50  per  cent  and  57.2  per  cent,  respectively,  had  been  equally 
successful.  This  difference,  of  course,  is  largely  due  to  the  kind  of 
occupation  into  which  they  go,  and  that  in  turn  depends  to  a  con- 
siderable extent  upon  the  type  of  girl  who  takes  the  training  for  the 
different  trades.  The  following  table  shows  the  industries  in  which 
the  girls  trained  for  the  four  leading  trades  who  had  left  their  trades 
were  found  at  the  time  of  the  investigation : 

TABLE  70.— NUMBER  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  IN  SPECIFIED  TRADES  OTHER 
THAN  THOSE  FOR  WHICH  TRAINED,  AT  END  OF  FIRST,  THIRD,  AND  FIFTH  YEARS 
OUT  OF  TRADE  SCHOOL. 


Trade  for  which  trained  and  unallied  trade 
in  which  earning  wages. 

Number  at  end  of  specified  year  out  of  trade  school. 

First  year. 

Third  year. 

Fifth  year. 

Wages 
reported. 

Wages 
not 
reported. 

Waees 
reported. 

Wages 
not 
reported. 

Wages 
reported. 

Wages 
not 
reported. 

DRESSMAKING. 

Trade  in  which  earning  wages: 
Manufactures 

8 
1 
2 
2 
1 
9 

1 

9 
•    5 
6 
5 
5 
17 

1 

2 
3 
4 
6 
3 
Ifl 

34 

1 

Transportation..  . 

Trade  

1 
1 

1 
2 

Professional  service 

i 

Domestic  service  ..  .  .  ,  

Clerical  employment  

i 

1 

Total. 

23 

3 

47 

3 

5 

WAGES  OF   BOSTON   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


121 


TABLE  70.— NUMBER  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  IN  SPECIFIED  TRADES 
OTHER  THAN  THOSE  FOR  WHICH  TRAINED,  AT  END  OF  FIRST,  THIRD,  AND 
FIFTH  YEARS  OUT  Of  TRADE  SCHOOL-Concluded. 


Trade  for  which  trained  and  unallied  trade 
in  which  earning  wages. 

Number  at  end  of  specified  year  out  of  trade  school. 

First  year. 

Third  year. 

Fifth  year. 

Wages 
reported. 

Wages 
not 
reported. 

Wages 
reported. 

Wages 
not 
reported. 

Wages 
reported. 

Wages 

nut 
reported. 

MILLINERY. 

Trade  in  which  earning  wages: 
Manufactures  

1 
2 

4 
4 
1 

7 

2 
7 
8* 
2 
2 
20 

2 
2 
2 
2 
3 
14 

Transportation 

Trade 

Professional  service  

Domestic  service 

Clerical  employment  



Total 

19 

41 

25 

CLOTH  MACHINE  OPERATING. 

Trade  in  which  earning  wages: 
Manufactures 

4 

1 

8 

6 

Transportation.  ... 

Trade  

2 
1 
6 
3 

2 
2 
6 

1 

1 

4 

1 
1 

Professional  service  

Domestic  service 



Clerical  employment 

Total 

16 

1 

18 

1 

14 

v       2 

STRAW  MACHINE  OPERATING. 

Trade  in  which  earning  wages: 
Manufactures 

3 
3 

1 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 

Transportation.  . 

2 

2 

Trade 

1 
1 

Proiessional  service    .  .             

1 
3 

4 

Domestic  service 

3 
2 

Clerical  employment  

1 



Total 

9 

14 

3 

7 

Grand  total 

67 

4 

120 

7 

80 

7 

The  requirements  made  by  these  different  occupations  upon  the  girls 
entering  them  naturally  differ  widely.  Probably  professional  and  cler- 
ical service  make  higher  demands  than  any  other  of  the  occupations 
into  which  the  girls  go,  while  manufactures  and  domestic  service  make 
lower.  Table  71  shows  the  extent  to  which  girls  trained  for  the  dif- 
ferent trades  went  into  these  two  significant  groups  of  occupations. 

At  the  end  of  the  first  year  the  milliners  show  the  smallest  propor- 
tion of  girls  in  the  unrelated  manufactures  and  domestic  service,  and 
much  the  largest  proportion  in  professional  and  clerical  service.  By 
the  end  of  the  fifth  year  the  dressmakers  and  milliners  have  changed 
places  in  this  respect,  the  dressmakers  showing  the  smallest  propor- 
tion in  manufactures  and  domestic  service,  and  the  largest  in  pro- 
fessional and  clerical  service.  The  cloth  and  straw  power-machine 
operators  show  relatively  small  proportions  in  professional  and  clerical 
service  at  the  end  of  the  first  year,  and,  contrary  to  the  situation 
among  the  groups  trained  for  the  other  two  trades,  there  is  no  notable 


122 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    Ti'ADE-SOHOOL   GIRLS. 


increase  in  this  proportion  by  the  end  of  the  fifth  year ;  in  fact,  among 
those  trained  for  cloth  machine  operating,  there  is  a  decrease.  Natu- 
rally, in  view  of  the  large  proportion  in  unrelated  manufactures  and 
domestic  service  and  the  small  proportion  in  the  ranks  of  professional 
and  clerical  service,  the  wages  of  the  power-machine  operators  who 
loft  their  trade  are  considerably  lower  than  of  those  who  remained, 
and  also  lower  than  the  wages  of  the  girls  who  left  dressmaking  and 
millinery  and  went  into  other  occupations. 

TABLE  71.— PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  LEAVING  TRADE  FOR  WHICH 
TRAINED  WHO  WERE  FOUND  IN  SPECIFIED  UNALLTED  TRADES,  AT  END  OF  FIRST 
AND  FIFTH  YEARS  OUT  OF  TRADE  SCHOOL. 


Trade  for  which  trained. 

Per  cent  in  specified  unallied  trades.1 

End  of  first  year. 

End  of  fifth  year. 

Manu- 
factures 
and 
domestic 
service. 

Profes- 
sional 
and 
clerical 
service. 

Manu- 
factures 
and 
domestic 
service. 

Profes- 
sion-J 
and 
clerical 
service. 

Dressmaking 

39.1 
10.5 
62.5 
33.3 

47.8 
57.9 
25.0 
22.2 

14.7 
20.0 
71.4 
28.6 

64.7 
64.0 
21.4 
28.6 

Millinery  

Cloth  machine  operating  
Straw  machine  operating  — 

1  These  .percentages  are  based  on  the  number  going  into  other  occupations  who  reported  their  earnings, 
and  are  thus  comparable  with  the  percentages  given  in  Table  67. 

The  cloth  machine  operators,  it  will  be  observed,  make  a  worse 
showing  than  any  of  the  other  groups  in  the  matter  of  wage  earning 
and  wage  opportunity.  This  is  probably  explained  by  the  lower 
educational  standard  of  the  cloth  machine  operators,  which  is  shown 
in  their  comparatively  low  standard  of  academic  schooling.  Seven tj- 
one  per  cent  of  the  dressmakers,  82  per  cent  of  the  milliners,  and  71 
per  cent  of  the  straw  machine  operators,  as  compared  with  54  per 
cent  of  the  cloth  machine  operators,  were  grammar-school  graduates 
or  had  attended  high  school.  The  advantages  of  the  higher  educa- 
tional background  of  the  milh'ners  are  apparent  in  the  larger  propor- 
tion who  enter  trades  requiring  academic  education.  The  table  just 
given  shows  that  at  the  end  of  the  first  year  a  larger  proportion  of  the 
milliners  than  of  any  other  group  were  in  professional  service  or 
clerical  occupations. 

Trade  educators  sometimes  say  that  it  is  a  matter  of  indifference 
whether  a  girl  uses  her  trade  training  in  a  wage-earning  capacity,  for 
she  will  be  the  better  prepared  by  it  for  whatever  she  undertakes.  But 
these  figures  raise  the  question  whether  it  is  the  trade  school,  after 
all,  which  does  or  should  be  expected  to  provide  the  general  training 
for  whatever  the  girl  may  later  choose.  If,  ultimately,  she  is  going 
to  enter  business  pursuits  or  has  any  particular  capacity  for  such 
work,  would  she  not  be  better  prepared  in  the  commercial  high  schools 


WAGES   OK    BOSTON     i  !(M»l.   <;|RLS., 


123 


which  train  directly  for  these*  Jim--.  (  The  derided  advantage  which 
the  high-school  graduate  has  in  the  business  pursuits1  suggests  the 
advisability  of  urging  those  who  are  likely  to  go  into  this  work  to 
devote  as  long  a  time  as  possible  to  preparation. 

T\T;I.. -72.— NUMBER  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  WHO  NEVER  USED  THEIR 
TRADES  FOUND  IN  SPECIFIED  TRADES  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  WEEKLY 
AMOUNT  OF  WAGES  AT  END  OF  FIRST,  THIRD,  AND  FIFTH  YEARS  OUT  OF  TRADE 
SCHOOL. 


Year  out  of  trade  school  and  trades  or 
occupations. 

Number  earning  classified  weekly  wages. 

Under  $6 

$6  and       $8  and 
under  $8  under  $10 

$10  and 
over. 

Not  re- 
ported. 

Total. 

FIP«T  TEAR. 

In  related  trades: 
Custom  clothing 

1 
1 
3 

1 

2 
2 
6 

Ready-made  clothing  

1   . 

3 

Total  

5 

5    

10 

In  other  occupations: 
Manufactures 

4 
1 

2                 2 

2 

1 

9 
3 

8 

Transportation 

Trade  

5                  2 

Professional  service 

Domestic  service 

2 

10 

2                  1 

VI                  2 

5 

24 

Clerical  

Total  

18 
23~ 

23                  7 

1 

49 

Total,  first  year 

28  ;                7 

1 

59 

THIRD  YEAR. 

In  related  trades: 
Custom  clothing 

| 

1 
3 

4 

Ready-made  clothing  
Boots  and  shoes  

2 

3 

Total 

3 
3 

5 

8 

10 
2 
8 
2 
3 
18 

In  other  occupations: 
Manufactures  

3                  3 

1                   1 
2                  5 

: 

I 

Transportation.  . 

Trade. 

1 

Professional  service  

l               i 

I 

Domestic  service  .  . 

2                  i 
7                  2 

Clerical.  .  . 

6 

3 

Total  

10 

15                 12 

4                 2 

43 

Total,  third  year  

FIFTH  YEAR. 

In  related  trades: 
Custom  clothing 

13 

20                 12 

4 

2 

51 

1 
1 
3 

i 

Ready-made  clothing.  .  .    . 

1 

; 

Boots  and  shoes. 

1 

2 

Total 

. 

1 

4    

5 

In  other  occupations: 
Manufactures 

hi        * 

-r 

3 
2 
2 
1 
2 
7 

Transportation  1 
Trade  

i          i 

Professional  service 

1 

Domestic  service  
Clerical  

1 
2 

1 

2                   1 

2    

Total 

4                  5  |                4 

4 

4 

17 

Total,  fifth  year. 

5                  9  !                4 

22 

Total,  three  years  

41                57  j             23 

8                 3                132 

1  Department  of  Research,  Women's  Educational  and  Industrial  Union:  The  public  schools  and  women 
in  office  service,  Ch.  V.* 


124  INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE   OF   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 

GIRLS   NEVER    USING    TRADE   FOR    WHICH    1  RAINED. 

The  girls  who,  although  they  had  attended  the  trade  school  for 
nine  months  or  more,  never  entered  their  trades  are  not  as  important 
for  the  purposes  of  this  study  as  those  who  entered  but  afterwards 
left  their  trades,  but  still  their  industrial  distribution  is  a  matter  of 
some  interest.  Table  72  shows  what  trades  they  entered  and  what 
wages  they  received,  the  data  being  given  for  the  end  of  the  first, 
third,  and  fifth  years. 

The  majority  of  these  girls,  it  will  be  seen,  entered  wholly  unrelated 
occupations,  the  proportion  going  into  sewing  trades  varying  from 
16.1  per  cent  at  the  end  of  the  first  year  to  22.7  per  cent  at  the  end 
of  the  fifth.  The  wage  level  seems  lower  than  for  those  who  first 
entered  their  own  trades  but  afterward  drifted  out  into  others.  None 
of  this  group  who  went  into  related  trades  earned  at  any  time  as 
much  as  $8  a  week,  while  of  those  who  went  into  unrelated  occupa- 
tions, only  14.6  per  cent  at  the  end  of  the  first  year,  39  per  cent  at 
the  end  of  the  third,  and  47.1  per  cent  at  the  end  of  the  fifth  l  were 
earning  as  much  or  more  than  $8.  Comparison  with  Table  67,  pages 
117  and  118,  shows  that  these  proportions  are  at  each  period  smaller 
than  for  the  corresponding  group  who  had  been  trained  for  dress- 
making and  millinery,  and  for  the  end  of  the  fifth  year  smaller  than 
those  of  any  of  the  girls  trained  for  a  trade  who  had  gone  into  other 
occupations. 

COMPARATIVE    WAGES   OF   TRADE-SCHOOL  AND  TRADE-TRAINED  DRESSMAKERS  AND 
FACTORY  SEWERS  AT  SPECIFIED  PERIODS. 

Whether  a  year  spent  in  the  trade  school  is  more  or  less  advanta- 
geous to  a  girl  than  the  same  period  spent  in  the  actual  practice  of 
her  trade  is  a  subject  for  discussion  on  which  teachers  have  not  yet 
come  to  an  agreement.2  To  throw  some  light  on  this  question  the 
following  table  is  presented,  showing  the  wages  of  the  trade-trained 
girls  at  the  end  of  their  second,  fourth,  and  sixth  years  of  experience. 
Since  two-thirds  of  the  trade-school  girls  using  their  trades  have  spent 
12  months  or  more  in  the  school,  the  figures  in  this  table  are  compar- 
able with  those  given  in  the  preceding  tables  for  the  trade-school  girls. 
In  Table  73  the  data  for  the  trade-trained  dressmakers  and  for  the 
trade-trained  factory  sewers  are  presented  separately,  since  the  latter 
group  of  workers  may  more  fairly  be  compared  with  the  trade-school 
power-machine  operators  than  with  the  trade-school  dressmakers. 

Comparing  the  figures  here  given  for  the  trade- trained  dressmakers 
with  those  given  in  Table  67  for  the  trade-school  dressmakers,  it 
appears  that  the  trade-trained  girls  have  larger  proportions  both  in 
the  low  and  the  high  wage  groups,  but  smaller  proportions  in  the 

1  In  calculating  these  percentages  those  whose  wages  were  not  reported  are  omitted. 

2  See  Anna  C.  Hedges:  Wage  worth  of  school  training. 


WAGES   OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


125 


TABLE  73.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  TRADE-TRAINED  GIRLS  EARNING  EACH 
CLASSIFIED  WEEKLY  AMOUNT  AT  END  OF  SECOND,  FOURTH,  AND  SIXTH  YEAIl'S 
EXPERIENCE.  BY  OCCUPATIONS. 

NUMBER. 


Classified  weekly  wage. 

Trade-trained  dressmakers  em- 
ployed in— 

Trade-trained  factory  sewers  em- 
ployed in— 

Dress- 
mak- 
ing. 

Related 
trades. 

Other 
occupa- 
tions. 

Total. 

Cloth 
ma- 
chine- 
sewing 
trades. 

Re- 
lated 
trades. 

Other 
occu 
pa- 
tions. 

Not 
re- 
ported. 

Total. 

Second  vear: 
Under  $6  

28 
24 
10 
4 

"'2' 

6 

34 
26 
11 
6 

4 

16 
34 
14 

4 

2 

5 
9 
1 

1 

23 
43 
15 
6 
1 

$6  and  under  $8 

$8  and  under  $10  

1 

2 

$10  and  over 

1 

Not  reported  

4 

1 

Total 

70 

1 
20 
23 
6 
3 

2 

9 

81 

68 

3 

16 

1 

88 

5 
20 
22 
11 

Fourth  year: 
Under  $6 

1 
22 
23 
8 
3 

3 

18 
21 
9 

2 
2 

1 
2 

$6  and  under  $8 

2 

$8  and  under  $10 

$10  and  over  

2 

Not  reported 

Total  

53 

4 

57 

51 

1 
4 
15 
10 
1 

^= 

7 

:=^= 

58 

1 
6 
15 
11 
2 

Sixth  year: 
Under  $6  

$6  and  under  $8 

2 
21 
15 
1 

2 

4 
22 
16 
1 

2 



$8  and  under  $10  

1 
1 

$10  and  over 

1 

..... 

Not  reported 

Total 

39 

2 

2 

43 

31 

3 

i 

35 

PER  CENT  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT.  1 


Trade-trained  dressmakers  em- 
ployed in— 

Trade-trained  factory  sewers  em- 
ployed in— 

Dress- 
making. 

Other 
oceupa- 
tions.2 

Total. 

Cloth  ma- 
chine sew- 
ing trades. 

Other 
occupa- 
tions.* 

Total. 

Second  year: 
Under  $6         

42.4 
36.4 
15.2 
6.0 

54.5 
18.2 
9.1 
18.2 

44.2 
33.8 
14.3 

7.7 

23.5 
50.0 
20.6 
5.9 

36.8 
47.4 
5.3 
10.5 

26.4 
49.5 
17.2 
6.9 

$6  and  under  $8 

$8  and  under  $10  

$10  and  over  ... 

Total 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

Fourth  year: 
Under  $6 

2.0 
40.0 
46.0 
12.0. 

1.9 

40.7 
42.6 
14.8 

5.9 
35.3 
41.2 
17.6 

28.5 
28.6 
14.3 
28.6 

8.6 
34.5 
37.9 
19.0 

$6  and  under  $8  ^  
$8  and  under  $10 

50.0 

$10  and  over  

50.0 

Total   ... 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

Sixth  vear: 
Under  $6 

3.3 
13.3 
50.0 
33.4 

3.0 
18.2 
45.5 
33.3 

$6  and  under  $8 

5.2 
55.3 
39.5 

9.5 
52.4 
38.1 

66.7 

$8  and  under  $10  *.  

50.0 
50.0 

$10  and  over  ... 

33.3 

Total 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

1  Based  on  number  of  girls  whose  weekly  wages  were  reported. 

2  Includes  also  figures  for  "related  trades." 


126  IXDI'STHIA!  BIEBFCE    o  COOL 

middle  group.  Thus,  at  the  end  of  their  first  year  out  of  school 
38.7  per  cent  of  the  trade-school  girls  who  were  still  working  in  the 
dressmaking  trade  earned  less  than  $6  a  week  against  42.4  per  cent 
of  the  trade-trained  girls  at  the  end  of  their  second  year.  But  on 
the  other  hand,  21.2  per  cent  of  the  trade-trained  girls  against  5.4 
per  cent  of  the  trade-school  girls  earned  $8  or  over  a  week.  Whatever 
advantage  the  trade-school  girls  may  have  in  their  smaller  proportion 
in  the  low-wage  group  is  lost  by  the  end  of  their  third  and  the  trade- 
trained  girls'  fourth  year,  when  the  percentages  earning  less  than  $6 
are,  respectively,  6.1  and  2.  At  this  period  the  proportion  earning 
$8  or  over  is  for  the  trade-school  girls  40.9  per  cent  and  for  the  trade- 
trained  58  per  cent.  In  their  fifth  year  out,  76.4  per  cent  of  the  trade- 
school  dressmakers  earned  $8  or  more  as  compared  with  94.8  per 
cent  of  the  trade-trained  girls  in  their  sixth  year.  Thirty  per  cent  of 
the  trade-school  dressmakers  earned  $10 'or  more  by  the  end  of  their 
fifth  year,  while  39.5  per  cent  of  the  trade- trained  workers  earned  $10 
or  more  at  the  end  of  their  sixth  year's  experience.  If  the  comparison 
be  made  between  all  members  of  the  trade-school  and  the  trade- 
trained  groups,  regardless  of  whether  they  remained  in  dressmaking 
or  went  into  other  pursuits,  the  results  are  much  the  same,  though 
the  advantage  on  the  side  of  the  trade-trained  girl  is  not  quite  so 
marked. 

The  comparison  of  average  wages  year  by  year  (see  Tables  63 
and  64,  pp.  107  to  112)  has  shown  that  the  trade-school  group  has  a 
certain  advantage  over  the  trade- trained,  but  it  is  evident  from  this 
table  that  for  the  girls  engaged  in  dressmaking  the  year  spent  in  the 
trade  school  does  not  give  a  girl  a  year's  advantage  in  wage  return, 
except  perhaps  in  the  first- year,  any  more  than  a  higher  initial  wage 
seems  to  guarantee  a  continuously  higher  wa^e  in  succeeding  years 
in  the  trade. 

The  number  of  girls  trained  in  the  tran  •  s/v.y.1  as  cloth  machine 
operators  and  the  number  of  trade-trained  workers  in  the  factory 
sewing  trades  are  much  more  nearly  equal  than  are  the  two  groups 
of  dressmakers  compared.  Confining  the  comparison  to  those  who 
remained  in  their  trade  it  appears  that  of  the  trade-school  girls  25.5 
per  cent  earned  less  than  $6  a  week  at  the  end  of  their  first  year  out 
of  school,  while  of  the  trade- trained  girls  23.5  per  cent  were  in  this 
wage  group  at  the  end  of  their  second  year  in  the  trade.  Fifty  per 
cent  of  the  trade-school  girls  at  the  end  of  their  third  year  and  58.8 
per  cent  of  the  trade-trained  girls  at  the  end  of  their  fourth  year's 
experience  earned  $8  or  more.  A  little  more  th'an  three-fourths 
(77.8  per  cent)  of  the  trade-school  girls  earned  $8  or  more  at  the  end 
of  their  fifth  year,  while  something  over  four-fifths  (83.4  per  cent) 
of  the  trade- trained  girls  earned  this  at  the  end  of  their  sixth  year. 


WAGES   OF    BOSTON    TKAm'-.SCJLOOl.  1  k2 7 

Like  (lie  study  of  jnvnigo  wnges,  this  study  of  the  wages,  at  specific 
periods  of  their  working  experience,  of  the  trade-school  and  the  trade- 
trained  girl  shows  that  the  former  has  a  real  immediate  advantage 
because  she  is  lifted  over  the  preliminary  unskilled  and  sometimes 
unrelated  processes,  but  in  neither  of  the  two  important  branches 
of  the  sewing  trades  studied  here  has  she  been  able  to  maintain  a 
marked  wage  advantage  over  the  trade-trained  girl. 

FACTORS  DETERMINING  WAGE  ADVANCEMENT. 

LENGTH  OF  WORKING  EXPERIENCE. 

Of  the  many  factors  which  may  determine  wage  advancement 
three,  maturity,  length  of  working  experience,  and  length  of  training 
may  naturally  be  expected  to  have  most  weight,  granting  some  nat- 
ural capacity  for  the  trade  entered.  A  certain  degree  of  maturity  is 
requisite,  and  preliminary  trade  training  is  a  real  advantage,  par- 
ticularly in  its  immediate  benefits,  but  length  of  working  experience 
is  perhaps  the  most  important  of  the  three  in  tiades  requiring,  as  the 
sewing  trades  do,  (1)  skill  of  hand  which  is  attained  through  repeti- 
tion of  a  process,  and  (2)  a  knowledge  of  construction.  The  effect  of 
this  factor  is  shown  in  the  following  tables  giving  the  wage  distribu- 
tion, by  length  of  industrial  experience,  of  both  the  trade-school  and 
the  trade-trained  girls  studied. 


128 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE   74.— NUMBER  AND    PER   CENT    OF     BOSTON   TRADE-SCHOOL    GIRLS   AND    OP 

OF  SPECIFIED 

TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS:  NUMBER. 


Present  occupation. 

Girls  earning,  after  specified  years'  experience,  each  classified  amount. 

Under  3  years. 

3  and  under  5  years. 

Un- 
der 
16 

$6 
and 
under 
$8 

f8 
and 
under 
$10 

$10 
and 
over. 

Not 
re- 
port- 
ed. 

Total. 

Un- 
der 
$6 

$6 
and 
under 
$8 

$8 
and 
under 
810 

$10 

and 
over. 

Not 
re- 
port- 
ed. 

Total. 

In  their  trade: 
D  ressm  ak  ing 

11 
3 

1 

1 
2 

63 
21 

13 
5 
il 

17 
3 

6 
4 
il 

2 

1 
2 

94 
29 

20 
14 

15 
2 

5 
1 

35 
6 

2 
1 

11 
1 

1 

7 
1  1 

2 

63 
9 

10 
9 
3 

Millinery  

Machine  operating  on  — 
Cloth 

1 

1 

Straw  hats 

4 

Cooking  and  design  
Total 

il 

5 

2 

18 

103 

31 

6 

4 

162 



5 

3 

• 

23 

44 

— 

1 

21 

"—       '  _  — 

3 

_:;-  -.n= 

94 

1 
6 
2 

In  related  trades: 
Custom  clothing 

1 
3 
2 

1 
2 

2 

3 
2 
2 

Ready-made  clothing.  .  . 
Boots  and  shoes  

7 

1 

3 

2 

1 

1 

1 

Total 

6 
3 

5 

7 

1 

:     - 

19 

—  :  =.  — 

1 

3 

5 
2 
3 

2 

===== 

l 

4 
4 

3 

• 

2 

— 

9 

8 
8 
7 
4 
6 
16 

In  other  occupations: 

6 
3 

9 
4 

Transportation  

1 

Trade                   

2 

5 

3 
2 
1 
3 

1 

3 

11 

7 
7 
24 

Professional  service 

2 

4 

Domestic  service 

4 
9 

2 
12 

3 
1 

'"2 

1 

9 

2 
3 

Clerical  

i 

Total 

18 
42~ 

28 

, 
136 

9 

.  ,      ~ 

47 

3 
9~ 

4 

== 
9 

62 
243 

5 

sssssss 
9 

12 

38~ 

19 

===== 

65 

12 
36~ 

1 

—  -  ~ 

4 

49 
152 

Grand  total  

TRADE-TRAINED  GIRLS:  NUMBER. 


In  their  trade: 
Dressmaking  

18 

9 

2 

1 

30 

1 

3 

9 

3 

16 

Machine  operating  on 
cloth    .... 

5 

18 

7 

1 

31 

2 

7 

7 

4 

20 

Total.... 

23 

27 

9 

2 

61 

3 

10 

16 

7 

36 

In  related  trades 

3 

1 

= 

-^    -    — 

4 

~  l-^—  •-—-  ~ 

-—...  . 

V  =...=...= 

.:    'j     .. 

= 

3 

3 

1 

7 

| 

1 

1 

3 

Grand  total         .  .  . 



29 

30 

10 

3 

—  '     M.'.1_T 

-Vr               -      — 

72 

— 

4 



11 

" 

17 

— 

7 

39 

TRADE-SCHOOL    GIRLS:  PER  CENT  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT. 


In  their  trade: 

11  8 

67  7 

18  3 

2  2 

100  0 

24.6 

57.4 

18.0 

100.0 

Millinery    ."  

11.1 

77.8 

11.1 

100.0 

22.2 

66.7 

11.1 

100.0 

Machine  operating  on— 
Cloth 

5  0 

65  0 

30  0 

100  0 

11.1 

55.6 

22.2 

11.1 

100.0 

Straw  hats 

7  1 

35  7 

28  6 

28  6 

100  0 

11  1 

11  1 

77.8 

100.0 

50  0 

125  0 

125  0 

100  0 

66  7 

133  3 

100  0 

Total 

11  4 

65  2 

19  6 

3  8 

100  0 

3  3 

25  3 

48.3 

23.1 

100.0 

In  related  trades  

33.3 

27.8 

38.9 

100.0 

11.1 

33.3 

22.2 

33.4 

100.0 

In  other  occupations  

31.0 

48  3 

15  5 

5.2 

100.0 

10.4 

25.0 

39.6 

25.0 

100.0 

Grand  total 

17  ^T 

58  1 

20  1 

3  9 

100  0 

6.1 

25.7 

43.9 

24.3 

100.0 

1  Design. 

8  Not  including  1  girl  who  is  reported  to  be  a  nurse  in  a  hospital  in  Philadelphia,  but  whose  exact  work- 
ing experience  and  wage  could  not  be  obtained. 


WAGES   OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


129 


TRADE-TRAINED    GIRLS    EARNING    EACH   CLASSIFIED    WEEKLY    AMOUNT    AT    END 
YEARS'  EXPERIENCE. 

TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS:  NUMBER. 


Girls  earning,  after  specified  years'  experience,  each  classified  amount. 

5  and  under  7  years. 

7  years  and  over. 

Total. 

Un- 
der 

16 

2 

*6 
and 
under 

$8 

$8 
and 
under 
$10 

$10 
and 
over. 

Not 
re- 
port- 
ed. 

Total. 

Un- 
der 

$6 

«6 
and 
under 

$8 

?8 
and 
under 
$10 

$10 
and 
over. 

Not 
re- 
port- 
ed. 

Total. 

2 

16 
2 

1 

23 

8 

3 
6 

3 

46 
10 

5 
6 

6 
1 

1 

11 
6 

1 
2 

17 

8 

2 
2 

220 
56 

37 
31 

8 

1 



1 

3 

2 

19 

2 
3 

__j°_ 
....... 

3 

67 

4 
5 

1 

8 
2 

20 

29 

2 
1 

352 

12 
19 
9 

2 

:::::::!::::;:: 



2 

!-.-- 

2 

5 

Q 

3 

• 

1 

3 

40 

1 

- 

1 
1 

2 
1 
3- 
5 
2 
12 

1 

-  = 
3 

""2" 
1 
4 
3 
3 

•  '  

5 
2 
3 

4 
6 
10 

24 
15 
24 
20 
21 
62 

3 

1 

1 

i 

1 
1 

3 

1 

1 

8 

1 

2 
5 

3 

1 

1 

4 
8~ 

12 

""."  —  =,',  —  I-ZZ 

36 

8 

1 

25 

2              4 
2              5~ 

9 

20~ 

13 
3JF 

2 

30 

166 

3~ 

50 

4 

101 

2 

62 

2558 

TRADE-TRAINED  GIRLS:  NUMBER. 


9 

2 

5 

9 

1 

2 

23 

33 

88 

2 

4 

g 

I 

16 

4 

15 

24 

91 

2 

6 

10 

7 



25 

1 

6 

22 

28 

57 

179 

1 



1 

1 

1 

1 

6 

10 

2 

7 

10 

7 

26 

j 

7 

22 

28 

58 

195 

TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS:  PER  CENT  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT.' 


4  7 

4  7 

37  2 

53  4 

100  0 

35.3 

64.7 

100.0 

20.0 

80.0 

100.0 

12.5 

12.5 

75.0 

100.0 

20  0 

20  0 

60  0 

100  0 

50.0 

50.0 

100.0 

100  0 

100  0 

100.0 

100.0 

4  7 

3  1 

29  7 

62  5 

100  0 

3.4 

27.6 

69.0 

100.0 

22  2 

55  6 

22  2 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

16.7 

50.0 

33.3 

100.0 

7.2 

14.3 

32.1 

46.4 

100.0 

3  1 

8  2 

37  1 

51  6 

==== 

100  0 

3  3 

8  3 

&TS 

•—  —       -^r 

55  1 

100.0 



3  Based  on  number  of  girls  whose  wages  were  reported. 
85225°— 17— Bull.  215 9 


130 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE  74.— NUMBER   AND   PER  CENT   OF   BOSTON   TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS   AND    OF 

OF  SPECIFIED  YEARS' 

TRADE-TRAINED  GIRLS:  PER  CENT  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNTS 


Present  occupation. 

Girls  earning,  after  specified  years'  experience,  each  classified  amount. 

Under  3  years. 

3  and  under  5  years. 

Un- 
der 
$6 

.so 

and 
under 

$8 

$8 
and 
under 
§10 

$10 
and 
over. 

Not 
re- 
port- 
ed. 

Total. 

Un- 
der 
$6 

$6 
and 
under 

$8 

$8 
and 
under 
$10 

$10 
and 
over. 

Not 
re- 
port- 
ed. 

Total. 

In  their  trade: 
Dressmaking    

60.0 
16.1 

30.0 
58.1 

6.7 
22.6 

3.3 
3.2 

100.0 
100.0 

6.3 
10.0 

18.7 
35.0 

56.3 
35.0 

18.7 
20.0 

100.0 
100.0 

Machine  operating  on 
cloth 

Total 

37.7 

44.3 

14.8 

3.2 
9.1 
4.1 

= 

100.0 

8.3 

27.8 

•1-1.  5 

19.4 

= 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

In  other  occupations  
Grand  total 

54.5 

27.3 
41.7 

9.1 
13.9 

100.0 

33.3 

33.4 
2S.2 

33.3 
43.6 

17.9 

40.3 

100.0 

10.3 

i  Based  on  number  of  girls  whose  wages  were  reported. 

The  effect  of  experience  in  raising  the  general  level  of  wages 
received  is  very  evident  here.  The  proportion  in  the  .lower  wage 
groups  steadily  sinks  and  in  the  higher  wage  groups  rises  as  the 
length  of  experience  increases.  Taking  the  trade-school  girls  as  a 
whole,  the  proportion  receiving  less  than  $6  a  week  falls  from  17.9 
per  cent  among  those  with  an  industrial  experience  of  less  than 
three  years  to  3.3  per  cent  among  those  with  an  industrial  experience 
of  seven  years  or  over;  for  the  trade- trained  girls  the  corresponding 
proportions  are  40.3  per  cent  and  1.7  per  cent,  respectively.  The 
proportion  earning  $10  or  over  per  week  rises  among  the  trade-school 
girls  from  3.9  per  cent  in  the  group  with  less  than  three  years'  experi- 
ence to  55.1  per  cent  in  the  group  with  seven  or  more  years  of  experi- 
ence, and  for  the  trade-trained  girls  from  4.1  per  cent  to  48.3  per 
cent.  The  decrease  in  the-  low-wage  groups  and  the  increase  in 
the  high-wage  groups  is,  on  the  whole,  continuous,  although  there 
are  a  few  irregularities  in  the  distribution  of  those  with  seven  or 
more  years  of  experience,  as  compared  with  those  having  five  but 
under  seven  years.  Thus  among  the  trade-school  cloth  machine 
operators,  60  per  cent  of  those  with  an  experience  of  five  years  but 
under  seven,  and  only  50  per  cent  of  those  with  seven  or  more  years 
of  experience  were  earning  $10  or  over  a  week.  There  were,  how- 
ever, only  five  girls  in  the  first  of  these  groups  and  two  in  the  second, 
so  that  this  irregularity  is  negligible. 

Taking  $8  per  week  as  the  minimum  required  for  self-support,  it 
appears  that  for  the  trade-school  group  as  a  whole,  among  those 
who  had  been  at  work  for  less  than  three  years  not  quite  one-fourth 
were  self-supporting;  among  those  who  had  been  working  from 
three  to  five  years,  nearly  seven-tenths  had  reached  or  passed  this 


WAGES  OF  BOSTON   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


131 


TRADE-TRAINED   GIRLS    EARNING   EACH   CLASSIFIED   WEEKLY  AMOUNT   AT  END 
E  X  F'ERIENCE— Concluded. 

TRADE-TRAINED  GIRLS:  PER  CENT  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT.' 


Girls  earning,  after  specified  years'  experience,  each  classified  amount. 

5  and  under  7  years. 

7  years  and  over. 

Total. 

Un- 
der 
$6 

$6 
and 
under 

$8 

$8 
and 
under 
$10 

$10 
and 
over. 

Not 
re- 
port- 
ed. 

Total. 

Un- 
der 

$6 

$6 
and 
under 
$8 

$8 
and 
under 
$10 

$10 
and 
over. 

Not 
re- 
port- 
ed. 

Total. 

22.2 
25.0 

22.2 
50.0 

55.6 
12.5 

100.0 
100.0 

3.0 

6.1 
16.7 

21.2 
62.5 

69.7 
20.8 

100.0 
100.0 

12.5 

8.0 

24.0 

40.0 

28.0 

— 

100.0 

loo.  oT 

1.8 

10.5 
100.0 



12.1 

38.6 
37.9 

49.1 

•_.  _•_-  — 

= 

100.0 
100.0 

7.7 

100.0 



1 

' 

26.9 

38.5 

26.9 

100.0 

1.7 

48.3 

100.0 

point,  and  among  those  who  had  been  working  five  years  but  under 
seven  nearly  nine-tenths  were  independent.  At  this  point,  appar- 
ently all  those  capable  of  reaching  self-support  have  done  so,  for 
the  next  group,  those  having  worked  seven  years  or  more,  shows 
practically  the  same  proportion  earning  less  than  $8  a  week — 11.6 
per  cent  against  11.3  per  cent.  Among  those  earning  $8  a  week 
or  over,  however,  the  group  with  seven  years  of  experience  shows  a 
larger  proportion  earning  $10  or  over  than  is  found  among  any  of 
the  groups  with  less  experience.  Apparently,  therefore,  it  takes 
about  five  years  of  working  experience  before  the  trade-school  girl 
has  certainly  found  herself  and  before  it  can  be  definitely  known 
whether  or  not  she  can  earn  a  living  wage. 

A  comparison  of  the  wages  earned  by  the  trade-school  and  the  trade- 
trained  girls  according  to  their  length  of  working  experience  affords  an 
interesting  contrast.  Table  75  shows  the  percentage  of  trade-school 
and  trade-trained  girls  in  certain  wage  groups  classified  by  length  of 
experience. 

Whether  the  comparison  be  made  between  the  trade-school  and  the 
trade-trained  girls  as  a  whole,  or  between  the  trade-school  and  the  trade- 
trained  girls  in  a  given  trade,  or  those  who  have  left  their  own  trade 
for  other  occupations,  the  trade-school  girls  have  a  marked  advantage. 
With  the  exception  of  the  cloth  machine  operators  with  three  but 
less  than  five  years  of  experience,  the  trade-school  girls  in  every 
group  show  a  smaller  proportion  earning  less  than  $8  a  week  and  a 
larger  proportion  earning  $8  or  over  than  appears  among  the  trade- 
trained  girls.  For  those  with  less  than  three  years  of  experience,  the 
trade-trained  girls  show  a  larger  proportion  earning  $10  or  over;  for 
those  in  the  other  experience  groups,  the  advantage  in  this  respect 


132 


INDUSTRIAL    EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


shifts  from  trade-school  to  trade-trained  girls  rather  irregularly,  the 
situation  on  the  whole  being  favorable  to  the  trade-school  girls. 

TABLE  75.— PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  AND  OF  TRADE-TRAINED 
GIRLS  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  WEEKLY  AMOUNT  AFTER  SPECIFIED  YEARS' 
EXPERIENCE. 


Classified  weekly  earnings. 

Per  cent  of  girls  earning  each  classified  weeklv  amount  after 
specified  years'  experience. 

Under  3  years. 

3  and  under 
5  years. 

5  and  under 
7  years. 

7  years  and 
over. 

Trade- 
school 
girls. 

Trade- 
trained 
girls. 

Trade- 
school 
girls. 

Trade- 
trained 
girls. 

Trade- 
school 
girls. 

Trade- 
trained 
girls. 

Trade- 
school 
girls. 

Trade- 
trained 
girls. 

Total  workers  earning  — 
Under  $8 

76.0 
24.0 

3-9 

79.5 
20.5 
2.2 

70.0 
30.0 

82.0 
18.0 
4.1 

90.0 
10.0 
3.3 

74.2 
25.8 
3.2 

81.8 
18.2 
9.1 

31.8 

68.2 
24.3 

24.6 
75.  4 
18.0 

66.7 
33.3 
11.1 

36.8 
63.2 
26.3 

38.5 
61.5 
17.9 

2:..  0 
7.->.  0 
18.7 

45.  0 
55.  0 
20.0 

66.7 
33.3 

11.3 
88.7 
51.6 

9.4 
90.6 
53.  4 

?0.0 
80.0 
60.0 

18.2 
81.8 
30  3 

34.6 

65.4 
26.9 

22.2 

77.8 
:..-).  r, 

37.5 
62.  5 
12.5 

100.0 

11.6 
88.4 
55.1 

13.8 
86.2 
48.3 

*8  and  over  

f  10  and  over  

Dressmakers  in  own  trade  earning— 
Under  $8  

"iiYi.'o" 

64.7 

9.1 
90.9 
69.7 

16.7 
83.3 
20.8 

100.0 

$8  and  over 

$10  and  over  

Cloth  machine  opera  tors  in  own  trade 
earning  — 
Under  $8  

S8  and  over  

100.0 
50.0 

19.4 
80.6 
41  9 

$10  and  over.    . 

Workers  in  other  than  own  trade, 
earning— 
Under  $8  
88  and  over 

75.0 
25.  0 
3.9 

.?  1  0  and  over 

The  trade-school  and  the  trade-trained  dressmakers  afford  perhaps 
the  most  satisfactory  comparison,  since  their  work  is  similar  and  their 
numbers  are  more  nearly  equal  than  is  the  case  with  some  of  the 
other  groups.  In  every  experience  group  the  trade-school  dress- 
makers show  a  larger  proportion  earning  $8  a  week  or  over.  Among 
those  having  less  than  three  years  of  experience,  one-fifth  of  the 
trade-school  against  one-tenth  of  the  trade-trained  dressmakers  earn 
$8  or  more  a  week;  among  those  having  three  but  under  five  years  of 
experience  the  proportions  are  almost  identical  for  the  two  groups, 
but  what  advantage  exists  is  on  the  side  of  the  trade-school  girl.  In 
the  next  experience  group  nine-tenths  of  the  trade-school  against  a 
little  more  than  three-fourths  of  the  trade-trained  girls  earn  $8  or 
more,  while  in  the  last  group,  those  with  seven  or  more  years  of 
experience,  nearly  one-tenth  of  the  trade-trained  girls  fall  below  $8 
but  not  a  single  trade-school  girl  fails  to  earn  that  minimum.  On  the 
other  hand,  in  every  experience  group  a  slightly  larger  proportion  of 
the  trade-trained  than  of  the  trade-school  girls  earn  $10  or  over  per 
week.  The  difference  here,  however,  is  so  small  that  it  does  not 
offset  the  advantage  on  the  side  of  the  trade-school  girls  in  the  matter 
of  earning  a  living  wage.  When  the  two  classes  of  workers  are  com- 
pared by  length  of  experience,  the  systematic  training  received  by  the 
trade-school  girl  shows  its  effect  in  the  higher  level  of  her  earnings. 


WAGES   OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS.  133 

It  will  be  remembered  that  when  the  earnings  at  the  end  of  specific 
years  wore  compared,  the  trade-school  girl  did  not  show  a  yo.-ir's 
advantage  over  the  trade-trained  girl  in  dressmaking.  This  com- 
parison, however,  makes  it  evident  that  her  training  has  a  very  real 
effect  upon  her  wage-earning  capacity,  and  that  while  this  effect  is 
most  apparent,  as  would  be  expected,  among  those  who  enter  their 
own  trade  and  remain  in  it,  it  is  found  also  among  those  who  go  into 
other  pursuits. 

AGE  AT  BEGINNING  WORK. 

EFFECT   ON    WAGES    OF   TRADE-SCHOOL    GIRLS. 

Since  the  girl  under  1 6  years  of  age  is  increasingly  excluded  from  the 
sewing  trades,  and  since  the  advocates  of  raising  the  age  limits  main- 
tain that  the  girl  entering  at  16  years  or  more  really  earns  a  better 
wage,  it  is  of  interest  to  discover  to  what  extent  this  is  true  in  imme- 
diate as  well  as  in  later  returns.  For  this  purpose  a  comparison  is 
made  of  the  wage  distribution,  at  the  end  of  the  first  and  third  years 
out  of  trade  school,  of  those  beginning  work  under  16,  between  16  and 
18,  and  18  and  over.  Reports  were  obtained  showing  wages  and  age  at 
beginning  work  for  701  girls  who  were  still  working  at  the  end  of  the 
first  year  and  for  450  still  working  at  the  end  of  the  third  year.  Of 
the  group  working  at  the  end  of  the  first  year,  25  per  cent  had  begun 
under  16,  53.6  per  cent  between  16  and  18,  and  21.4  per  cent  aged  18 
or  over.  Of  those  still  working  at  the  end  of  the  third  year,  27.1  per 
cent  had  begun  under  14  years  old,  53.6  per  cent  between  16  and  IS, 
and  19.3  at  18  or  over.  The  age  distribution  of  the  two  groups  at 
beginning  work  is,  therefore,  very  nearly  the  same.  Table  76  shows 
the  wage  distribution  at  the  end  of  the  first  and  of  the  third  year. 

At  the  end  of  the  first  year  the  group  beginning  at  18  or  over  shows1 
an  advantage  over  those  beginning  at  16  but  under  18,  and  these,  ia 
turn,  have  an  advantage  over  those  who  began  under  16.  The  oldest 
group  makes  the  best  showing  in  wages,  whether  it  be  considered  as 
a  whole  or  according  to  its  trade  distribution.  There  are  some 
irregularities  in  the  latter  case.  Those  in  dressmaking  and  millinery 
show  a  fairly  steady  improvement  in  wage  level  as  the  age  at  beginning 
increases;  among  the  cloth  machine  operators  the  improvement  is 
still  more  regular  and  more  marked,  and  it  is  also  marked  among  those 
who  have  gone  into  other  occupations;  but  those  engaged  in  straw 
machine  operating  and  in  cooking  and  design  do  not  show  this  steady 
progression.  The  number  engaged  in  cooking  and  design,  however, 
is  too  small  to  be  significant.  The  straw  machine  opera  tors  show  a 
very  curious  distribution;  those  beginning  under  16  years  of  age  have 
none  in  the  lowest  wage  group,  and  a  larger  proportion  receiving  $8 
or  over  than  is  found  among  any  of  those  beginning  at  a  higher  age. 


134 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE  76.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  BEGINNING 
WORK  AT  SPECIFIED  AGE  IN  SPECIFIED  OCCUPATIONS,  AND  EARNING  EACH  CLAS- 
SIFIED  WEEKLY  AMOUNT  AT  END  OF  FIRST  AND  THIRD  YEAR'S  EXPERIENCE. 

NUMBER. 


Years  of  experience,  age  at  begin- 
ning work,  and  classified  weekly 
wages. 

In  trade  for  which  trained. 

In 

other 
occupa- 
tions. 

Total. 

Press- 

niak- 
ing. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Power-machine 
operating  on— 

Cooking 

and 
design. 

Total. 

Ckrth. 

Straw 
hats. 

END  OF  FIRST  YEAB. 

14  and  under  16  years,  earning— 
Under  $& 

42 
49 
6 
1 

14 
12 

3 
14 

59 
78 
16 

I 

13 

I 
1 

72 
85 
18 
2 

$6  and  under  $8 

2 
9 

1 

$8  and  over  

Not  reported  .  . 

Total  

98 

76 
118 
8 
2 

26 

28 
29 
6 
1 

17 

& 
14 
1 
2 

11 

1 

1 

2 

153 

115 
176 
35 
6 

24 

20 
21 
9 

177 

135 

197 
44 

8 

16  and  under  18  years,  earning  — 
Under  $6     . 

$6  and  under  ?  8  

13 
20 

SS  and  over 

Not  reported 

1 

Total       .  . 

204 

27 
4* 
6 
2 

64 

9 
15 
4 

25 

2 
2 

33 

2 
5 
5 
1 

8 

1 
1 

2 

332 

41 

19 
3 

52 

384 

44 

78 
28 
5 

18  years  and  over,  earning  — 
Under  $6  .. 

3 
9 

$6  and  under  88 

$8  and  over 

Not  reported  

Total 

78 

28 

11 

53 

13 

57 

4           134 

21             155 

Grand  total  .... 

380 

118 

It 

619 

97 

716 

END  OF  THIRD  YEAR. 

14  and  under  16  years,  earning  — 
Under  $6 

5 
32 
24 

2 

1 

8 
8 

6 
44 
40 

2 

4 
17 
11 

1 

10 
61 

a 

3 

$6  and  under  $8  

$8-  and  over 

4 
3 

4 

i  1 

Not  reported 

Total 



63 

54 
54 
1 

17 

2 

7 
13 
1 

1 

4 
5 

4 

=11 

92            33 

H             11 

<i9              37 
82  !           36 
2  ;             5 

125 

17 
106 
118 

7 

16  and  under  18  years,  earning— 
Under  $6  

$6  and  under  $8 

2 

10 

2 

88  and  over 

Not  reported 

Total 

i 

112 

23 

10             12 

2 

159             89 

6              7 
33             11 
10 
3              2 

248 

13 
44 
30 

5 

18  years  and  over,  earning— 

'  Under  $6 

.5 

27 

Q 

2 

1 

4 
6 

3 

$6  and  under  $8 

$8  and  over  

2 

2 

Not  reported. 

Total 

43  |           12 
218~           52~ 

62 

30 

-_._._•:_-•-  

152 

92 
465 

Grand  total 

3 

22 

18 

313 

PER  CENT  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT.2 

END  OF  FIRST  YEAR. 

14  and  under  16  years,  earning  — 
Under  $6 

43.3 
50.5 
6.2 

54.0 
46.0 

17.6 

82.4 

38.  8 
51.3 
9.9 

56.6 
30.4 
13.0 

41.1 
48.6 
10.3 

$6  and  under  $8  

18.2 
81.8 

$S  and  over       .        ... 

100.0 

Total  

100.  o  ;    100.  o 

100.  0  |     100.  0  |     100.  0 

100.0 

100.0  :       100.0 

Design. 


2  Based  on  number  of  girls  whose  wages  were  reported. 


WAGES   OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


135 


TABLE  76.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  BEGINNING 
WORK  AT  SPECIFIED  AGE  IN  SPECIFIED  OCCUPATIONS,  AND  EARNING  EACH  CLA8- 
SIFIED  WEEKLY  AMOUNT  AT  END  OF  FIRST  AND  THIRD  YEAR'S  EXPERIENCE— 
Concluded. 

PER  CENT  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT— Concluded. 


Years  of  experience,  age  at  begin- 
ning work,  and  classified  weekly 
wages 

In  trade  for  which  trained. 

In 
other 
occupa- 
tions. 

Total. 

Dress- 
mak- 
ing. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Po  wer-m  ach  ine 
operating  on  — 

Cooking 
and 
design. 

Total. 

Cloth. 

Straw 
hats. 

END  OF  FIRST  YEAR—  Concluded. 

16  and  under  18  years,  earning— 
Under?6  .   . 

37.6 

58.4 
4.0 

44.  5 
4<i.O 
9.5 

33.3 
58.4 
8.3 

""39.~4~ 
60.6 

60.0 
40.0 

3-1.  3 
.54.0 
10.7 

40.0 
42.0 
18.0 

35.9 
52.4 
11.7 

$6  and  under  $8 

$8  and  over  

Total 

100.0 

35.  5 
56.6 
7.9 

100.0 

32.1 
53.  6 
14.3 

100.0 

18.2 
63.6 
18.2 

100.0 

16.6 
41.7 
41.7 

100.0 

25.0 
25.0 
50.0 

100.0 

31.3 
54.2 
14.5 

100.0 

15.8 

36.8 
47.4 

100.0 

29.3 
52.0 
18.7 

18  years  and  over,  earning— 
Under  86 

$6  and  under  $8  

$8  and  over 

Total       

100.0 

8.2 
52.5 
39.3 

100.0 

5.8 
47.1 
47.1 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

6.7 
48.9 
44.4 

100.0 

12.5 
53.1 
34.4 

100.0 

8.2 
50.0 
41.8 

END  OF  THIRD  YEAR. 

14  and  under  16  years,  earning  — 
Under$6....'  

Jf6  and  under  $8 

57.1 
42.9 

"ioo.'o" 

"ioo.'o" 

$8  and  over  

Total 

100.0 

2.8 
48.6 
48.6 

100.0 

9.1 
31.8 
59.1 

100.0 

10.0 
40.0 
50.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

3.8 
44.0 
52.2 

100.0 

13.1 
44.0 
42.9 

100.0 

7.0 
44.0 
49.0 

16  and  under  18  years,  earning  — 
Under  $6....'  

$6  and  under  $8  

16.7 

83.3 

$£  and  over 

100.0 

'Potal 

100.0 

100.0 

9.1 
3(5.4 
54.5 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

10.1 
56.0 
33.9 

100.0 

25.0 
39.3 
35.7 

100.0 

15.0 
50.6 
34.4 

18  years  and  over,  earning— 
Under  $6 

12.2 
65.9 
21.9 

$6  and  nnder  $8  

40.0 
60.0 

$8  and  over       ... 

100.0 

Total 

100.0 

100.  0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

It  seems  probable  that  a  girl  entering  a  difficult  trade  like  this  at  such 
an  early  age  does  not  persist  in  it  for  a  year  unless  she  has  either  a 
natural  aptitude  for  it,  or  an  amount  of  energy  and  persistence  which 
would  be  likely  to  bring  her  to  the  front.  Those  entering  it  at  a  more 
mature  age  do  not  require  so  much  of  these  qualities  to  remain  in  it, 
and  hence  are  not  a  picked  group,  as  these  earlier  ones  seem  to  be. 

At  the  end  of  the  third  year  those  who  entered  between  the  ages  of 
16  and  18  show  the  most  favorable  wage  distribution.  This  is  true 
for  the  group  as  a  whole,  for  those  as  a  whole  who  have  remained  in 
their  own  trades,  and  for  those  who  have  entered  other  occupations, 
but  when  those  remaining  in  their  own  trades  are  considered  trade  by 
trade  some  irregularities  appear.  It  is  true  of  the  dressmakers  and 
milliners,  but  for  the  cloth  and  straw  machine  operators  this  group 
makes  a  poorer  showing  than  either  of  the  others.  On  the  whole, 


136 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


the  table  seems  to  bear  out  the  contention  of  those  who  hold  that  it 
is  better  for  a  girl  not  to  enter  her  trade  until  she  is  at  least  16. 

EFFECT   ON    WAGES    OF   TRADE-TRAINED    GIRLS. 

Turning  to  the  trade-trained  girls,  the  following  table  shows 
that  reports  as  to  wages  and  age  at  beginning  work  were  obtained 
for  187  still  working  at  the  end  of  the  first  year  after  entering  the 
industrial  world  and  for  136  working  at  the  end  of  the  third  year. 
These  two  groups  show  a  somewhat  greater  divergence  in  the  propor- 
tions beginning  work  at  each  age  than  appeared  between  the  similar 
groups  of  trade-school  girls.  Of  those  working  at  the  end  of  the  first 
year  40.6  per  cent  had  begun  under  16  years  of  age,  40.1  per  cent  at 
16  but  under  18,  and  19.3  per  cent  at  18  or  over.  Of  those  working 
at  the  end  of  the  third  year,  48.5  per  cent  had  begun  work  while  in 
the  youngest  age  group,  38.2  per  cent  in  the  second,  and  13.2  per  cent 
in  the  third. 

TANLE  77.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  TRADE-TRAINED  GIRLS  BEGINNING  WORK 
AT  SPECIFIED  AGE  IN  SPECIFIED  OCCUPATIONS  AND  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED 
WEEKLY  AMOUNT  AT  END  OF  FIRST  AND  THIRD  YEAR'S  EXPERIENCE. 


NUMBER. 


Years  of  experience,  age  at  beginning  work,  and 
classified  weekly  wages. 

In  trade  for  whieh  trained. 

In  other 
occupa- 
tions. 

Total. 

Dress- 
making. 

Cloth 
machine 
operating. 

Total. 

EKD  OF  FIRST  YEAR. 

14  and  under  16  vears,  earning— 
Under  $6...  "    .  

29 
4 
1 
2 

13 
9 

1 

42 
13 
2 
2 

13 
3 
3 
1 

55 
16 
5 
3 

$6  and  under  $8 

S8  and  over 

Not  reported  ... 

Total  

36 

17 

8 
5 

1 

23 

11 

13 
5 
1 

59 

28 
21 
10 
2 

20 

6 
7 
3 

79 

34 

28 
13 
2 

16  and  under  18  years,  earning  — 
Under  $6 

$6  and  under  $8  

•18  and  over 

Not  reported 

Total  

31 

30 

t^ 

61 

16 

77 

18  years  and  over,  earning— 
Under  $6.                                                          .   ... 

7 
8 
2 

1 

15 
16 
3 
1 

1 

16 
16 
4 

$6  and  under  $8 

•?8  and  over  

1 

Not  reported  

Total  

18 

17 

35 

2 

37 

Grand  total  

85 

70 

155 

138 

U93 

END  OF  THIRD  YEAR. 

14  and  under  16  vears,  earning— 
Under  $6 

13 
9 
7 
2 

5 

10 
9 

18 
19 
16 
2 

4 

.     7 
2 

22 
26 

18 
2 

$6  and  under  $8.  .  .   .        .  .        

$8  and  over                                                

Not  reported 

Total  

31 

24  |              55 

13  j               68 

Not  including  1  earning  $6  and  under  ?8  whose  age  at  beginning  work  was  not  reported. 


WAGES   OF    BOSTON    TKA  I>K  sr  1 1  <><>L   (JIRLS. 


137 


TABLE  77.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  TRADE-TRAINED  GIRLS  BEGINNING  WORK 
ATSPECIFIED  AGE  IN  SPECIFIED  OCCUPATIONS  AND  EARNING  K\(  H  CLASSI  F!  KM 
WEEKLY  AMOUNT  AT  END  OF  FIRST  AND  THIRD  YEAR'S  !•  XPERI  E.\rK-('«mrlit.|. .-«!. 

NUMBER— Concluded. 


Years  of  experience;  age  at  beginning  work,  and 
classified  weekly  wages. 

In  trade  for  which  Iraim-d. 

In  other  • 
oceupa-      Total, 
tion 

I 

Dress- 
making. 

Cloth 
machine 
operating. 

Total. 

END   OF  THIRD   YEAR—  C'.mclllded. 

16  and  under  18  years,  earning— 
Under  $6  

2 
6 
14 
1 

8 

7 
16 
1 

13 
30 
2 

5 

$6  and  under  $8 

13 

$8  and  over  

4                  34 

2 

Not  reported  

Total  

23 

27 

50 

4-|                54 

is  Years  and  over,  earning— 
Under  $6  
$6  and  under  $8 

2 
'2 
5 

: 

5 
10 

1                    3 

3 
5 

$8  and  over  

10 

Not  reported  .  .                .  .      .  .  •  .  . 

Total  

I 

9 

8 

17 

•              I  j                18 

Grand  total 

163 

59 

122 

18  j            i  110 

PER  CENT  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT.2 


END  OF  FIRST  YEAR. 

14  and  under  16  years,  earning— 
Under  $6 

85  3 

566 

73  7 

68  4 

72  4 

$6  and  under  $8  
$8  and  over 

11.8 

2  9 

39.1 
4  3 

22.8 
3  5 

15.8 
15  8 

21.0 
6  6 

Total  .... 

100.0 

100.0 

100  0 

100  0 

100.0 

16  and  under  18  years,  earning— 
Under  $6 

5(5  7 

37  9 

47  5 

37  5 

45  3 

$6  and  under  $8.  .                           . 

2(3.7 

44.8 

35.6 

43.8 

37.4 

$8  ;  n  ul  over 

16  6 

17  3 

16  9 

18  7 

17  3 

Total  . 

100.0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

18  years  and  over,  earning— 
"  Under  $6 

41  2 

47  1 

44  1 

50  0 

44  4 

$6  and  under  $8 

47  1 

47  1 

47  1 

44  4 

$8  and  over  . 

11.7 

5  8 

8  8 

50  0 

11  2 

Total  ..                                              

100.0 

100.0 

100  0 

100.0 

100  0 

END   OF   THIRD  YEAR. 

]  1  :md  under  16  vears,  earning—. 
Under  $6.     . 

44  9 

9.1 

34.0 

30  8 

33  3 

S6  and  under  $8  

31.0 

27.3 

35.8 

53.  8 

39.4 

*8  and  over  

24.1 

63.6 

30.2 

15.4 

27.3 

Total  

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

1(>  and  under  18  years,  earning— 
Under  $6  .                       .  . 

9.1 

11.5 

10.4 

9.6 

$6  and  under  S8 

27.3 

26.9 

27.1 

25  0 

$8  and  over 

63  6 

61  6 

62  5 

100  0 

65  4 

Total 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

18  vears  and  over,  earning  — 
*  Under  $6  

22.2 

11.8 

100.0 

16.7 

•^6  and  under  $8 

22.2 

37.5 

29.4 

27.8 

$8  and  over 

55  6 

62  5 

58  8 

Total  .                                                   .... 

100.0 

100  0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

1  Not  including  1  earning  $5  and  under  $8  whose  age  at  beginning  work  was  not  not  reported. 

2  Based  on  number  of  girls  whose  wages  were  reported. 


138  INDUSTRIAL    EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL    GTRLS. 

Comparing  the  wage  distribution  at  the  end  of  the  first  year,  those 
entering  at  16  but  under  18  years  of  age  show  a  marked  advantage 
over  those  entering  under  16,  and  a  less  marked  but  still  apparent 
advantage  over  those  entering  at  over  18  or  over.  Those  in  other 
occupations  who  began  work  at  18  or  over  are  an  exception  to  this 
general  statement,  but  as  there  are  only  two  in  this  group,  they  are 
not  fairly  comparable  with  the  20  who  entered  under  16,  and  the  16 
who  entered  at  16  but  under  18.  At  the  end  of  the  third  year,  the 
same  general  situation  is  found.  Those  entering  at  16  but  under  18 
have  a  more  favorable  wage  distribution  than  those  who  entered 
either  earlier  or  later.  Here,  again,  there  is  one  exception  to  the 
generalrule :  The  cloth  machine  operators  who  began  work  at  18  or  over 
have  a  better  wage  level  than  either  of  the  other  two  groups  in  this  trade. 
Only  eight,  however,  began  work  in  this  age  group,  against  24  who 
began  before  they  were  16,  and  27  who  began  at  16  but  under  18,  so 
that  the  comparison  is  not  a  very  satisfactory  one.  More  emphatically 
even  than  was  the  case  with  the  trade-school  girls,  the  experience  of 
the  trade-trained  girls  seems  to  indicate  that  the  most  favorable  age  for 
entering  the  sewing  trades  is  between  16  and  18  years  of  age.  Since 
these  trades  are  practically  closed  to  the  girl  under  16  years  of  age  in 
Massachusetts,  the  evidence  afforded  by  the  experience  of  both  the 
trade-school  and  the  trade-trained  girls  as  to  the  best  age  for  entering 
may  provide  some  comfort  to  those  regretting  the  situation. 

ACADEMIC  EDUCATION. 

Preliminary  education  seemed  to  be  an  important  factor  in  deter- 
mining a  girl's  ability  to  survive  in  the  trade  school,  and  the  selective 
process  which  went  on  there  resulted  in  the  formation  of  a  really 
selected  group  from  an  educational  standpoint,  for  the  largest  pro- 
portion were  grammar-school  graduates.1  Moreover,  it  determines  to 
a  large  extent  the  kind  of  occupation  which  the  girl  enters  if  she 
leaves  her  trade.  In  addition  to  the  preliminary  education,  the  year, 
more  or  less,  spent  in  the  trade  school  has  an  important  influence  in 
the  girl's  wage-earning  career.  The  work  done  in  the  unspecialized 
public  schools  and  the  work  done  in  the  trade  school  are  alike  pre- 
paratory, and  a  consideration  of  both  is  necessary  to  make  clear  the 
relation  of  educational  equipment  and  wage  advancement. 

WAGES    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL    DRESSMAKERS,    CLASSIFIED    ACCORDING    TO    PREVIOUS 

SCHOOLING. 

To  simplify  the  combination  of  three  factors  affecting  wage  ad- 
vancement— -that  is,  previous  schooling,  length  of  trade  training,  and 
length  of  working  experience — this  particular  discussion  will  be  lim- 
ited to  the  wages  of  trade-school  dressmakers  at  the  end  of  their  first 
and  third  years  out  of  trade  school,  considered  in  their  relation  to 
academic  schooling.  The  following  table  shows  the  wages  at  these 
two  periods  for  the  trade-school  dressmakers,  classified  by  their 
school  grade  and  the  length  of  time  spent  in  the  trade  school: 

1  See  Table  6,  p.  24. 


WAGES  OF   BOSTON   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


139 


TABLE  78.— NUMBKH  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  TRAINED  DRESS- 
MAKERS  EARNING  KM'II  CLASS1FI  K  l>  WKKKLY  AMOUNT  AT  END  OF  FIRST  AND 
Til  HID  YEARS  AT  WORK,  AFTER  SPECIFIED  MONTHS  OF  ATTENDANCE  AT  TKAJ>K 
SCHOOL,  BY  GRADE  OF  PREVIOUS  SCHOOLING. 

NUMBER. 


Years  at  work,  months  o!  attendance  at 
trade  school,  and  classified  weekly  wages. 

Grammar  school. 

Total. 

High 

school. 

Total. 

Grad- 
uates. 

Nongrad- 
uates. 

l  Unclassi- 
fied. 

END  OF  FIRST   YKAR. 

Under  6  months,  earning  — 
Under  $6 

5 
3 

2 
2 

7 
5 

4 

11 
6 

$6  and  under  $8 

$8  and  over 

Not  reported 

1 

2 

3 

3 

Total 

9 

6 

15 

4 

19 

6  and  under  12  months,  earning— 
Under  $6 

28 
20 

13 

10 
1 

41 
31 

2 

1 

9 

18 
3 
1 

50 

49 
."> 
2 

$6  and  under  $8                         

1 
1 

$x  and  over 

N  ot  reported  

1 

Total  

49 

24 

2 

75 

31 

106 

12  and  under  18  months,  earning— 
Underf6    

42 

62 
7 
1 

13 
19 

7 

2 
1 

57 
82 
14 

13 
21 
3 

70 
103 
17 

$6  and  tinder  $8 

$H  and  over  
Not  reported 

Total       

112 

39 

3 

154 

30 
46 
4 
2 

37 

191 

18  months  and  over,  earning— 
Under  16 

14 
31 
3 
2 

15 
15 
1 

1 

30 
61 
6 
2 

$6  and  under  $8 

15 
2 

$8  and  over       

Not  reported 

Total 

50 

31 

1 

82 

17 

99 

Grand  total  . 

220 

100 

6 

326 

89 

415 

END  OF  THIRD  YEAR. 

Under  6  months,  earning— 
Under  $6  

$6  and  under  $8  ... 

2 
3 
2 

2 
1 
1 

4 
4 
3 

2 
1 

6 
5 
3 

$8  and  over 

Not  reported  

Total 

7 

4 

11 

3 

14 

6  and  under  12  months,  earning— 
Under  $6  

5 
23 
11 

1 

1 
11 

7 

6 

34 
20 
1 

6 
44 
31 
1 

&f>  and  under  $8 

10 
11 

$8  and  over  

2 

Not  reported.  .  .  . 

Total  

40 

19 

2 

61 

9 
43 
45 
2 

21 

S2 

12  and  under  18  months,  earning— 
Under  $6  

7 
30 
31 
1 

1 
12 
14 
1 

1 

1 

10 
11 

10 
53 
58 
2 

$6  and  under  $8 

JJS  and  over 

Not  reported  

Total 

69 

28 

2 

99 

22 

121 

18  months  and  over,  earning— 
Under  $6 

2 
21 
11 

i 

1 

8 
7 

3 
30 
18 
2 

1 
6 
2 

4 
36 
20 
2 

$6  and  under  $8 

1 

$8  and  over       

Not  reported 

Total       

36 

16 

1 

53 

9 

62 

Grand  total 

152 

67 

5 

224 

55 

279 

140 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPEEIEXCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE  78.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  TRAINED  DRESS- 
MAKERS EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  WEEKLY  AMOUNT  AT  END  OF  FIRST  AND 
THIRD  YEARS  AT  WORK,  AFTER  SPECIFIED  MONTHS  OF  ATTENDANCE  AT  TRADE 
SCHOOL,  BY  GRADE  OF  PREVIOUS  SCHOOLING— Concluded. 

PER  CENT  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNTS 


Years  at  work,  months  of  attendance  at 
trade  school,  and  classified  weekly  wag«\s. 

Grammar  school. 

High 
school. 

Total. 

Grad- 
uates. 

Nongrad- 
uates. 

Unclassi- 
fied. 

Total. 

END  OF   FIRST  YKAII. 

Under  6  months,  earning— 
Under  $6       

(>2.  5 
37.5 

50.  0 
59.0 

58.3 
41  7 

100.0 

88.7 

31.3 

$t>  and  under  $8  . 

$8  and  over  :  

Total 

100.0 

58.3 
41.7 

100.0 

54.  2 
41.7 
4.2 

100.0 

55.4 
41.9 
2.7 

100.0 

30.0 
60.0 
10.0 

100.  0 

18.  1 
47.1 

4.8 

6  and  under  12  months,  earning  — 
Under  $6 

™= 

$6  and  under  Ss  

50.0 
50:0 

£s  and  over..'  

Total.  

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

12  and  under  IN  months,  earning  — 
Under  $6  

37.9 
55.9 
6.3 

33.3 

48.6 
17.9 

66.7 
33.3 

37.3 
53.6 
9.2 

35.  1 
56.  K 
8.1 

36.8 
54.2 

8.  9 

$6  and  under  *s  .  .  ;  

Ss  and  over 

Total  

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

18  months  and  over,  earning  — 
Under  $6 

29.2 
64.6 
6.2 

48.4 
48.4 
3.2 

100.0 

37.5 
57.5 
5.0 

30.9 
62.9 
6.2 

$6  and  under  $8  

88.2 
11.8 

SS  and  over 

Total       

100.  0           100.  0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.  0 

100.0 

END  OF  THIRD  YEAR. 

Under  6  months,  earning— 
Under  KG 

• 

$6  and  under  $3  

40.0 
60.0 

66.7 
33.3 

50.0 
50.0 

66.7 
33.3 

54.5 
45.5 

§s  and  over          

Total       

103.  0 

12.8 
59.0 
28.2 

100.0 

5.3 

57.9 
36.8 

100.0 
10.0 

100.0 

100.  0 

7.4 
54.3 
38.3 

6  and  under  12  months,  earning— 
Under  96  
$6  and  under  Sis 

===== 

56.  7 
33.3 

47.6 

52.4 

£s  and  over 

100.0 

Total  

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

12  and  under  18  months,  earning— 
Under  SO  

10.3 
44.  1 
45.6 

3.7 
44.4 
51.9 

50.0 
50.0 

9.3 
44.3 
46.4 

4.5 
45.4 
50.0 

8.4 
44.5 
47.1 

W>  and  under  $8 

$s  and  over 

Total  

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

18  months  and  over,  earning— 
Under  $6 

5.8 
61.8 
32.4 

6.2 
50.0 

43.8 

6.0 
58.0 
36.0 

11.1 
66.7 
22.2 

6.7 
60.0 
33.3 

$6  and  under  $8 

100.0 

$8  and  over  

Total....  

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

1  Based  on  number  of  girls  whose  wages  were  reported. 


WAGES   OF   BOSTON    TJKADE-SC1IOOL   GIRLS.  141 

Almost  one-half  (46  per  cent)  of  the  415  girls  employed  at  the  end 
of  the  first  year  had  attended  trade  school  12  months  hut  less  than  18. 
Almost  three-fourths  (71.6  per  cent)  had  attended  not  less  than  6  nor 
more  than  18  months,  and  these  girls  constitute  the  normal  or 
characteristic  type.  Of  those  attending  trade  school  6  months  and 
less  than  12,  more  than  one-half  the  grammar-school  pupils  and  less 
than  one-third  of  the  high-school  pupils  earned  less  than  $6  at  the  end 
of  their  first  year.  Of  those  attending  trade  school  12  months  but  less 
than  18,  a  little  more  than  one- third  of  the  girls  of  all  degrees  of 
education,  with  some  slight  disadvantage  for  the  grammar-school 
graduate,  earned  less  than  $6.  No  really  direct  or  convincing  evi- 
dence of  relation  between  previous  schooling  and  success  is  obvious, 
therefore,  by  the  end  of  the  first  year  out  of  trade  school. 

By  the  end  of  the  third  year  wage  groupings  have  changed  con- 
siderably, and  of  those  girls  attending  trade  school  6  months  but  less 
than  18,  which  is  the  normal  group,  the  high-school  girl  now  has  a 
somewhat  more  obvious  advantage.  One-third  of  the  grammar- 
school  pupils  and  more  than  one-half  of  the  high-school  pupils  who 
attended  trade  school  6  months  but  less  than  12  earned  $8  or  more. 
Forty-six  (46.4)  per  cent  of  the  grammar-school  pupils  and  50  per 
cent  of  the  high-school  pupils  who  attended  trade  school  12  months 
but  less  than  18  earned  $8  or  more.  The  difference  in  educational 
background  seems  to  be  of  less  importance  on  first  entering  the  trade, 
for  the  primary  demand  made  on  the  young  worker  is  necessarily  for 
perfection  in  manual  skill,  and  all  who  have  not  this  skill  enter  on 
very  much  the  same  basis.  By  the  end  of  the  third  year,  however, 
the  girl  has  acquired  the  necessary  manual  skill,  and  then  the  requisite 
for  advancement  is  the  capacity  to  assume  responsibility,  to  use 
judgment,  to  plan,  to  think,  to  adapt  what  she  knows  to  new  problems. 
The  girl  who  is  equipped  with  this  power,  whether  through  education 
or  through  other  kinds  of  experience,  is  the  one  who  succeeds.  The 
large  proportion  of  girls  among  those  who  have  not  graduated  from 
grammar  school  who  are  earning  the  higher  wages  suggests  that  it  is 
not  previous  education  alone  which  develops  this  power. 

AVAGES    OF    TRADE-TRAINED    DRESSMAKERS,    CLASSIFIED    ACCORDING    TO    THEVIOrS 

SCHOOLING. 

The  situation  in  regard  to  the  effect  of  academic  training  upon  the 
wage  advancement  of  the  trade-trained  dressmakers  differs  in  some 
respects  from  that  just  discussed  among  the  trade-school  dress- 
makers. The  following  table  shows  the  wage  grouping,  at  the  end 
of  the  second  and  fourth  years  at  work,  of  the  trade-trained  dress- 
makers classified  according  to  their  previous  schooling. 


142 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE  79.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  TRADE-TRAINED  DRESSMAKERS  EARNING 
EACH  CLASSIFIED  WEEKLY  AMOUNT  AT  END  OF  SECOND  AND  FOURTH  YEARS  AT 
WORK,  BY  GRADE  OF  PREVIOUS  SCHOOLING. 

NUMBER. 


Previous  schooling. 

Girls  earning  classified  wages  at  end  of  specified  vcar. 

Second  year. 

Fourth  year. 

Under 

$6 

$6 
and 
under 

$8 

$8 
and 
over. 

Not 
report- 
ed. 

Total. 

Under 
$6 

$6 

and 
under 

Ss 

$8 
and 
over. 

Not 
report- 
ed. 

TotaL 

Grammar  school  : 
Graduates      

20 
7 
i  3 

13 
3 

4 
6 
1 

...... 

37 

17 
I 

1 

11 
5 

1 

15 
5 
1 

27 
11 
2 

N  on  graduates 

'1 

Unclassified 

Total     ..  .  . 

I 

30 

4 

16 
9 
1 

11 
5 
1 

1 
1 

a2 

58 
19 
4 

1 

17 
4 
1 

21 
9 
1 

1 

40 
13 
4 

High  school  

Uncertain  schooling.  .   .   . 

32 

Grand  total 

34 

26 

17 

4 

81 

1 

22 

31 

3 

57 

PER  CENT  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT.' 


Previous  schooling. 

Under 
96 

$6 
and 
under 

$8 

$8 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Under 
$6 

$6 
and 
under 

88 

SK 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Grammar  school: 
G  raduates 

54  1 

35  1 

10  8 

100  0 

3  7 

40  7 

55  6 

100  0 

Nongraduates        

43.8 

18.7 

37  5 

100.0 

50  0 

50  0 

100  0 

Unclassified 

75  0 

25  0 

100  0 

50  0 

50  0 

100  0 

Total              

52.6 

28.1 

19.3 

100.0 

2.6 

43  6 

53.8 

100  0 

High  school 

22  2 

50  0 

27  8 

100  0 

30  8 

69  2 

100  0 

Grand  total  

44.1 

33.8 

22.1 

100  0 

1  9 

40  7 

57  4 

100  0 

1  One  in  Scotland. 
*  One  in  Italy. 

3  One  in  Russia. 

4  Based  on  the  number  of  girls  whose  wages  were  reported. 

Both  at  the  end  of  the  second  and  of  the  fourth  years  the  high- 
school  students  have  an  advantage  over  the  grammar-school  girls  in 
the  matter  of  wages.  Less  than  one-fourth  of  the  high-school  pupils 
against  one-half  of  the  grammar-school  pupils  earned  less  than  $6  a 
week  at  the  end  of  their  second  year.  Practically  seven-tenths  (69.2 
per  cent)  of  the  high-school  pupils  against  53.8  per  cent  of  the  gram- 
mar-school pupils  earned  $8  or  more  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  year. 
In  this  trade-trained  group  the  previous  schooling  seems  to  have  a 
more  pronounced  effect  upon  wages  than  among  the  trade-school 
girls,  a  fact  which  suggests  that  the  trade  school  may  play  an  impor- 
tant part  in  supplementing  the  inadequate  preparation  of  the  girls  of 
a  lower  educational  standard.  In  general,  among  both  trade-trained 
and  trade-school  dressmakers,  the  girl  with  more  preliminary  educa- 
tion appears  to  have  an  advantage,  though  the  comparatively  small 
number  in  the  trades  who  have  gone  beyond  the  grammar  school  pro- 
vide small  basis  for  conclusions. 


WAGES  OF   BOSTON   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


143 


WAGES  AND  LENGTH  OF  WORKING  SEASON. 

The  real  significance  of  weekly  wages,  however,  lies  in  the  number 
of  weeks  in  the  year  they  are  received.  The  sewing  trades  for  which 
the  school  trains  are  highly  seasonal,  and  unemployment  or  irregularity 
of  employment  constitutes  one  of  the  most  vigorous  sifting  influences. 
Less  seasonal  trades,  even  at  a  lower  weekly  rate,  not  only  may  pro- 
vide a  larger  annual  income,  but  do  not  subject  their  workers  to  the 
strain  and  uncertainty  of  irregular  employment  or  none  at  all. 

LENGTH  OF  SEASON,  BY  TRADES,  FOR  533  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 

The  following  table  shows  for  533  *  trade-school  girls  employed  at 
the  time  of  the  investigation  the  number  of  months  of  employment 
they  had  had  during  a  year. 

TABLE  SO.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  EMPLOYED 
IN  SPECIFIED  TRADES  EACH  CLASSIFIED  NUMBER  OF  MONTHS  DURING  A 
FULL  YEAR. 

NUMBERS 


Months  at  work  during 
a  full  year. 

Sewing  trades. 

Other 
trades. 

Total. 

Dress- 
making. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Power-machine 
operating  on— 

Total. 

Cloth. 

Straw 
hats. 

Under  3  months 

3 
1 
2 
5 
10 
5 
39 
67 
40 
22 
g 
11 

3 
3 

5 
4 
5 

6 
9 
3 

n 

2 
1 

1 
2 
6 
9 
4 

9 
5 
11 
22 
20 
11 
45 
76 
52 
41 
23 
13 

6 
10 
2 
7 
8 
7 
9 
9 
11 
33 
95 
8 

15 
15 
13 
29 
28 
18 
54 
85 
63 
74 
118 
21 

3  and  under  4  months  

4  and  under  5  months 

5  and  under  6  months  .  .  ;  

1 
1 
2 
1 

5 
3 

8 
9 

6  and  under  7  months 

7  and  under  8  months  

8  and  under  9  months 

9  and  under  10  months  
10  and  tinder  11  months 

2 
3 
2 
3 

11  and  under  12  months  

12  months  

Not  reported 

Total 

213 

50  I              33 

32 

328 

205 

533 

PER  CENT  AT  WORK  EACH  SPECIFIED  NUMBER  OF  MONTHS.' 


Under  3  months 

1  5 

6  3 

6  1 

3  1 

2.9 

3.0 

2  9 

3  and  under  4  months  

.5 

2.1 

3.0 

6.3 

1.6 

5.0 

2.9 

4  and  under  5  months.. 

1  0 

6  3 

18.7 

3.5 

1.0 

2  5 

5  and  under  6  months 

2  5 

14  6 

3  0 

28  0 

7  0 

3  6 

5  6 

6  and  under  7  months  .  . 

5.0 

10.4 

3.0 

12.5 

6.4 

4.0 

5  5 

7  and  under  8  months  

2.5 

8.1 

6.1 

3.5 

3.6 

3.8 

8  and  under  9  months  

19.3 

10.4 

3.0 

14.3 

4.6 

10.5 

9  and  under  10  months 

33  1 

4  2 

15.2 

6.3 

24.0 

4  6 

16  6 

10  and  under  1  1  months  

19.8 

12.5 

9.1 

9.4 

16.5 

5.6 

12.3 

11  and  under  12  months  . 

10.9 

18.8 

24.2 

6.3 

13.0 

16  7 

14  5 

12  months 

3  9 

6  3 

27  3 

9  4 

7  3 

48  2 

22  9 

Total. 

100  0 

100.0 

100.0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

1  26  of  the  559  employed  at  the  time  of  the  investigation  had  not  been  out  of  trade  school  a  full  year. 

2  Including  only  those  who  were  out  of  trade  school  a  full  year. 

8  Based  on  number  of  girls  whose  time  at  work  during  the  year  was  reported. 


144  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

The  seasonal  character  of  the  sewing  trades  appears  very  plainly 
here.  Thirty-six  (36.8)  per  cent  of  those  remaining  in  the  sewing 
trades,  against  70.5  per  cent  of  those  who  had  gone  into  other  occu- 
pations worked  10  months  or  more — most  excellent  evidence  as  to 
why  the  girls  go  into  other  occupations.  Forty  per  cent  of  the  girls 
in  the  sewing  trades  worked  9  but  less  than  11  months,  while  48.2  per 
cent  of  those  in  other  occupations  worked  12  months.  Among  the 
sewing  trades,  the  millinery  trades  have  the  shortest  seasons,  58.2 
per  cent  of  the  custom  milliners  working  less  than  nine  months  and 

68.6  per  cent  of  the  straw  machine  operators  not  exceeding  seven 
months.     Those  of  the  straw  machine  operators  having  longer  sea- 
sons have  usually  been  in  factories  which  made  velvet  hats  in  the 
summer,  and  owing  to  this  combination  a  few  worked  most  of  the 
year.     Some  of  the  milliners  who  worked  nine  months  or  more  were 
employed  in  department  stores  or  wholesale  houses  and  were  shifted 
from  one  department  to  another  where  most  needed.     More  than  one- 
half  of  the  cloth  machine  operators  worked  11  months  or  more  in  the 
factory,  but  for  them  dull  seasons  mean  less  work  and  smaller  wages, 
not  necessarily  absolute  unemployment.     Among  the  dressmakers 
one-third  worked  9  months  but  less  than  10,  and  more  than  one- 
third  (34.6  per  cent)  worked  10  months  or  more.1 

WAGES  OF  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS  TRAINED  FOR  SEWING  TRADES,  CLASSIFIED  ACCORD- 
ING TO  LENGTH  OF  WORKING  SEASON  AND  TRADES. 

Table  81  shows  the  wage  grouping  of  the  girls,  classified  according 
to  the  number  of  months  worked. 

Preceding  discussions  have  shown  that  girls  in  the  millinery 
trades  earned  higher  average  wages  than  those  in  the  clothing  trades. 
This  table  shows  the  same  situation,  but  also  shows  how  heavily 
these  higher  wages  are  discounted  by  the  shorter  seasons.  Of  the 
girls  following  their  own  trades,  58.8  per  cent  in  the  clothing  trades 
against  65  per  cent  in  the  millinery  trades  earned  $8  or  more  a  week,2 
but  86.3  per  cent  in  the  clothing  trades  against  43.8  per  cent  in  the 
millinery  trades  had  a  working  season  of  eight  months  or  more. 
Thirty  per  cent  of  those  in  the  millinery  trades  against  9  per  cent 
of  those  in  the  clothing  trades  earned  $12  or  over  a  week,  but  only 

41.7  per  cent  of  this  wage  group  in  the  millinery  trades  worked  10 
months  or  more  against  61.9  per  cent  of  those  in  the  clothing  trades. 
Real  earnings  can  not  be  deduced  with  certainty  from  this  table, 
since,  as  already  mentioned,  in  many  of  the  clothing  trades  there 
may  be  slack  work  and  lowTer  wages  without  absolute  unemployment, 
but  taking  the  figures  of  this  table  at  their  face  value,  those  in  the 
millinery  trades  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  much  advantage  over 
those  in  the  clothing  trades,  in  spite  of  the  lower  nominal  wages  paid 
in  the  latter. 

1  For  further  discussion,  see  Bui.  No.  193,  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics. 

3  Percentages  based  on  the  number  for  whom  both  length  of  season  and  wages  are  reported. 


WAGES   OF   BOSTON    TRADE-SCHOOL   (ill;  IS. 


145 


TABLE  81.-NUMBER  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  TRAINED  FOR  SEWING  TRADES 
EMPLOYED  EACH  CLASSIFIED  NUMBER  OF  MONTHS  DURING  FULL  YEAR,  AND 
EARNING  CLASSIFIED  WAGES. 

GIRLS  TRAINED  FOR  CLOTHING  TRADES.' 


Months  at  work  during  a 
full  year  .^ 

Girls  whose  weekly  wages  were— 

Total. 

Under 

$G 

$0  and 
under  $8 

$8  and 
under  $10 

$10  and 
under  $12 

$12  and 
over. 

Not 
reported. 

Working  in  their  trade- 
Under  (>  months  
(i  and  under  8  months 

3 
1 

2 
3 
2 
1 

8 
8 
43 
21 
5 
1 

3 

7 
44 
20 
G 
1 

1 

15 
18 
112 
73 
17 
11 

2 
15 

12 
1 
1 

8  and  under  10  months  

8 
11 
2 
1 

10  and  under  12  months  
12  months  

1 
8 

Not  reported 

Tolai  

12 

86 

87 

31 

22 

X                210 

Working  in  other  occupation  s— 
Under  0  months.  . 

3 
C 
1 
3 
5 
2 

c} 
] 

4 
13 
14 
1 

5 
5 
2 
3 
17 
2 

3 

2 

19 
12 
9 
25 
55 
5 

6  and  under  8  months 

*    8  and  under  10  months  
10  and  under  12  months  
12  months  

o 
4 
8 

2 

8 

3 

Not  reported    .           .  . 

Total  

20 

39 

34 
121 

10 
41 

17 

">                125 

Grand  total  

32 

125 

39 

13 

371 

GIRLS  TRAINED  FOR  MILLINERY  TRADES.* 


Working  in  their  trade- 
Under  G  months  

2 

14 

6 

1 

9 

32 

6  and  under  8  months 

4 

3 

2 

4 

13 

8  and  under  10  month* 

3 

2 

3 

1 

g 

10  and  under  12  months  

4 

6 

3 

7 

20 

12  months  . 

1 

1 

1 

3 

6 

Not  reported 

1 

1                    2 

Total 

3 

2fl 

18 

10 

24 

1                  82 

Working  in  other  occupations  — 
Under  G  months  

1 

3 

1 

1                    6 

6  and  under  8  months  

1 

1 

1 

3 

8  and  under  10  months 

2 

2 

9 

10  and  under  12  months  

1 

G 

9 

3 

19 

12  month?  

3 

9 

15 

5 

7 

1                 40 

Not  reported 

1 

2                   3 

Total  

0 

22 

30 

10 

8 

4  i                80 

Grand  total  

9 

48 

48 

20 

32 

5                1G2 

j 

1  That  is,  custom  dressmaking  and  cloth  machine-sewing  trades. 

2  The  past  year  has  been  used  to  insure  a  more  nearly  correct  statement  ol  the  length  of  time  actually 
worked. 

3  That  is,  millinery  and  straw  machine  operating. 

The  girls  who  have  gone  out  from  their  own  trades  seem/  on  the 
whole,  to  have  improved  their  situation  by  doing  so,  when  the 
number  of  weeks  worked  is  taken  into  consideration.  Those  who 
have  left  the  clothing  trades  show  a  larger  proportion  in  both  the 
lowest  and  the  highest  wage  groups  than  is  found  among  those  remain- 
ing in  their  trade,  but  the  percentage  receiving  less  than  $8  is  slightly 
larger  among  those  who  have  left.  On  the  other  hand  those  who 
85225°— 17— Bull.  215 10 


146  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

have  left  have  the  advantage  in  length  of  working  season,  67  per 
cent  having  been  employed  for  10  months  or  more  against  38.2  per 
cent  of  those  remaining  in  then:  trades.  Among  the  girls  who  have 
left  the  millinery  trades  the  proportion  earning  $8  or  over  is  almost 
the  same  as  among  those  who  have  remained  in  the  trades,  64  per 
cent  and  65  per  cent,  respectively,  but  those  remaining  in  the  trades 
show  a  much  larger  per  cent  earning  $10  or  over.  The  girls  who 
have  left  the  trades,  however,  have  a  very  decided  advantage  in  the 
length  of  working  season;  more  than  half  (52  per  cent)  were  employed 
for  12  months  and  25.3  per  cent  were  employed  for  10  months  but 
less  than  12.  Among  the  girls  remaining  in  their  trades  these  pro- 
portions were,  respectively,  7.5  per  cent  and  25  per  cent. 

SUMMARY. 

In  summarizing  this  survey  of  the  wages  earned  by  the  girls  trained 
in  the  trade  school,  two  important  considerations  must  be  kept  in 
mind.  The  weekly  wage  reported  is  a  nominal  weekly  wage  decreased 
(1)  by  absence  and  occasional  days  out  and  (2)  by  seasonal  fluctuation. 
With  this  in  mind,  it  appears  that  an  average  weekly  wage  of  18  is 
reported  by  the  end  of  the  third  year  out  of  trade  school  by  the  girls 
who  have  used  their  training.  The  time  of  reaching  this  average 
varies  for  the  different  trades.  Not  until  the  fourth  year  did  one- 
half  or  more  of  the  dressmakers  trained  in  the  trade  school,  as  well  as 
of  those  who  acquired  their  training  in  the  trade,  reach  a  weekly  wage 
of  $8  or  more,  but  both  trade-school  and  trade-trained  workers  in 
the  cloth  power-machine  operating  trades  reached  this  standard  in 
their  third  year.  The  trade-school  dressmaker  maintains  a  slight 
advantage  over  the  trade-trained  worker,  but  the  power-machine 
operators  show  very  similar  wage  returns  regardless  of  their  training. 
The  year  spent  in  the  trade  school,  while  undoubtedly  of  great 
advantage  to  the  girl,  can  not  be  translated  into  terms  of  money  as  a 
year's  advantage  over  the  girl  who  has  come  up  through  the  trade, 
a  condition  which  is  true  of  many  other  forms  of  education.  The 
real  advantage  enjoyed  by  the  trade-school  girl  is  in  her  early  expe- 
rience— she  is  lifted  over  the  unskilled,  unrelated  processes  paying  a 
low  wage,  and  put  at  once  on  the  processes  which  lead  directly  to 
advancement  in  skill  and  wage.  However,  the  recent  development 
of  secondary-trade  training  must  be  kept  in  mind,  and  even  a  slight 
advantage  should  prove  a  stimulus  to  industrial  educators  for  greater 
efforts  and  accomplishments.  The  regulation  of  the  placement  wage 
of  the  girls  trained  in  the  Boston  Trade  School  during  the  last  few 
years  gives  them  an  initial  financial  advantage  but  does  not  insure 
an  automatic  advance  over  that  placement  wage  until  they  have 
developed  the  maturity  and  skill  to  justify  advancement. 


WAGES  OF   BOSTON   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS.  147 

In  general,  the  girls  who  remain  in  their  trades  show  better  wage 
i-cl urns  than  the  girls  who  leave  them  for  other  occupations,  but  the 
shorter  seasons  in  the  sewing  trades  doubtless  neutralize  the  apparent 
advantage.  The  kind  of  occupation  entered  by  the  girls  leaving  their 
own  trades  provides  an  interesting  index  to  personal  types  and  also 
to  wage  opportunities.  About  one-half  the  dressmakers  and  milliners 
leaving  their  trade  went  into  clerical  and  professional  service.  Two- 
fifths  of  the  dressmakers  and  one-tenth  of  the  milliners  went  into 
manufactures  and  domestic  service,  which  drew  the  majority  of  the 
cloth  machine  operators  who  had  left  their  trades.  Search  for  the 
cause  of  this  difference  reveals  that  the  milliners  rank  first  in  educa- 
tional equipment,  the  dressmakers  second,  and  the  power-machine 
operators  third. 

The  relation  of  education  to  advancement  in  the  sewing  trades  is  not 
very  obvious,  perhaps  because  comparatively  few  of  the  workers 
have  more  than  a  grammar-school  education.  From  available  data, 
the  high-school  girl  seems  to  start  on  much  the  same  wage  basis  as 
the  girl  with  less  education,  because  the  primary  requisite  is  manual 
skill.  By  the  end  of  the  third  year,  however,  when  the  opportunity 
for  original  thought  and  action  is  opened  up  for  the  girl  who  has  the 
ability  to  utilize  it,  the  high-school  girl  shows  some  advantage  over 
the  grammar-school  graduate.  The  success  of  the  grammar-school 
noiigraduate,  however,  raises  the  question  of  how  far  the  high-school 
girl's  success  may  be  credited  to  academic  schooling.  Comparison 
of  the  relation  between  schooling  and  the  wages  earned  by  the  trade- 
school  and  the  trade- trained  girls  seems  to  suggest  that  the  trade 
school  performs  an  important  service  in  supplementing  the  equipment 
of  the  girl  of  lower  educational  standard,  turning  out  a  homogeneous 
group  which  shows  much  less  variation  in  wages  than  is  found  in  the 
trade-trained  group. 

Experience  and  maturity  are  important  factors  in  determining 
wages  in  trades  involving  manual  skill  and  " common  sense,"  as 
employers  term  it,  and  the  correlation  between  these  and  wages 
is  obvious.  At  the  time  of  beginning  work  greater  maturity  showed 
correspondingly  higher  wage  returns,  but  by  the  end  of  the  third  year 
the  girl  beginning  at  18  years  or  more  had  not  maintained  her  prece- 
dence over  the  girl  beginning  work  at  16  years.  The  girl  beginning 
work  under  16  years,  however,  is  a  laggard  in  regard  to  wages  at 
the  end  of  both  the  first  and  the  third  year,  a  fact  which  yields  inter- 
esting support  to  the  argument  in  favor  of  raising  the  present  age 
limit  for  beginning  work. 


CHAPTER    V.— INDUSTRIAL     EXPERIENCE    AND    WAGES    OF 
WORCESTER  AND  CAMBRIDGE  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


WORCESTER  GIRLS'  TRADE  SCHOOL. 

Since  the  Worcester  Trade  School  was  not  established  till  Septem- 
ber, 1911,  and  since  its  course  requires  two  years  for  completion,  the 
working  experience  of  its  pupils  at  the  time  of  the  investigation 
(February-March,  1915)  was  necessarily  too  short  to  throw  much 
light  on  their  industrial  efficiency.  The  study  of  the  Worcester 
Trade  School,  therefore,  is  valuable  chiefly  because  of  the  school's 
peculiar  problems  and  its  method  of  solving  them;  for  Worcester 
has  established  a  trade  school  to  train  girls  primarily  for  the  custom 
sewing  trades,  and  yet,  so  far  as  trade  opportunities  for  any  large 
number  of  girls  are  concerned,  these  trades  are  practically  non- 
existent in  the  city.  Moreover,  this  is  a  situation  likely  to  confront 
the  new  trade  schools  established  in  practically  any  medium-sized 
city.  The  Worcester  school,  taking  the  general  plan  of  a  trade 
school  established  to  meet  the  needs  of  a  particular  large  city,  has 
striven  to  adjust  it  to  the  local  needs  of  a  community  with  very 
different  conditions  and  trade  opportunities.  Its  effort  to  make 
this  adjustment  is  the  chief  matter  of  interest  in  the  school's  history. 

AGE  AND  INDUSTRIAL  DISTRIBUTION  OF  GIRLS  STUDIED. 

At  the  time  of  the  investigation,  166  pupils  of  the  Worcester  Trade 
School  had  either  made  use  of  their  trade,  or  had  attended  the  school 
for  at  least  nine  months,  although  after  leaving  it  they  had  not  used 
their  trade.  The  following  table  shows  the  age  distribution  of  these 
girls,  classified  as  to  whether  or  not  they  were  earning  wages,  and  if 
they  were,  whether  in  their  own  trade  or  in  some  other  occupation: 

TABLE  82.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  IN  SPECIFIED  AGE  GROUPS  AMONG  WORCESTER 
TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  WHO  WERE  EARNING  AND  NOT  EARNING  WAGES. 


Age  group. 

Number  and  per  cent  in  specified  age  groups  of  girls  who  were  — 

Earning  wages 
in  their  own 
trades. 

Earning  wages 
in  other  occu- 
pations. 

Not  earning 
wages. 

Total. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Under  16  years    

4 
23 

25 
10 

6.5 
37.1 
40.3 
16.1 

2 
25 
20 
10 

3.5 
43.9 
35.1 
17.5 

6 
22 
17 
2 

12.8 
46.8 
36.2 
4.3 

12 
70 
62 
22 

7.2 
42.2 
37.3 
13.3 

16  and  under  18  years              

18  and  under  20  vears 

20  years  and  oyer      

Total 

62 

100.0 

57 

100.0 

47 

100.0 

166 

100.0 

149 


150  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

Considering  the  whole  group,  it  is  at  once  apparent  that  the  age 
level  is  lower  than  among  the  girls  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  who 
were  studied;  58  per  cent  of  the  latter  were  aged  20  or  over,  as  against 
13.3  per  cent  of  these,  and  only  15.6  per  cent  of  the  Boston  girls  were 
under  18  as  against  49.4  per  cent  of  the  Worcester  girls.  Comparing 
the  different  groups  of  the  Worcester  girls  it  appears  that  the  age 
level  of  those  in  their  own  trades  and  those  in  other  occupations  is 
nearly  the  same,  and  in  both  cases  is  higher  than  among  the  girls 
who  are  not  earning  wages. 

This  distribution  is  given  as  it  was  at  the  time  of  the  investigation. 
Ninety-four  girls  had  at  some  time  or  other  worked  in  their  trades, 
39  had  worked  but  not  in  the  trades  trained  for,  and  33  had  never 
been  employed.  Something  over  two-fifths  (43.4  per  cent),  therefore, 
had  never  worked  in  the  trade  for  which  they  had  been  trained.  In 
studying  the  Boston  group  the  girls  who  had  not  used  their  training 
were  excluded  from  most  of  the  wage  tables  because  they  seemed  to 
be  below  standard,  and  because  the  trade  opportunity  was  open  to  them 
if  they  had  wished  to  avail  themselves  of  it,  or  had  had  the  capacity 
to  do  so.  In  Worcester,  however,  the  trade  opportunities  in  the 
custom  trades,  on  which  the  school  has  laid  most  emphasis,  were  so 
limited  that  failure  to  use  the  trade  by  no  means  indicated  incapacity; 
it  was  more  likely  to  mean  a  lack  of  any  opportunity  to  enter  the 
trade  after  the  training  had  been  acquired.  Because  of  this  differ- 
ence in  condition  and  because  of  the  small  number  using  their  train- 
ing, the  total  group  of  166  in  Worcester  is  studied  together. 

As  mentioned  before,  the  industrial  experience  of  these  girls  was 
necessarily  limited.  The  whole  group,  166,  had  been  out  of  trade 
school  for  at  least  one  year;  86  had  been  out  as  much  as  two  years, 
and  20  as  much  as  three  years.  Three  years,  therefore,  is  the  out- 
side limit  of  possible  experience,  and  only  about  one-eighth  (12  per 
cent)  could  possibly  have  had  so  long  an  experience.  WTien  it  is 
remembered  that  among  the  Boston  Trade  School  girls  the  propor- 
tion earning  a  living  wage  steadily  increased  with  experience  up  to 
at  least  five  years,  and  that  in  most  of  the  trades  not  half  reached  $8 
a  week  until  they  had  been  working  from  three  to  four  years,  it  is 
evident  that  the  brief  experience  of  the  Worcester  girls  hampers 
seriously  any  attempt  to  determine  the  efficacy  of  their  trade  train- 
ing. At  the  time  of  the  investigation,  119  were  found  to  be  at  work. 
Of  these,  115  reported  their  wages,  of  whom  40.9  per  cent  earned  less 
than  $6,  39.1  per  cent  $6  and  under  $8,  13  per  cent  $8  and  under  $10, 
and  7  per  cent  $10  or  over. 

EMPLOYMENT  IN  SUCCESSIVE  YEARS. 

The  following  table  shows  the  number  and  proportion  of  the  Wor- 
cester Trade  School  girls  who  were  working  at  the  end  of  specified 
periods  after  leaving  the  school: 


WORCESTER   AND   CAMBRIDGE   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


151 


TAI.I  i.  S.'J.-Nl  NfBKR  AND  PER  CENT  OF  GIRLS  TRAINED  IN  THE  WORCESTER  THAIM! 

SCHOOL  EARNING  AND  NOT  EARNING  WAGES  WHEN  OUT  OF  TRADE  SCHOOL 
EACH  SPECIFIED  LENGTH  OF  TIME. 


Number. 

IVr  cent  earning  and   not 
earning  wages. 

Length  of  time  out  of 

Earning  wages. 

Not  earning  wages. 

Earning  wages. 

Grand 
total. 

Total. 

In 
their 
own 

In  oth- 
er oc- 
cupa- 

Total. 

Mar- 
ried. 

At 

home. 

Total. 

In 

their 
own 

In  oth- 
er oc- 
cupa- 

iNot 
earn- 
ing 
wages. 

trades. 

tions. 

trades. 

tions. 

M  first  leaving 

166 

126 

84 

42 

40 

40 

75.9 

50.6 

25.3 

24  1 

At  end  of— 

First  year 

166 

US 

66 

52 

48 

2 

46 

71.1 

39.8 

31.3 

28  9 

Second  year  

86 

73 

36 

37 

13 

13 

84.9 

41.9 

43.0 

15.1 

Third  year  .   .   . 

20 

18 

8 

10 

2 

1 

1 

90.0 

40.0 

50.0 

10.0 

The  proportions  employed  in  their  own  trade  and  in  other  occu- 
pations show  a  curious  change  of  position  as  the  time  after  leaving 
school  increases.  On  first  leaving  school  50.6  per  cent  of  the  total 
group  entered  their  own  trade,  while  25.3  per  cent  entered  other 
occupations;  at  the  end  of  the  first  year,  the  proportion  in  their 
own  trade  still  exceeded  the  proportion  in  other  occupations,  but 
the  difference  was  much  less.  Of  the  girls  reporting  as  to  their 
condition  at  the  end  of  the  second  year  out  of  school,  the  proportion 
in  other  occupations  slightly  exceeded  the  proportion  in  their  own 
trade,  and  of  those  reporting  as  to  the  end  of  the  third  year,  those  in 
other  occupations  were  50  per  cent  of  the  group,  practically  the 
proportion  which  on  first  leaving  school  went  into  the  trade  for 
which  trained.  Of  course,  the  numbers  in  these  groups  decreases 
steadily,  but  the  proportion  in  other  occupations  increases  with  equal 
steadiness. 

An  interesting  difference  appears  in  the  proportions  earning  and 
not  earning  wages  at  specified  times  after  leaving  the  trade  schools  of 
Boston  and  Worcester.  In  Boston  the  great  majority,  99.6  per  cent,1 
entered  wage-earning  occupations  on  leaving  trade  school,  but  in 
Worcester  almost  one-fourth  failed  to  do  so.  In  Boston  the  pro- 
portion of  those  earning  decreases  as  the  time  after  leaving  school 
lengthens,  while  the  proportion  of  those  not  earning  increases. 
Just  the  reverse  is  true  in  Worcester.  While  28.9  per  cent  were  not 
earning  at  the  end  of  the  first  year  after  leaving  school,  15.1  per  cent 
of  those  out  of  school  as  much  as  two  years  were  not  earning  at  the 
end  of  the  second  year,  and  only  10  per  cent  of  those  out  three  years 
were  not  earning  at  the  end  of  the  third  year.  The  large  amount  of 
idleness  at  the  end  of  the  first  year  is  due  largely  to  the  group  going 
out  within  the  most  recent  year,  who  have  found  it  extremely  diffi- 
cult to  secure  employment  in  the  sewing  trades  for  two  reasons: 

i  See  Table  45,  p.  77. 


152 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


First,  the  previous  classes  have  practically  supplied  the  demand  for 
young  workers  in  the  custom  trades,  and,  second,  the  factory  sewing 
trades,  which  in  Worcester  are  mostly  the  manufacture  of  corsets 
and  underwear,  had  at  the  time  of  this  investigation  been  suffering 
severe  industrial  depression  for  several  years.  As  the  girls  grow 
older,  new  opportunities  become  available,  and  a  decreasing  propor- 
tion is  found  at  home.  Marriage  has  scarcely  affected  the  situation, 
only  three  girls  having  been  married  at  the  time  of  the  investigation. 
Some  variation  is  found  within  the  different  trades  in  the  utiliza- 
tion of  the  training  in  a  wage-earning  capacity.  The  following 
table  shows  the  distribution  at  specified  times  after  leaving  the  trade 
school  of  the  girls  trained  for  the  different  trades: 

TABLE  84.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS 
TRAINED  FOR  THE  SEWING  TRADES  WHO  WERE  EARNING  AND  NOT  EARNING 
WAGES  WHEN  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  EACH  SPECIFIED  LENGTH  OF  TIME. 

DRESSMAKING. 


1 

Xiimiior                               Pcr  oent  Darning  and  not  earn- 

ing wages. 

Length  of  time  out  of  trade 

Earning  wages. 

Earning  wages. 

Grand 
total. 

Total. 

In 
their 
trade. 

In 
other 
'occupa- 
tions . 

Not    ' 
earning 
wages.  ;  Total 

In 

their 

trade. 

Not 
In      !  earning 
other  ,  wages. 
occupa-l 
tions.  ; 

i 

] 

At  first  leaving  

108 

70 

46 

24 

38         64.8 

12.C, 

22.  2  .        35.  2 

At  end  of  — 

First  year 

10S 

07 

34 

33 

41          62.0 

31  5 

30  5  !        38  0 

Second  vear  

44 

37 

16 

21 

7         84.1 

:w.  4 

17.  7            I.K  9 

Third  year  

10 

9 

4 

5 

1  I      90.0 

1 

40.0 

50.  0  !         10.0 

3IILLINERY. 


At  first  leaving  29 

28 

18             10 

1 

96.6 

62.1 

34.5 

3.4 

At  end  of— 

First  vear                                    °" 

26 

In              11 

3 

89.7 

51.7 

38  0 

10  3 

Second  year                                20 

18 

7              11 

2 

90.0 

35  0 

55  0 

10  0 

Third  year  4 

4 

4 

100.0 

100.0 

CLOTH  MACHINE  OPERATING. 


At  first  leaving   

29 

l 
2S             20 

8 

1 

96.6 

69  0 

27.6 

3.4 

At  end  of  — 
First  vear 

29 

26    :               17 

9 

89.7 

58.  6 

31.0- 

10.3 

Second  year  

21 

18  1          13 

5 

3 

85.7 

61.9 

23.8 

14.3 

Third  year  

6 

5J          4 

1 

1 

83.3 

66.6 

16.7 

16.7 

Nearly  two-thirds  (65.1  per  cent)  of  these  girls  had  been  trained 
for  dressmaking,  and  in  this  group  were  found  the  smallest  propor- 
tions utilizing  their  training,  for  the  trade  can  not  assimilate  such 
a  large  number  of  young,  partially  equipped  workers.  The  power- 
machine  operators  show  the  largest  proportion  entering  their  trade 
on  leaving  school,  more  than  two-thirds  doing  so,  as  against  over 
two-fifths  of  the  dressmakers,  and  over  three-fifths  of  the  milliners. 


WORCESTER  AND   CAMBRIDGE   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


153 


At  the  end  of  the  first  year  after  leaving  school,  less  than  one-third 
of  the  dressmakers,  over  one-half  of  the  milliners,  and  less  than  three- 
fifths  of  the  power-machine  operators  were  still  in  their  trade.  The 
dressmakers  and  the  power-machine  operators  who  had  been  out  of 
school  as  much  as  two  years  both  showed  a  larger  proportion  work- 
ing in  their  own  trade  at  the  end  of  the  second  year  after  leaving 
school  than  were  working  at  the  end  of  the  first  year,  while  the 
milliners  showed  a  much  smaller  proportion.  Of  the  girls  who  had 
been  out  of  school  three  years,  the  dressmakers  and  power-machine 
operators  showed  a  still  larger  proportion  in  their  own  trades  at  the 
end  of  the  third  year,  while  there  were  none  of  the  milliners  working 
in  their  trade.  The  fact  that  none  of  the  milliners  had  continued  in 
their  trade  seems  due  to  two  causes,  the  seasonal  character  of  the 
trade  and  the  small  opportunity  it  offers  for  steady  workers.  The 
young  girls  just  leaving  trade  school  sometimes  displace  the  girls 
who  have  been  out  in  the  trade  for  a  year  or  two,  because  in  the  shops 
of  a  small  city  the  employer  does  most  of  the  skilled  work,  and  the 
young  girl  who  can  do  the  simple  processes  nearly  as  well  as  the 
girl  who  has  been  at  them  for  a  year  or  two  will  work  for  smaller 
wages.  As  only  four  milliners  had  been  out  for  three  years,  much 
significance  can  not  be  attached  to  this  showing. 

LENGTH  OF  WORKING  EXPERIENCE  AND  EMPLOYMENT. 

When  the  length  of  working  experience  is  considered  instead  of 
length  of  time  out  of  trade  school,  the  situation  does  not  change 
essentially.  According  to  the  time  they  had  been  at  work  the  133 
girls  who  had  worked  at  all  were,  at  the  time  of  the  investigation, 
distributed  as  follows: 

TABLE  85.— NUMBER  AND   PER  CENT  OF  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  WITH 
SPECIFIED  EXPERIENCE  WHO  WERE  EARNING  AND  NOT  EARNING  WAGES. 


Length  of  experience. 

Total. 

Earning  wages  in 
their  own  trade. 

Earning  wages  in 
other  occupations. 

Not  earning  wages. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Under  1  year 

60 
51 
22 

24 
27 
11 

40.0 
52.9 
50.0 

24 
22 
11 

40.0 
43.1 
50.0 

12 
2 

20.0 
3.9 

1  and  under  2  years  

2  years  and  over 

Total.'              

133 

62 

46.6 

57 

42.9 

14 

10.5 

Among  those  who  had  worked  less  than  one  year,  precisely  half  of 
those  earning  wages  were  in  their  own  trade  and  half  in  other  occu- 
pations, and  exactly  the  same  division  was  found  among  those  who 
had  worked  for  two  years  or  more.  Those  working  one  and  under 
two  years  show  a  larger  proportion  in  their  own  trade  than  in  other 
occupations.  The  real  difference  which  length  of  experience  brings 


154 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TEADE-SCIIOOL   GIRLS. 


seems  to  lie  in  the  proportion  unemployed;  the  longer  the  working 
experience  the  smaller  is  the  proportion  not  at  work. 

AGE  AND  EMPLOYMENT. 

Maturity,  as  has  been  suggested,  is  of  great  importance  in  deter- 
mining the  girl's  ability  to  secure  employment,  since  in  Worcester 
the  number  of  places  in  the  custom  sewing  trades  open  to  young  girls 
is  strictly  limited.  At  the  tune  of  the  investigation  the  industrial  dis- 
tribution, by  age,  of  the  whole  group  of  166  girls  was  as  follows: 

TABLE  86.— NUMBER    AND    PER    CENT   OF    WORCESTER    TRADE   SCHOOL  GIRLS   OF 
SPECIFIED  AGE  WHO  WERE  EARNING  AND  NOT  EARNING  WAGES. 


Age  group. 

Total. 

Earning  wages  in 
own  trades. 

Earning  wages  in 
other  occupations. 

Not  earning  wages. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Under  16  

12 
70 
62 
22 

4 
23 
25 
10 

33.3 
32.9 
40.3 
45.5 

2 
25 
20 
10 

16.7 
35.7 
32.3 
45.5 

6 
22 
17 

2 

50.0 
31.4 
27.4 
9.0 

16  and  under  18  years. 

18  and  under  20  years 

20  years  and  over  

Total 

166 

62 

37.4 

57 

34.3 

47 

28.3 

The  increase  in  the  proportion  employed  as  age  increases  is  shown 
strikingly  here.  One-half  of  the  12  girls  under  16  years  of  age,  two- 
thirds  of  the  70  girls  of  16  and  under  18  years,  and  over  three-fourths 
of  the  84  girls  aged  18  and  over  were  working  for  wages.  About 
equal  proportions  of  the  girls  who  were  earning  wages  were  in  the 
trades  for  which  they  were  trained  and  in  other  occupations.  The 
proportion  not  working  for  wages  decreases  from  one-half  in  the 
youngest  group  to  less  than  one-tenth  in  the  group  aged  20  and  over, 
a  fact  which  shows  clearly  the  importance  of  maturity  in  securing 
employment  in  Worcester. 

REASONS  FOR  NOT  USING  TRADE. 

Because  of  the  different  trade  conditions  in  the  two  cities,  the 
reasons  given  by  the  girls  from  the  Worcester  Trade  School  show  a 
greater  emphasis  on  industrial  conditions  than  was  the  case  among 
the  girls  from  the  Boston  Trade  School.  Table  87  gives  the  reasons 
assigned  by  the  72  Worcester  girls  who  had  never  used  their  trade 
training  for  their  failure  to  do  so. 

Thirty-nine  per  cent  of  the  Worcester  girls,  against  32  per  cent  of 
the  Boston  girls,  failed  to  use  their  trade  because  of  trade  conditions; 
in  the  group  giving  this  reason  the  two  cities  show  almost  the  same 
proportion  assigning  their  own  or  their  parents'  dislike  to  the  trade, 
but  Worcester  shows  much  the  larger  proportion  who  were  unable 
to  get  a  job.  The  proportion  who  did  not  use  their  trade  training 
because  of  home  demands  is  practically  the  same  in  the  two  cities — 


WORCESTER  AND   CAMBRIDGE   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


155 


in  Worcester  27.8  per  cent  and  in  Boston  26  per  cent.  Lack  of  per- 
sonal adjustment  was  a  more  important  cause  in  Boston  than  in 
Worcester,  accounting  for  28  per  cent  of  the  Boston  group  as  against 
19.4  per  cent  of  the  Worcester  girls,  and  physical  incapacity  accounted 
for  13  per  cent  in  Boston  as  against  5.5  per  cent  in  Worcester. 

Of  the  33  girls  who  left  their  trade  after  having  entered  it,  by  far 
the  largest  proportion,  25,  or  75.8  per  cent,  gave  trade  conditions  as 
their  reason  for  doing  so.  Five,  or  15.2  per  cent,  left  on  account  of 
domestic  reasons,  and  only  3,  or  9  per  cent,  because  of  physical 
incapacity  or  lack  of  adjustment  to  the  work. 

TABLE  87.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  GIVING 
EACH  SPECIFIED  REASON  FOR  NEVER  USING  THEIR  TRADES. 


Reason  for  never  using  trade. 

Number. 

Per 

cent. 

Dress- 
making. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Cloth 
machine 
operat- 
ing- 

Total. 

Lack  of  adjustment: 
Not  successful  in  school                               

2 
6 
2 

1 
2 

3 
9 
2 

4.2 
12.5 
2.8 

1 

Unstable  .".  

Total  

10 

3 

1 

14 

19.4 

1 

1 

2 

4 

5.5 

Trade  conditions: 
Dislike  of  work  by  parents  or  girl 

10 
6 

3 
1 

2 

12 
8 
1 
6 
1 

lf>.7 
11.1 
1.4 
8.3 
1.4 

Unable  to  get  position                                   ... 

2 

"Got  another  job"             

2 

1 

Too  far  from  home 

Total                                        

21 

4 

3 

28 

38.9 

6 

G 

8.3 

Domestic  reasons: 
No  need  to  work                         

1 
17 
1 
1 

1 
17 
1 
1 

1.4 
23.6 
1.4 
1.4 

Needed  at  home 

Married 

Economic  pressure                            

Total 

20 

20 

27.8 

8~ 

58 

6 

72 

100.0 

AVERAGE  WAGES  AT  SPECIFIED  PERIODS. 

Wages  in  the  sewing  trades  are  lower  in  Worcester  than  in  Boston, 
so  the  wages  of  the  trade-school  girls  in  the  two  cities  can  not  be 
used  as  a  test  of  their  comparative  efficiency.  The  test  of  success 
should  be  advancement  in  wage  and  the  ability  to  continue  in  the 
trade  when  once  placed.  Table  88  shows  for  the  Worcester  girls  the 
average  wages  on  first  entering  the  trade  and  at  the  end  of  each 
year  after  leaving  school. 


156 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE  88.— NUMBER  AND  AVERAGEWEEKLY  WAGES  OF  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL 
GIRLS  IN  THEIR  OWN  TRADES  AND  IN  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS  WHEN  OUT  OF  SCHOOL 
EACH  SPECIFIED  LENGTH  OF  TIME. 

IN  THEIR  OWN  TRADE.i 


Length  of  time  out  of  trade  school. 

Dressmaking. 

Millinery. 

Cloth  machine 
operating. 

Aver- 

™*  LSBu 

'  wage. 

Num- 
ber. 

Aver- 
age 
weekly 
wage. 

Num- 
ber. 

Aver- 
age 
weekly 
wage. 

Num- 
ber. 

Aver- 
wage. 

At  first  leaving  

4C 

32 
15 

4 

$4.48 

5.  48 
7.03 
8.19 

18 

15 

7 
1 

$4.53 

5.70 
0.79 
6.00 

20 
17 
3 

$3.92 

6.14 
6.87 
G.83 

84        $4.36 

<il              "».~1 
x           1.  41 

At  end  of— 
First  year 

Second  year  

Third  year  

IN  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS.' 


At  first  leaving.  ,  

24 

$4.48 

10 

$4.53 

8 

$3  92 

42         $4  53 

At  end  of— 
First  year 

31 

5  48 

H 

5  70 

g 

6  14 

.-.i                r.   CK 

Second  year  

21 

7  03 

10 

6  79 

5 

6  87 

'5(>           6  66 

Third  year  

5 

8  19 

3 

6  00 

2 

6  83 

10           5  79 

1  Not  including  girls  whose  wages  were  not  reported. 

In  Worcester,  as  in  Boston,  the  cloth  power-machine  operator  gets 
the  lowest  initial  wage,  but  in  Worcester  this  wage  falls  somewhat 
further  below  the  average  for  the  whole  group  than  it  does  in  Boston. 
This  is  probably  due  to  the  difficulty  of  the  power-machine  sewing 
done  in  the  corset  factories,  where  most  of  them  have  been  placed. 
The  young  untrained  worker  in  dressmaking  or  millinery  begins  on 
unskilled  hand  processes  either  at  a  fixed  weekly  rate,  or  if  on  piece 
rates,  on  work  sufficiently  simple  to  enable  her  to  earn  a  higher  wage 
than  the  young  inexperienced  machine  operator.  When,  however, 
the  young  machine  operator  has  become  accustomed  to  her  work  and 
has  developed  her  speed  she  is  likely  to  outstrip  the  girls  working  on 
hand  processes.  The  average  wage  of  the  17  trade-school  girls  in 
power-machine  operating  at  the  end  of  their  first  year  out  of  school 
was  $6.14,  an  increase  of  56.6  per  cent  over  the  average  wage  of  the 
20  girls  at  the  time  of  leaving  school,  and  the  average  wage  at  the 
end  of  their  second  year  of  the  13  girls  out  of  school  as  long  as  two 
years  was  $6.87,  an  increase  of  11.9  per  cent  over  the  average  wage 
of  the  17  girls  at  the  end  of  the  first  year.  The  average  wages  of  the 
dressmakers,  beginning  with  a  higher  initial  wage,  showed  for  the 
end  of  the  first  year  an  increase  of  22.3  per  cent,  not  quite  half  of  the 
increase  gained  by  the  power-machine  operators.  For  the  end  of 
the  second  year,  however,  the  average  wages  of  the  15  dressmakers 
showed  an  increase  over  the  average  wages  of  the  32  dressmakers  at 
the  end  of  the  first  year  of  28.3  per  cent,  and  the  four  still  in  this 
trade  at  the  end  of  their  third  year  were  earning  average  wages  of 


WORCESTER  AND   CAMBRIDGE   TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS.  157 

$8.19  a  week,  a  higher  average  than  was  shown  by  the  few  girls  >iiJl 
in  either  of  the  other  trades,  whereas  in  Boston  at  the  end  of  the 
third  year  the  average  wages  of  both  the  milliners  and  the  cloth- 
machine  operators  were  higher  than  those  of  the  dressmakers.  The 
average  wage  of  the  dressmakers  in  Worcester,  however,  is  large 
because  three  girls  were  able  to  do  independent  dressmaking  at  which 
they  earned  from  $2  to  $2.50  a  day.  They  maintained  that  they  had 
all  the  work  they  could  do.  One  of  these  girls  was  17  years  old  when 
she  began  work,  and  the  other  two  were  18,  their  age  at  beginning 
work  thus  being  higher  than  for  most  of  the  girls.  Their  success  illus- 
trates the  opportunity  for  a  very  limited  number  of  dressmakers  in 
Worcester. 

The  girls  who  went  into  occupations  other  than  the  trade  for  which 
they  had  been  trained  showed  a  higher  initial  wage  than  those  follow- 
ing their  trades — $4.53  against  $4.36 — but  thereafter  the  wages  of 
the  girls  in  the  sewing  trades  were,  on  the  whole,  higher. 

CLASSIFIED  WAGES  AT  SPECIFIED  PERIODS. 

A  study  of  the  classified  wages  of  the  girls  from  the  Worcester 
Trade  School  adds  little  to  the  knowledge  of  the  situation,  owing  to 
the  very  small  numbers  in  the  different  wage  groups.  Nevertheless, 
the  classified  wages  for  those  remaining  in  each  trade  and  for  those 
leaving  each  trade  are  given  for  the  sake  of  completeness  in  Table  89. 

WAGES  AND  OCCUPATIONS  AT  SPECIFIED  PERIODS. 

Table  90  shows  the  wages  and  occupations  of  girls  from  the  Wor- 
cester Trade  School  when  out  of  school  each  specified  length  of  time. 

In  considering  the  advancement  of  the  Worcester  girls  a  wage  of 
$6  a  week  has  been  taken  as  the  standard  of  comparison  instead  of 
$8,  the  basis  of  comparison  in  Boston.  This  difference  is  considered 
fair,  because  of  the  immaturity  and  short  working  experience,  as 
compared  with  the  Boston  girls,  of  the  majority  of  the  Worcester 
girls.  By  this  standard  the  girls  trained  for  millinery  made  the  best 
showing,  not  only  on  entering  the  trade,  but  also  at  the  end  of  the 
first  and  second  years  after  leaving  school.  Less  than  one-fifth  of 
the  46  dressmakers  earned  $6  or  more  on  leaving  the  trade  school, 
but  at  the  end  of  the  first  year  two-fifths  of  the  34  dressmakers  out 
of  school  one  year  and  at  the  end  of  the  second  year  four-fifths  of  the 
16  dressmakers  who  had  been  out  of  school  as  long  as  two  years  had 
reached  that  wage.  Less  than  one-sixth  of  the  20  power-machine 
operators  earned  $6  or  more  on  first  leaving  school,  while  almost  one- 
half  of  the  1 7  power-machine  operators  out  of  school  one  year  at  the 
end  of  the  first  year,  and  more  than  two- thirds  of  the  13  power- 
machine  operators  out  of  school  as  long  as  two  years  at  the  end  of 
the  second  year  earned  that  amount.  But  more  than  one-fourth 
of  the  18  milliners  earned  $6  or  more  on  first  leaving,  two-thirds  of 


158 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


the  15  milliners  out  of  school  one  year  at  the  end  of  the  first  year,  and 
all  of  the  7  milliners  out  of  school  as  long  as  two  years  at  the  end  of 
the  second  year  earned  $6  or  over.  The  short  seasons  in  this  trade, 
however,  diminish  this  apparent  advantage. 

TABLE  89.— NUMBER  OF  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  TRAINED  FOR  SEWING 
TRADES  WHO  RECEIVED  SPECIFIED  WEEKLY  WAGES  IN  THEIR  OWN  TRADES  on 
IN  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS  WHEN  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  EACH  SPECIFIED  LENGTH  OF  TIME. 

DRESSMAKING. 


Classified  weekly  wages. 

Number. 

In  their  own  trades. 

In  other  occupations. 

At 
first 
leav- 
ing. 

At  end 
of  first 
year. 

At  end 
of 
second 
year. 

At  end 
of 
third 
year. 

At 

first 
leav- 
ing. 

At  end 

of  first 
year. 

At  end 
of 
second 
year. 

A  tend 
of 
third 
year. 

Under  $3 

8 
9 
I 

13 
5 

4 
3 
4 
8 
9 

2 
5 

."> 
5 
4 
2 

1 

1 

3 

10 
8 
5 
3 
1 

$;5  and  under  $4  
$4  and  under  $5 

1 

1 

4 
2 

7 
3 

A 

1 
1 
1 

$5  and  under  $6 

2 
9 

$6  and  under  $7  

1 

$7  and  under  $8        

$8  and  over 

3 

4 
2 

3 
1 

2 

2 

Not  reported 

Total 

46 

34 

16 

4 

24 

32 

21 

5 

MILLINERY. 


Under  $3 

1 

2 

. 

$3  and  under  $4 

3 

2 

$4  and  under  $5 

6 

2 

2 

2 

1 

j 

$'•>  and  under  $6 

3 

1 

2 

1 

•£ 

$6  and  under  $7 

5 

3 

1 

2 

7 

4 

1 

1 

3 

•SS  and  over 

2 

1 

1 

2 

4 

1 

Total  

18 

15 

1 

10 

11 

11 

3 

CLOTH  MACHINE  OPERATING. 


Under  $3 

. 

i 

2 

! 

$3  and  under  $4 

3 

1 

3 

1 

i 

$4  and  under  $5 

4 

2              1 

S">  and  under  $6        .......... 

5 

6               3 

1 

1 

i 

3 

2              3 

2 

1 

3 

2 

$7  and  under  $8  

1         .      2 

I 

2 

1 

$S  and  over 

.">               4 

1 

2        

i 

Total  

20 

17             13 

3 

* 

9 

5                 2 

Grand  total 

84 

66            36 

8 

"Ta 

52 

37               10 

WORCESTER  AND   CAMBRIDGE   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


159 


TABLE  90.-OCCUPATIONS  AND  WEEKLY  WAGES  OF  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL 
GUM.  STRAINED  FO  R  T  HE  SEWING  TRADES  WHEN  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  EACH  SPECIFIED 
l.KKGTH  OF  TIME. 

AT  FIRST  LEAVING  SCHOOL. 


Occupation. 

Girls  trained  for— 

Dressmaking. 

Millinery. 

Cloth  machine  operating. 

Grand 
total. 

Un- 
der 

$6 

$6 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Un- 
der 

$6 

$6 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Un- 
der 
fg 

$6 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent 
in 
each 
occu- 

. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent 
in 
each 
occu- 
pa- 
tion. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent 
in 
each 
occu- 

tion. 

Sewing  traces  

38 
3 

8 

46 
3 

65.7 
4.3 

12.9 

10.0 
7.1 

13 
2 

5 

18 
2 

64.3 
7.1 

17 
1 

3 

20 
1 

71.4 
3.6 

84 
6 

Related  trades  

Other  occupations: 
Manufactures  
Trade,  transpor- 
tation, clerical 
work 

9 

3 
2 

9 

7 
5 

1 

2 
2 

2 
1 

1 

4 
3 

3.6 

14.3 
10.7 

1 

1 

13 
3 

3.6 

10.7 
10.7 

11 

U4 
11 

4 
3 

2 
2 

Domestic  service. 
Total..'  

1 

14 

7        21 

30.0 

5 

3 

8 

28.6 

4 

22 

2 

17 

~~28~ 

25.0 

J36 

Grand  total  

55 

15 

70 

100.0 

20 

8 

28 

100.0 

5 

100.0 

1126 

AT  END  OF  FIRST  YEAR. 


Sewing  trades  
Related  trader 

19 
3 

13 
2 

234 
i  6 

51.5 
9.1 

5 
1 

10 
1 

15 
2 

57.7 
7.7 

9 

8 
1 

17 
1 

65.4 
3.8 

266 

*9 

Other  occupations: 
Manufactures  
Trade,  transpor- 
tation, clerical 
work 

3 

5 

3 
6 

6 
11 

9.1 
16.7 

2 
5 

2 
5 

7.7 
19.2 

4 

1 

3 

1 
7 

3.8 
27.0 

9 
23 

Domestic  service 

4 

5 

9 

13.6 

1 

1 

2 

7.7 

11 

Total  

12 

14 

26 

39.4 

1 

8 

9 

34.6. 

4 

4 

8 

30.8 

43 

Grand  total  — 

34 

.  29 

366 

100.0 

7 

19 

26 

100.0 

13 

13 

26 

100.0 

3118 

AT  END  OF  SECOND  YEAR. 


Sewins  trades  
Related  trades 

3         12 

4 

116 
4 

43.2 
10  8 

1 

7 

7 
1 

38.9 
5.6 

4 

9 

13     72.  2 

136 
5 



Other  occupations: 
Manufactures  
Trade,  transpor- 
tation, clerical 
work  
Domestic  service 

2           1 

I 

5          6 
3 

3 

11 
3 

8.1 

29.7 
8.  1 

2 

5 

1 

18 
1 

5.6 

44.4 
5.6 

1 

; 

2 

! 

3     16.7 
2      11.1 

7 

21 
4 

1        " 

Total  

7  |      10 

17 

45.9 

2 

7 

ilO 

55.6 

1 

4 

5  |  27.  8 

32 

Grand  total  

10  I      26 

137 

100.0 

3 

14 

i  18 

100.0 

5 

13 

18  1  100.0 

173 

1  Including  1,  wages  not  reported. 

2  Including  2,  wages  not  reported. 
* Including  3,  wages  not  reported. 


160  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

The  girls  who  went  into  either  related  trades  or  other  occupations 
show  at  first  a  larger  proportion  getting  $6  or  over  than  appears 
among  those  remaining  in  their  trades.  This  is  true  also  at  the  end 
of  the  first  year  out  of  trade  school,  but  at  the  end  of  the  second, 
in  dressmaking  and  in  millinery  the  situation  is  reversed,  the  larger 
proportion  in  the  higher  wage  group  being  found  among  those  who 
have  remained  in  their  trade.  Among  the  cloth  machine  operators, 
however,  at  the  end  of  the  second  year,  80  per  cent  of  those  out  of 
school  that  long  who  had  left  the  trade  as  against  69.2  per  cent  of 
those  remaining  in  it  were  earning  $6  or  more. 

The  opportunities  for  skilled  work  are  very  much  more  limited  in 
Worcester  than  in  Boston,  so  the  girls  who  do  not  go  into  their  own 
trades,  or  who  do  not  remain  there,  have  a  comparatively  limited 
field  from  which  to  choose.  One-eighth  of  the  dressmakers  on  first 
leaving  the  trade  school  went  into  manufactures,  and  one-tenth  into 
trade,  transportation,  and  clerical  occupations.  Four  of  the  28 
milliners  leaving  trade  school  went  into  trade,  transportation,  and 
clerical  occupations,  and  three  (10.7  per  cent)  into  domestic  service. 
Only  5.6  per  cent  of  the  milliners  in  Boston  had  gone  into  domestic 
service  and  the  great  majority  who  left  their  trade  had  entered  the 
business  occupations,  but  openings  even  in  these  lines  are  limited 
in  Worcester,  and  are  usually  secured  by  girls  more  mature  and 
better  equipped  than  those  who  are  just  out  of  trade  school.  At 
the  end  of  the  first  year  out  of  trade  school  one-sixth  of  the  dress- 
makers, almost  one-fifth  of  the  milliners  and  more  than  one-fourth 
of  the  power-machine  operators  were  in  trade,  transportation,  and 
clerical  work,  showing  the  better  opportunities  which  come  with 
increasing  maturity.  At  the  end  of  the  second  year  about  three- 
fifths  of  the  dressmakers  and  milliners  and  over  one-fourth  of  the 
power-machine  operators  who  had  been  out  of  school  as  long  as  two 
years  had  left  their  trades.  Trade,  transportation,  and  clerical  oc- 
cupations took  larger  proportions  than  any  other  occupations  of 
those  going  out  from  the  dressmakers  and  milliners,  while  from  the 
cloth  machine  operators  the  largest  group  went  into  other  manufac- 
tures. 

FACTORS  AFFECTING  WAGES. 


LENGTH    OF    WORKING    EXPERIENCE. 


Length  of  working  experience,  perhaps  the  most  important  factor 
in  determining  wage-earning  capacity,  is  too  limited  among  the  119 
Worcester  Trade  School  girls  employed  at  the  time  of  the  investiga- 
tion to  be  very  conclusive.  In  Table  91  there  is  shown  the  number 
and  proportion  of  girls,  classified  according  to  occupation  and  length 
of  experience,  in  different  wage  groups. 


WORCKSTKK    AND   CAMBRIDGE   TBADB-SCHOOL    GIRLS. 


161 


TAULK  91.— NUMBER  AND  PEE  CKNT  OF  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL  <,!KI-S  IN 
DIFFERENT  WAGE  GROUPS,  CLASSIFIED  BY  OCCUPATIONS  AND  LENGTH  OF 
W<  MIKING  EXPERIENCE. 

NUMBER  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT. 


Occupation. 

Girls  in  specified  occupations  with  working  experience  of— 

Under  1  year. 

1 

Un- 
der 

$0 

and  under  2  years. 

2  years  and  over. 

To- 
tal. 

Un- 
der 

$6 

$6 

and 
un- 
der 

$8 

$8 
and 
over. 

Not 

re- 
port- 
ed. 

1 

To- 
tal. 

$0 
and 
un- 
der 

$8 

$8 

and 
over. 

Not 
re- 
port- 
ed. 

1 

To- 
tal. 

13 
4 

Un- 
der 

$6 

& 

un- 
der 

$8 

and 
over. 

2 

To- 
tal. 

Sewing  trades: 
Dressmaking  
Millinery  
Cloth    machine   op- 
erating   

10 
4 

2 

2 
1 

1 
4 

2 
1 

3 

15 

ti 

2 

8 
4 

2 

2 

1 
'4 

5 
4 

2 

33 
14 

15 
62 
8 

3 

4 
G 

3 
15 

3 

10 
27 

iT 

_L 

6 

1 

Total  
Related  trades  '.. 

16 

iT 

r 

24 

5 

1 

i 

11 

= 

3    

1 

1 

4 

3 

2 
9 

Other  occupations: 

0 

1 

2 

= 

G 

0 
(i 

1 
5 

1 

4 
2 

1 

G 
1 

3 

15 
3 

2 
1 

1 

1 
1 

12 

26 
11 

49 

Trade,     transporta- 
tion, clerical  work. 
Domestic  service  .... 

Total  

6 
4 

10 

1 

i 

7 

21 

9  !       1 

i 

3 

21 

G 

8 



3 

3 

1 

Grand  total 

28 

13 

4 

4S 

12 

23 

13 

1 

40 

7 

9 

6 

22  I     119 

PER  CE\T  EARNING  EACH  CLASSIFIED  AMOUNT.1 


Occupation. 

Girls  in  the  specified  occupations  with  a  working  experience  of— 

Under  1  year. 

1  and  under  2  years.                2  years  and  over. 

Un- 
der 

sa 

$6 
and 
under 

$8 

$8 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Un- 
der 

$6 

and 
under 

$8 

and 
over. 

Total. 

Un- 
der 

$6 

$6 
and 
under 
$8 

$8 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Sewing  trades  
Other  occupations  

Total  

69.6 

54.  G 

17.4 
40.9 

13.0 
4.5 

100.0 
100.0 

23.1 
27.2 

57.7 
36.4 

19.2 
36.4 

100.0 
100.0 

18.2 
45.4 

54.  5 
27.3 

27.3 
27.3 

100.0 
100.0 

62.2 

28.9 

8.9 

100.0 

25.0 

47.9 

27.1 

100.0 

31.8 

40.9 

27.3 

100.0 

1  Based  on  number  of  girls  whose  wages  were  reported. 

Forty-one  per  cent  of  the  girls  employed  at  the  time  of  the  inves- 
tigation had  worked  one  and  under  two  years,  and  only  18.4  per 
cent  had  worked  two  years  or  over,  so  that  the  field  in  which  the 
effect  of  experience  might  be  seen  is  obviously  small.  Nevertheless, 
the  effect  is  visible.  Taking  the  whole  group  of  119  girls,  the  pro- 
portion earning  $8  or  over  increases  with  each  successive  period, 
while  the  proportion  earning  under  $6  decreases  from  62.2  per  cent 
among  those  with  less  than  one  year's  experience  to  25  per  cent  among 
those  with  one  and  under  two  years  of  experience;  among  those  with 
two  years  or  more  of  experience,  however,  this  proportion  increases 
again  to  31.8  per  cent.  Among  the  girls  who  entered  the  sewing 
85225°— 17— Bull.  215 11 


162 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE    OF   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


trades,  this  irregularity  does  not  appear;  among  them  the  propor- 
tion in  the  $8  a  week  group  steadily  increases  and  the  proportion 
in  the  $6  a  week  group  steadily  decreases  as  time  goes  on. 

AGE    AT    BEGINNING    WORK. 

Maturity  at  the  tune  of  beginning  work  is  also  an  important  factor 
in  determining  wage  advancement.  More  than  four-fifths  of  those 
beginning  work  under  18  years  of  age  earned  less  than  $6  a  week 
against  one-half  of  those  who  began  at  18  or  over.  By  the  end  of  the 
first  year  almost  one-half  (45.2  per  cent)  of  those  beginning  work  under 
16  years  of  age,  more  than  one-half  (55.2  per  cent)  of  those  beginning 
between  16  and  18  years,  and  two-thirds  (67.9  per  cent)  of  those 
beginning  at  18  years  or  over  earned  $6  or  more  a  week.  By  the 
end  of  the  second  year  the  girls  beginning  at  16  but  under  18  had  the 
advantage  over  the  girls  beginning  at  14  or  15  years  old,  82.9  per 
cent  of  the  former  and  only  57.9  per  cent  of  the  latter  earning  $6  or 
more,  but  the  girls  beginning  at  18  or  over  had  not  maintained  their 
precedence,  82.4  per  cent  earning  $6  or  more.  In  Boston,  also,  the 
girl  beginning  at  18  years  or  over  did  not  maintain  her  advantage 
over  the  girl  beginning  at  16. 


TABLE  92.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  IN  DIFFER. 
ENT  WAGE  GROUPS,  CLASSIFIED  BY  AGE  AND  PREVIOUS  SCHOOLING. 


Previous  schooling. 

Number  earning  each  specified  wage. 

Per  cent  earning  each 
specified  wage.1 

Under  18  years  of  age. 

18  years  of  age  and  over. 

Grand 
total. 

Under  18 
years 
of  age. 

18  years  of 
age  and 
over. 

Un- 
der 

$6 

$6 
and 
over. 

Not 
re- 
port- 
ed. 

Total. 

Un- 
der 
$6 

$6 
and 
over. 

Not 
re- 
port- 
ed. 

Total. 

Un- 
der 
$6 

$6 
and 
over. 

Un- 
der 

$6 

$6 
and 
over. 

Grammar  school: 
Graduates  

Nongraduates.  . 

Total. 

16 
10 

5 
10 

1 

22 
20 

4 
5 

12 
11 

2 

18 
17 

40 
37 

76.2 
50.0 

23.8 
50.0 

32.2 

25.0 

67.8 
75.0 

1 

15 

6 

1 

42 
12 

9 
6 

23 
24 

3  1      35 
!      30 

77 
42 

63.4 
50.0 

36.6 
50.0 

28.1 
23.3 

71.9 

76.7 

High  school 

Grand  total... 

32 

21 

1 

54 

15 

47 

3  i       65 

119 

60.4 

39.6 

25.8 

74.2 

1  Based  on  number  of  gids  whose  wages  were  reported. 
ACADEMIC    AND    TRADE-SCHOOL    TRAINING. 

In  the  study  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  girls  it  appeared  that  the 
girls  with  a  high-school  education  had  some  advantage  over  those  who 
had  not  gone  so  far,  and  that  length  of  trade  training  tended  to  increase 
earning  capacity.  The  number  studied  in  Worcester  was  so  small 
that  it  is  practically  impossible  to  classify  them  by  these  two  stand- 
ards without  ignoring  the  classification  by  length  of  working  experi- 


WORCESTER   AND  CAMBRIDGE   TRADE-SCHOOL  (ilKI.S. 


163 


encc.  But  the  latter  is  such  an  important  factor  in  determining  \\ 
that  a  classification  which  omitted  it  would  be  of  dubious  value. 
Consequently,  no  attempt  is  made  to  show  how  far  the  wages  of  the 
Worcester  girls  are  affected  by  either  their  preliminary  schooling  or  the 
length  of  time  spent  in  the  trade  school.  Tables  92  and  93  present 
the  wage  grouping  of  the  girls  according  to  these  two  points  as  it 
existed  at  the  time  of  the  investigation,  February  to  March,  1915, 
but  conclusions  can  not  be  drawn  from  them. 

TABLE  93.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  IN  DIF. 
FERENT  WAGE  GROUPS,  CLASSIFIED  BY  PREVIOUS  SCHOOLING  AND  LENGTH  OF 
TIME  IN  TRADE  SCHOOL. 


Number  earning  each  specified  wage. 

Per  cent  earning  each 
specified  wage.1 

Previous  schooling. 

Attending  trade 
school  less  than 
18  months. 

Attending  trade  school 
18  months  and  over. 

Attending 
trade  school 
less  than 
18  months. 

Attending 
trade  school 
is  months 
and  over. 

Grand 

- 

total. 

Un- 

$6 

Un- 

$6 

Not 

Un- 

$6 

Un- 

$6 

der 

and 

Total. 

der 

and 

Total. 

der 

and 

der 

and 

$6 

over. 

$6 

over. 

ed. 

$6 

over. 

$6 

over. 

Grammar  school: 

(  j  niduates 

10 

6 

16 

11 

10 

3 

24 

40 

62  5 

37  5 

52  4 

47  6 

Nongraduates  

10 

15 

25 

4 

7 

12 

37 

40.0 

60.0 

36.4 

63.  « 

Total 

20 

21 

41 

15 

17 

4 

36 

77 

48.8 

51  2 

46  9 

52  1 

High  school  

6 

11 

17 

6 

19 

25 

42 

35.3 

64.7 

24.0  1     76.0 

Grand  total  

26 

32 

58 

21 

36 

4  1      61 

119 

44.9 

55.1 

36.9 

63.1 

1  Based  on  number  of  girls  whose  wages  were  reported. 
WAGES  AND  LENGTH  OF  WORKING  SEASON. 

The  two  following  tables  show  the  length  of  the  working  season 
by  trades,  and  by  weekly  wages  earned  by  those  working  each 
specified  number  of  months,  as  reported  by  78  Worcester  Trade 
School  girls: 

TABLE  94.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  WORKING 
SPECIFIED   NUMBER   OF  MONTHS  IN  YEAR,  BY  OCCUPATION. 

NUMBER. 


Girls  working  specified  number  of  months  in  year. 


Present  occupation. 

Under  6 
months. 

6  and 
under 
8 
months. 

Sand 
under 
10 
months. 

10  and 
under 
11 
months. 

Hand 
under 
12 
months. 

12 
months. 

Not  re- 
ported. 

Total. 

Sewing  trades: 
Dressmaking 

2 

2 

3 

.-, 

2 

4 

1 

19 

Millinerv  

1 

6 

1 

^ 

Cloth  machine  operating 

3 

1 

1 

8 

13 

Total  

6 

9 

3 

7 

2 

12 

1 

40 

Other  trades 

6 

4 

3 

5 

2 

IS 

3S 

Grand  total1  

12 

13 

6 

12 

4 

30 

1 

78 

1  Not  including  those  out  of  trade  school  less  than  1  year  and  those  not  working  for  wage. 


164 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE  94.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  WORCEKT  KK  Til  A  I)  K  SCHOOL  GIRLS  WORKING 
SPECIFIED  NUMBER  OF  MONTHS  IN  YEAR,  BY  OCCUPATION— Concluded. 

PER  CENT.i 


Present  occupation. 

Girls  working  specified  number  of  months  in  year. 

Under  6 
mouths. 

6  and 
under 
8 
months. 

Sand 
under 
10 
months. 

10  and 
under 
11 
months. 

11  and 
under 
12 
months. 

12 
months. 

Xot  re- 
ported. 

Total. 

Sewing  trades: 
Dressmaking. 

11.1 
12.5 
23.1 

11.2 
75.0 

7.7 

16.6 

27.  S 
12  5 

11.1 

22.2 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

Millinery  

Cloth  machine  operating.  .  . 
Total 

7.7 

61.5 

15.4 
15.8 

23.1 
10.4 

7.7 
7.9 

17.9 
13.2 

5.1 

5.3 

30.8 
47.4 

100.0 
100.0 

Other  trades  

Grand  total  

15.6 

16.9 

7.8 

lo.  C> 

5.2 

38.9 

100.0 

Based  on  number  of  girls  reporting  as  to  number  of  months  in  year  worked. 


TABLE  95.-NUMBER   OF   WORCESTER   TRADE   SCHOOL  GIRLS  WORKING  SPECIFIED 
NUMBER   OF  MONTHS  IN   YEAR,   BY  WEEKLY  WAGES. 

IN  THEIR  OWN  TRADES. 


Weekly  wage  group. 

Girls  workin;,'  specified  number  of  months  in  year. 

Under  6 
months. 

6  and 
under  8 
months. 

8  and 
under  10 
months. 

10  and 
under  12 
months. 

12 
months. 

Not  re- 
ported. 

Total. 

Under  $6... 

2 
3 
1 

2 

1 

1 

7 

1 

4 

3 

5 

10 
21 
8 
1 

$6"  and  under  $8 

$8  and  over  

Not  reported 

1 

Total  

i 

i 

6 

9 

3 

0 

12 

1 

40 

IN  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS. 


Under  $6  

2| 

2                  2 

j                   j 

10 

$6  and  under  S8 

4                  1 

4 

7                        1 

16 

$8  and  over 

I                2 

1                  i 

8    j 

12 

Total 

6  |                4 

3  i                7 

is 

38 

1    . 

As  to  relative  length  of  working  seasons,  the  trades  take  much  the 
same  rank  as  in  Boston,  the  millinery  seasons  being  shortest  and  the 
power-machine  operating  seasons  longest.  But  the  seasons  are  longer 
for  all  the  trades  in  Worcester  than  in  Boston,  so  that  the  lower 
wages  prevailing  in  Worcester  do  not  indicate  so  much  lower  an  annual 
income  as  might  be  inferred.  In  Worcester  30.8  per  cent  of  the 
trade-school  girls  employed  in  the  sewing  trades  had  a  working  sea- 
son of  12  months  against  7.3  per  cent  of  those  in  the  same  trades  in 
Boston.  Of  the  sewing  girls  in  Worcester  53.8  per  cent,  against  36.8 
per  cent  of  those  in  Boston  worked  10  months  or  more.  The  length 
of  the  working  year  for  those  who  entered  other  occupations  is  better 


WORCESTER   AND   CAMBRIDGE    TI;.M>K  sr  I IOOL   GIRLS.  165 

than  among  those  who  remained  in  their  own  trades,  almost  one-half 
working  12  months  and  practically  two-thirds  working  10  months  or 
more. 

Turning  to  a  consideration  of  wages,  it  appears  in  general  that  the 
bettor-paid  girls  show  a  smaller  proportion  working  less  than  six 
months  than  the  girls  earning  lower  wages,  but  the  converse  is  not 
altogether  true;  of  those  earning  less  than  $6  a  week,  50  per  cent 
worked  10  months  or  more  against  47.6  per  cent  of  those  earning  $6 
and  under  $8  and  75  per  cent  of  those  earning  $8  and  over.  Among 
those  working  in  other  occupations  the  irregularity  appears  in  the 
highest  wage  group ;  50  per  cent  of  those  earning  less  than  $6  worked 
10  months  or  more  against  68.7  per  cent  of  those  earning  $6  and  under 
$8,  and  75  per  cent  of  those  earning  $8  and  over.  The  numbers  in 
these  groups  are  too  small,  however,  to  allow  much  significance  to  be 
attached  to  these  proportions. 

Very  few  of  the  girls  studied  in  Worcester  fill  in  their  dull  time 
with  any  other  wage-earning  occupation.  Four  of  the  dressmakers 
found  positions  in  their  own  trade,  two  working  two  months  and  two 
four  months  and  over.  Two  earned  less  than  $5  a  week,  and  the  other 
two  were  unable  to  estimate  their  actual  earnings.  Five  milliners 
had  a  secondary  occupation.  Three  were  saleswomen  in  stores,  two 
working  one  month  but  less  than  two  and  earning  less  than  $6,  and 
the  third  working  between  two  and  three  months  and  earning  $7  a  week. 
The  two  other  milliners  found  places  as  domestic  servants.  They 
worked  three  months,  one  earning  less  than  $5  and  one  $7.  One 
power-machine  operator  worked  one  month  as  a  saleswoman,  earning 
$6  a  week. 

TRADE-TRAINED  SEWING  GIRLS  IN  WORCESTER. 

Only  123  of  the  704  women  attending  the  Worcester  Evening  Trade 
School  during  the  winter  of  1914-15  were  gainfully  employed  in 
sewing  during  the  day.  Only  46  of  those  attending  at  the  time  of  the 
investigation  were  not  over  25  years  of  age.  These  were  taken  for 
study.  They  represented  a  variety  of  industries,  34  working  in  corset 
factories,  5  in  the  manufacture  of  underwear,  2  in  a  slipper  factory, 
1  in  a  millinery  store,  and  2  in  custom  dressmaking.  Eleven  were 
under  20  years  and  35  were  20  or  over.  Eighteen  had  been  at  work 
less  than  5  years  and  28  for  5  years  or  over.  At  the  time  of  the 
investigation  29,  or  63  per  cent,  were  earning  less  than  $8  a  week  and 
17  (37  per  cent)  were  earning  $8  or  over.  While  the  group  is  limited 
in  number  the  experience  of  its  members  provides  a  basis  for  com- 
parison with  the  trade-school  girls  and  gives  some  index  to  trade 
opportunities. 

The  following  table  shows  the  occupations  through  which  these  46 
girls  had  passed  to  their  present  work : 


166 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


TABLE  96.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  TRADE-TRAINED  GIRLS  IN  WORCESTER  IN 
EACH  OCCUPATION  AT  SPECIFIED  TIMES  AFTER  BEGINNING  WORK. 

NUMBER, 


Occupation. 

Girls  employed  in  specified  occupation. 

At 
begin- 
ning 
work. 

At  the  end  of— 

1st 
year. 

2d 

year. 

3d 
year. 

4th 

year. 

5th 
year. 

6th 
year. 

7th 
year. 

8th 
year. 

9th 

year. 

Custom  hand  sewing 

2 

2 
12 

3 

9 

2 

-  —  •     - 

6 
1 

2 

2 

'  — 

4 

1 

1 

Factory—  hand  processes: 
Boning       

14 

Hand  shaping 

2 

2 

1 

1 

1 

Folding 

1 
1 
3 

3 

I 
2 
1 
2 

3 

1 

2 
1 
2 

1 
1 

Pressing 

Examining 

1 

1 
4 
1 

1 

1 
4 

1 
1 

3 

Hand  stamping 

Hand  sewing  

2 

2 

1 

Pinning  girdles       .          .             .   . 

Fringing 

1 
1 

1 

Orders 

Total 

23 

22 

20 

16 

11 

7 

4 

2 

1 

1 

Factory—  machine  processes  

5 

8 

14 

23 

27 

24 

19 

19 

12 

8 

Total  sewing  trades 

30 
16 

32 
14 

37 

8 

41 
3 

40 
o 

32 
3 

23 

2 

21 
1 

13 
1 

9 

Grand  total 

46 

46 

45 

44 

42 

35 

25 

22 

14 

9 

PER  CENT. 


6  6 

6  2 

8  1 

4  9 

5  0 

3  1 

Factory  —  hand  processes 

76.7 

68.8 

54.  1 

39.0 

27.5 

21.9 

17.  4 

9.5 

7.7 

11.  1 

Factory    machine  processes 

16.7 

25.0 

37.8 

56.  1 

67.5 

75.0 

82.6 

90.5 

92.3 

88.9 

At  the  time  of  the  investigation  practically  all  were  engaged  in  the 
factory  sewing  trades,  but  more  than  three-fourths  had  begun  work 
in  the  hand  processes  in  the  factory,  such  as  boning  (in  the  corset 
factory),  folding,  and  examining.  Not  until  the  end  of  the  fourth 
year  were  as  many  as  two-thirds  or  more  employed  in  the  machine 
processes.  For  the  girls  without  training  these  hand  processes  pro- 
vide a  kind  of  apprenticeship,  not  in  training  for  machine  work,  but 
in  handling  materials,  speed,  endurance,  and  application.  The  young 
girl  trained  in  the  trade  school  is  usually  able  to  skip  these  preliminary 
unrelated  processes.  In  the  corset  factories,  which  employ  the 
largest  number  of  women  in  the  sewing  trades  in  Worcester,  the  power- 
machine  operating  is  very  difficult,  involving  the  joining  of  curved 
edges,  the  use  of  complicated  two,  three,  four,  five,  and  six  needle 
machines,  and  requires  great  speed  as  well  as  accuracy  and  skill. 
A  few  of  the  young  trade-school  girls  have  been  placed  directly  on 
the  simple  power-machine  sewing  processes  after  experience  in  "one- 
needle  and  two-needle  joining"  in  the  school,  but  the  more  mature 
workers  are  usuaUy  given  the  preference  on  the  machines. 

The  average  and  the  classified  weekly  wages  in  successive  years 
after  beginning  work  of  46  trade-trained  girls  are  given  in  Tables  97 
and  98. 


WORCESTER  AND   CAMBRIDGE   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


107 


TABLE  97*-AVERAGE   WEEKLY   WAGES   AT  SPECIFIED    TIMES  AFTER    BEGINNING 
WORK  OF  TRADE-TRAINED  GIRLS  IN   W()R(  KSTKU. 


Length  of  time  at 
work. 

(Jirls  working  at  specified  times  in— 

Sewing  trades. 

Other  occupations. 

Number. 

Average 
weekly 
wage. 

Number. 

Average 
week  ly 
wage. 

At  beginning  work.  . 
At  end  of  — 
First  year      .  .  . 

29 

31 
35 
37 
38 
31 
23 
21 
12 

$4.34 

5.36 

6.  SI 
6.89 
7.33 
7.83 
7.96 
7.89 
7.75 

17 

15 
10 
7 
4 
4 
2 
1 
2 

13.69 

5.02 
5.54 
6.02 
6.38 
6.88 
6.45 

Second  year.  .     . 
Third  year  .  . 
Fourth  year. 
Fifth  year.  .  . 

Sixth  year  .  . 
Seventh  year 
Eighth  year. 

7.50 

TABLE  98 — NUMBER    AND    PER    CENT    OF   WORCESTER  TRADE-TRAINED   GIRLS  IN 
CLASSIFIED   WAGE    GROUPS,  AT    SPECIFIED    TIMES   AFTER    BEGINNING   WORK. 

NUMBER. 


Girls  earning  specified  wage. 


Weekly  wage. 

At 
first 
leav- 
ing. 

At  the  end  of— 

1st 
year. 

2d 
year. 

3d 
year. 

4th 
year. 

5th 
year. 

6th 
year. 

7th 
year. 

8th 
year. 

9th 
year. 

SEWING  TRADES. 

Under  S3 

10 
2 
3 
5 
4 
4 
1 

3 
2 
4 

7 
8 
5 
2 

1 

2 

1 
1 
2 
3 
9 
7 
7 
4 
4 

•*3  and  under  $4 

l 

S4  and.  under  $5 

1 
6 
8 
10 
6 
3 

1 
5 
10 
7 
6 
5 
1 

1 

8 
8 
7 
3 
4 

2 
3 
5 
4 
2 
4 

$6  and  under  $7  

4 
8 
5 
3 
3 

3 
4 
3 
1 
1 

2 

a 

i 

"3 

$7  and  under  $8 

38  and  under  $9  

$9  and  under  ?10 

Total 

29 

31 

35 

37 

38 

31 

23 

21 

12 

9 

OTHER  OCCUPATIONS. 

Under  S3 

4 
5 
6 

1 

1 
2 
6 
1 
3 
1 

1 
1 
3 

S3  and  under  84  
$4  and  under  $5 

2 

1 

1 

1 

i   .   .  .   . 

1 

j 

2 
2 

3 
2 

1 



$7  and  under  $8 

] 
1 

2 

1 

1 

$8  and  under  $9 

1 

S9  and  under  $10 

1 

1 

1 



810  and  over 

Total 

!  

17 

15 

10 

7 

4 

4 

2 

1 

2 

PER  CENT. 


SEWING  TRADES. 

Under  $6 

69  0 

51  6 

22  9 

21  6 

18  4 

3  2 

14  3 

$6  and  over 

31  0 

48.4 

77.  1 

78.4 

81.6 

96.8 

100.0 

85.7 

100.0 

100.0 

Under  $8  

96.6 

93.6 

74.3 

69.4 

63.9 

56.7 

52.2 

55.0 

58.3 

62.5 

$8  and  over  

3.4 

6.4 

25.7 

30.6 

36.1 

43.3 

47.8 

45.0 

41.7 

37.5 

OTHER  OCCUPATIONS. 

Under  £6 

94  1 

66  7 

50  0 

28  6 

50  0 

25  0 

50  0 

$(5  and  over 

5.9 

33.3 

50.0 

71.4 

50.0 

75.0 

50.0 

100.0 

100.0 

Under  $8 

100.0 

93  3 

90.0 

100.0 

66.  7 

66  7 

100  0 

50.0 

$8  and  over 

6  7 

10  0 

33  3 

33  3 

100  0 

50.0 

168  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

Comparing  the  average  wage  of  the  trade-trained  girls  in  the  sew- 
ing trades  with  those  of  the  trade-school  girls  in  the  same  kind  of 
work,  the  power-machine  operators,  it  appears  that  the  trade-trained 
girls  began  at  a  slightly  higher  average,  $4.34  against  $3.92,  but  by 
the  end  of  the  first  year  the  advantage  was  on  the  side  of  the  trade- 
school  girls,  who  were  earning  an  average  wage  of  $6.14  against  the 
$5.36  of  the  trade-trained  girls.  At  the  end  of  the  second  year  the 
trade-school  girl  still  had  the  advantage,  though  the  difference  be- 
tween the  average  wages  of  the  two  groups  was  less  than  at  the  end 
of  the  first  year.  As  there  were  only  three  girls  in  the  trade-school 
group  who  had  worked  three  years  the  comparison  can  hardly  be 
carried  beyond  the  second  year. 

A  comparison  of  these  wages  with  those  received  by  the  trade- 
trained  factory  sewers  in  Boston  shows  the  lower  wage  scale 
prevailing  in  Worcester.  Throughout  their  working  experience 
these  Worcester  workers  never  averaged  $8;  in  Boston  by  the  end 
of  the  third  year  the  corresponding  group  averaged  $8.08.  (See 
Table  62,  p.  105.)  Up  to  the  fourth  year  in  Worcester  almost  two- 
thirds  of  those  employed  in  the  sewing  trades  earned  less  than  $8 
and  of  those  working  from  five  to  nine  years  more  than  one-half 
earned  less  than  $8.  At  the  end  of  the  fourth  year  in  Boston  only 
two-fifths  (41.2  per  cent)  earned  less  than  $8,  and  of  those  working 
from  five  to  nine  years  only  a  little  over  one-fifth  (22  per  cent) 
failed  to  reach  $8. 

The  majority  of  these  girls  were  20  years  of  age  or  over,  and  had 
worked  five  years  or  more.  They  do  not,  therefore,  afford  a  satis- 
factory comparison  with  the  trade-school  girls,  the  majority  of  whom 
were  under  20  and  none  of  whom  had  a  working  experience  of  more 
than  three  years.  The  younger  girls  offer  a  more  satisfactory  basis 
for  comparison,  but  there  were  only  11  under  20  years  of  age,  three 
of  whom  earned  less  than  $6  and  four  earned  less  than  $7.  Only 
four  had  worked  less  than  three  years,  two  of  whom  earned  less  than 
$6  while  two  earned  $7.  The  young  worker  occupies  a  very  small 
place  in  the  skilled  sewing  trades,  either  in  custom  or  wholesale 
manufacturing,  and  particularly  is  this  true  outside  of  the  large 
cities.  Since  these  girls  in  the  Worcester  Evening  Trade  School  come 
for  training  in  making  their  own  clothes  and  not  for  trade  training, 
they  are  probably  fairly  typical  of  the  workers  in  the  sewing  trades 
of  Worcester,  and  their  experiences  give  a  glimpse  into  industrial 
opportunities  in  this  type  of  city. 


WORCESTER    AND   CAMBRIDGE    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


169 


CAMBRIDGE  GIRLS'  TRADE,  SCHOOL. 

The  Cambridge  Trade  School  has  been  in  existence  too  short  a 
time  to  throw  any  light  on  the  question  of  the  industrial  efficiency  of 
trade-school  girls.  It  was  established  February,  1913,  and  up  to  the 
time  of  the  investigation  113  girls  had  gone  out  from  the  school. 

AGE,  INDUSTRIAL  DISTRIBUTION,  AND  WAGES  OF  GIRLS  STUDIED. 

Tables  99,  100, 101,  and  102  show  the  age,  wage,  and  experience  of 
the  51  girls  who  were  earning  wages,  the  distribution  as  to  occupa- 
tion of  the  98  who  were  located,  and  the  age  at  beginning  work. 

TABLE  99.— NUMBER    OF    CAMBRIDGE   TRADE   SCHOOL   GIRLS   IN   SPECIFIED   WAGE 
GROUPS,  BY  AGE  AND  LENGTH  OF  WORKING  EXPERIENCE. 


Wage  group. 

Number  of  girls  earning  specified  wage. 

Total. 

Present  age. 

Length  of  experience. 

Under 
16 

years. 

16  and 
under 
18 
years. 

18 
years 
and 
over. 

Under 
6 
months. 

6  and 
under 
12 
months. 

! 
12  and         18 
under   ,  months 
18      j    and 
months.  ;   over. 

Under  $5                          ...... 

G 
1 

13 

7 
8 
1 

6 
3 
G 

8 
1 
2 
1 

13 
5 

»!    i 

1  '            4 
3               2 

X 
11 

14 

$5  and  under  $C 

$6  and  over  
Not  reported. 

Total  

7 

29 

15 

12 

25 

7  j            7 

51 

TABLE  1OO.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  CAMBRIDGE  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  TRAINED 
IN  SPECIFIED  COURSES  WHO  WERE  EARNING  AND  NOT  EARNING  WAGES. 


Nun 

iber. 

1'er 

cent. 

Condition  as  to  earning  wages. 

Dress- 
making. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Cook- 
ing. 

Total. 

Dress- 
making. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Cook- 
ing. 

Total. 

Earning: 
In  their  own  trades  
In  other  trades  

8 
27 

3 

7 

4 
2 

15 
36 

11.9 
40.3 

15.8 
3G.8 

33.3 
16.7 

15.3 
36.7 

Total  

35 

10 

• 

51 

52.2 

52.6 

50.0 

52.0 

Not  earning: 
Married 

2 

1 

1 

4 

3.0 

5.3 

4.1 

At  home  
At  home  —  housework 

17 
6 

4 
1 

3 
2 

24 
9 

25.4 
9.0 

21.0 
5.3 

25.0 
16.7 

24.5 
9.2 

At  school 

4 

3 

7 

6.0 

15.8 

7.2 

Dead    .                       .  . 

2 

2 

3.0 

2.0 

Lost  position 

1 

1 

1.4 

1.0 

Total     .                                   .  . 

32 

9 

6 

47 

47.8 

47.4 

50.0 

48.0 

Grand  total  

67 

19 

12 

98 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

170 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE  1O1. -NUMBER   OF  CAMBRIDGE  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  IN  SPECIFIED   WAGE 
GROUPS,  BY  AGE  AND  OCCUPATION  AT  TIME  OF  INVESTIGATION. 


Oii-upaikm  at  time 
of  investigation. 

Number  of  girls  earning  specified  wages  who  were  — 

Grand 

total. 

Under  16  years. 

16  and  under  18  years. 

18  years  and  over. 

Un- 
der 

$5 

$5 
and 
under 
$6 

Total. 

Un- 
der 

$0 

$5 
and 
under 

$6 

$6 
and 
over. 

Not 
re- 
port- 
ed. 

Total. 

Un- 
der 

$5 

$5 
and 
under 

$6 

$6 
and 
over. 

Total. 

In  their  own  trades: 
Dressmaking 

1 

1 

1 
..... 

I 

1 

3 

2 
2 

1 
""2" 

....'. 

2 

4 

1 
2 

8 
3 

Millinery     . 

1 

Cooking 

Total  

1 

===== 

•  .'  ',.-,-.:•— 

1 

= 

2 

,.-..,..— 

2 

,    ....   .^-_. 

2 

1 

7 

3 

—J—  L 

7 

15 

1 

14 

16 
5 

In  related  trades 

1 

1 

9 



In    other    occupa- 
tions: 
Manufactures.  .  . 
Trade,  transpor- 
tation, clerical 
work  .  . 

l 

^jjjj; 

5 
1 

2 

6 
3 

3 

3 

4 
1 

~ 

= 

=z==:= 



4 
1 

10 
3 

2 

1 

"~"i" 

3 

5 
2 

Domestic  service 
Total 

5 

1 

6 

11 

6 

5 

22 

sir 

3 

i 

3 

7 

35 
51 

Grand  total... 

6 

l 

13 

8 

8 

1 

2 

6  |       14 

work  .  . 

1 

1 

6 
3 

3 

1 

10 
3 

2 

1 

""i 

3 

5 
2 

16 
5 

Domestic  service 
Total 

5 

1 

6 

11 

6 

5 

22 


30 

3 

:        

6 

i 

3 

7  |          35 

Grand  total... 

6 

1 

13 

8 

8 

1 

2  |        6  |       14 

51 

TAHLE  1O2.—  NUMBER   OF  CAMBRIDGE  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  IN  SPECIFIED    WAGE 
GROUPS,  BY  AGE  AT  BEGINNING  WORK,  AND  INITIAL  OCCUPATION. 

Initial  occupation. 

Number  of  girls  earning  specified  wages  who,  at  beginning 
work,  wei-e  — 

Under  16  years. 

16  years  and  over. 

Grand 

total. 

Un- 
der 

$5 

$5 
and 
under 
$6 

$6 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Un- 
der 
$5 

IS 

and 
under 
$6 

$6 
and 
over. 

Total. 

In  their  own  trade: 
Dressmaking.    . 

2 

1 

3 

3 

1 
5 

4 

1 

3 
1 
1 

10 
3 
6 

13 
8 

Millinery 

Cooking 

i         2 

2 
5 

Total  

4 

—  ; 

1 

1 

_9_ 

5 

5  j       19 

~T[^T 

24 

In  related  trades 

2 

In  other  occupations 
M  anuf  ac  tures 



i 
2 

1 

10 
5 
2 

2           1 
1    

1 

7 
3 

2 
2 
1 

i 

5 

4 
14 

4 

14 
19 
6 

Trade,  transport 
Domestic  service 

Total 

ition, 

clerical  work  

13 
~19~ 

3           1  i       17 
4           1  i      24 

11 

20~ 

5 

icT 

6 

= 

22 

••-.-•-••- 

42 

39 
66 

Grand  total... 

It  will  be  seen  that  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  51  girls  who  were 
employed  at  the  time  of  the  investigation  were  under  18  years  of 
age  and  almost  three-fourths  had  been  at  work  less  than  one  year. 
One-half  of  those  reporting  their  wages  earned  less  than  $5  a  week, 
and  nearly  three-fourths  (72  per  cent)  earned  less  than  $6. 

Only  a  little  over  one-half  of  the  girls  located  were  earning,  and 
of  those  who  were  gainfully  employed  not  one-third  (29.4  per  cent) 


WORCESTER  AND  CAMBRIDGE   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS.  171 

were  working  at  the  trade  for  which  they  had  been  trained.  Of  the 
47  who  were  not  earning,  33  (70.2  per  cent)  were  at  home,  not  mar- 
ried. The  immaturity  of  many  of  these  girls  makes  it  difficult  for 
them  to  secure  profitable  employment.  Of  the  seven  girls  under  16 
only  one  was  employed  in  the  trade  for  which  she  had  been  trained, 
while  five  were  in  manufactures.  One-fourth  of  the  girls  aged  16 
and  under  18,  and  one-half  of  those  aged  18  and  over  were  in  the 
trades  for  which  they  had  been  trained,  showing  the  relation  of  ma- 
turity to  success  in  securing  employment  in  the  trades  for  which  the 
school  trains.  Maturity  also  has  an  important  relation  to  the  wage, 
none  of  those  under  1 6  years,  two-sevenths  of  those  aged  1-6  but  under 
18,  and  two-fifths  of  those  aged  18  or  over  earning  $6  or  more  a  week. 

Sixty-six  of  the  98  girls  located  went  to  work  on  leaving  trade 
school,  a  few  more  than  one-third  entering  the  trade  for  which  they 
were  trained.  Almost  four-fifths  of  these  were  16  years  of  age  or 
over,  and  four-fifths  earned  an  initial  wage  of  less  than  $6.  About 
three-fifths  entered  whoUy  unrelated  occupations.  More  than  one- 
half  of  these  were  16  years  of  age  or  over,  and  more  than  four-fifths 
earned  an  initial  wage  of  less  than  $6. 

The  skilled  sewing  trades  hold  a  very  small  place  in  Cambridge, 
and  the  local  dressmakers  and  milliners  have  little  or  no  need  for  the 
young,  partially  equipped  worker.  For  opportunity  to  exercise  her 
trade,  therefore,  the  young  trade-school  girl  trained  in  sewing  would 
usually  have  to  go  to  the  shops  of  Boston.  The  large  factories  in 
Cambridge,  which  have  a  considerable  demand  for  unskilled  or 
medium  skilled  young  girls,  draw  many  of  these  young  workers  be- 
cause of  their  proximity.  The  stores  of  Boston  and  Cambridge  offer 
them  opportunities  as  cash  girls  and  bundle  girls.  It  appears,  there- 
fore, that  there  is  but  little  opportunity  for  the  girls  trained  in  the 
custom  sewing  trades  to  enter  their  trades  after  leaving  school.  The 
cooking  courses  which  the  school  is  developing  may  lead  to  more 
promising  opportunities,  but  the  extreme  youth  of  the  girls  on  leaving 
handicaps  them  seriously  in  this  work. 

SUMMARY. 

The  trade  experience  of  the  pupils  trained  in  the  Worcester  and 
Cambridge  trade  schools  is  of  interest  in  showing  very  concretely  the 
necessity  for  an  intimate  understanding  and  recognition  by  trade 
educators  of  industrial  needs  and  opportunities.  The  preliminary 
surveys  of  the  industrial  opportunities  in  Worcester  and  Cambridge 
in  1911  *  pointed  out  the  very  limited  number  of  opportunities,  espe- 
cially for  the  young  girl,  in  the  custom  sewing  trades  in  these  cities, 
and  urged  that  the  emphasis  be  put  on  the  power-machine  sewing 
trades.  The  rapid  development  of  the  ready-made  do  tiling  trade 

i  Department  of  Research,  Women's  Educational  and  Industrial  Union:  A  trade  school  for  girls,  a  pre- 
liminary investigation  in  a  typical  manufacturing  city,  Worcester,  Mass.,  United  States  Bureau  qf  Edu- 
cation, Bulletin,  1913,  No.  17.  The  Cambridge  report  was  not  published. 


172  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

during  the  past  five  years  has  made  the  situation  even  less  favorable 
for  the  young  girl  trained  in  the  sewing  trades.  The  increasing 
regulation  of  the  work  of  children  under  16  years  old  has  also  helped 
to  diminish  the  opportunities  open  to  the  young  trade-school  girl. 
Extremely  limited  trade  opportunities  to  begin  with,  and  increasing 
limitations  due  to  industrial  evolution  and  legal  regulation  of  child 
labor,  therefore,  explain  the  small  proportion  of  girls  who  have  used 
their  trades  in  these  two  smaller  cities.  The  Cambridge  Trade  School, 
moreover,  because  of  its  very  recent  establishment,  is  in  much  the 
same  position  as  the  Boston  Trade  School  during  its  first  years — that 
is,  it  is  the  last  resort  of  many  pupils  who  have  little  conception  of  its 
purpose,  "but  thought  they  would  try  it."  These  soon  find  them- 
selves little  adapted  to  the  requirements  of  the  particular  trade  chosen 
and  drop  out.  Because  of  their  immaturity  and  lack  of  training  they 
are  then  either  unemployed  or  find  work  in  unskilled  employment. 

Both  schools  fully  appreciate  the  situation  and  are  seeking  to 
solve  the  problem  in  different  ways. 

In  Worcester  the  plan  is  to  limit  the  number  trained  for  the  cus- 
tom sewing  trades  and  to  urge  a  four  years''  course.  With  a  back- 
ground of  four  years'  experience  in  the  school  and  the  maturity  of 
18  years  or  more  it  is  believed  these  few  girls  can  meet  the  trade 
requirements  in  this  particular  locality.  The  department  of  power- 
machine  sewing  is  to  be  expanded  to  several  times  its  present  size, 
since  the  only  large  opportunity  in  the  sewing  trades  is  found  in 
the  factory  sewing  trades,  the  manufacture  of  corsets  and  muslin 
underwear  predominating.  A  domestic  arts  course  of  four  years  is 
to  be  offered  to  the  girl  who  can  spend  four  years  in  school  but  need 
not  prepare  directly  for  wage  earning,  since  there  is  no  high  school  of 
this  type  in  Worcester. 

Although  the  girls  from  the  Worcester  Trade  School  have  been  in 
the  industrial  world  too  short  a  time  to  afford  the  basis  for  a  satis- 
factory study  of  industrial  efficiency,  they  compare  favorably  with 
those  trained  in  the  trades.  Their  wage  scale  is  somewhat  lower 
than  that  prevailing  among  the  Boston  girls,  but  their  longer  working 
season  probably  neutralizes  this  disadvantage.  Moreover,  many  of  the 
same  tendencies  can  be  discovered  in  their  experience  that  were  found 
in  the  experience  of  the  Boston  girls.  The  relation  between  wage  and 
increasing  maturity  and  w^age  and  length  of  experience  is  obvious. 

In  Cambridge,  as  in  Worcester,  the  necessity  of  limiting  the  num- 
bers trained  for  custom  sewing  is  recognized.  The  millinery  depart- 
ment has  been  given  up.  Emphasis  is  being  put  on  trade  cooking, 
but  in  this  line  also  the  extreme  youth  of  the  girls  seriously  limits 
wage-earning  opportunities.  Effort  is  also  being  made  to  familiar- 
ize parents  with  the  real  motive  of  the  school,  that  there  may  be 
less  waste  due  to  a  misunderstanding  of  its  purpose. 


CHAPTER  VI.— THE  GIRL  WHO  HAS  BEEN  TRAINED  IN  THE 

TRADE  SCHOOL. 

LOCATION  IN  REGARD  TO  SCHOOL. 

AREA  FROM  WHICH  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  ARE  DRAWN. 

The  2,044  girls  who  have  gone  out  from  the  Boston  Trade  School 
for  Girls  during  its  10  years  of  existence  represent  a  wide  range  of 
social  and  economic  environments.  In  this  respect,  it  is  not  differ- 
ent from  the  ordinary  public  school,  but  it  is  unique  in  the  wide  geo- 
graphical area  from  which  it  draws  its  pupils.  These  girls  have  come 
from  88  different  sections  of  the  city  and  surrounding  country.  Since 
it  was  the  only  school  of  its  kind  in  Massachusetts  from  1904  to  1911, 
and  since  it  offered  a  new  type  of  specialized  instruction,  with  an 
immediate,  practical  end  in  view,  it  attracted  a  relatively  large  pro- 
portion, 15.8  per  cent,  from  suburbs.  The  majority,  80.1  per  cent, 
naturally  came  from  the  city  of  Boston,  but  even  these  girls  repre- 
sented 18  widely  different  sections  of  the  city,  from  the  congested 
foreign  quarters  of  the  North  and  West  Ends,  to  the  semisuburban 
districts  of  Roslindale  and  Forest  Hills. 

More  than  one-third,  35  per  cent,  lived  in  the  South  End  and 
Roxbury,  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the  school.  This  prox- 
imity to  the  school  may  account  for  the  large  proportion  who  ' '  thought 
they  would  try  it,"  for  almost  one-third  of  these  girls  living  in  the 
immediate  neighborhood  remained  in  the  trade  school  less  than 
three  months.  The  outlying  sections  of  the  city,  however,  for  the 
most  part  beyond  walking  distance,  furnished  an  even  larger  pro- 
portion of  the  attendance  (45.1  per  cent)  than  came  from  the  imme- 
diate neighborhood. 

Although  the  trade  school  is  not  located  in  the  center  of  the  city, 
it  is  very  accessible  to  many  outlying  sections  through  the  Boston 
Elevated  System.  Its  favDrable  position  near  a  junction  of  the 
elevated  system  has  doubtless  helped  to  make  possible  the  attend- 
ance of  the  comparatively  large  proportion,  15.8  per  cent,  who  came 
from  suburbs  lying  within  a  10-mile  circuit  of  Boston.  Almost 
three-fourths,  72.7  per  cent,  of  these  suburban  girls,  however, 
lived  within  the  5-cent  car-fare  limit.  Of  the  total  attendance,  2.9 
per  cent  came  from  outside  towns  and  cities,  almost  one-half  of 
these  from  within,  a  15-mile  circuit  of  Boston,  although  36  girls 
came  from  a  greater  distance.  For  22  girls  (1.1  per  cent)  location 
was  not  reported.  Almost  two-thirds,  63.9  per  cent,  therefore,  came 
from  such  a  distance  that  they  would  ordinarily  be  dependent  on  the 

173 


174 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


cars.  The  immaturity  of  these  young  girls,  62.6  per  cent  entering 
the  trade  school  before  the  age  of  16,a  together  with  the  expense  in- 
volved for  car  fares  and  luncheons,  while  attending  school,  makes  it 
seem  remarkable  that  so  many  make  the  effort  at  all. 

DISTANCE  FROM  SCHOOL  AND  PERSISTENCE  IN  ATTENDANCE. 

The  following  tables  show  the  relation  between  the  distance  from 
which  the  girls  come  to  the  school  and  both  their  persistence  in  the 
school  and  their  tendency  to  make  use  of  their  training  after  leaving : 

TABLE  1O3.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  GIRLS  ATTENDING  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL 
EACH  SPECIFIED  LENGTH  OF  TIME,  BY  LOCALITY  OF  RESIDENCE. 

NUMBER. 


Girl 

s  attend] 

ngeach 

specified 

number 

of  mont 

ns— 

Locality  of  residence. 

Under 
3 

3  and 
under 
6 

6  and 
under 
9 

9  and 
under 
12 

12  and 
under 
18 

18  and 
over. 

Not  re- 
ported. 

Total. 

Boston 

499 

204 

201 

142 

299 

146 

146 

1  637 

Suburbs  

78 

51 

42 

37 

72 

17 

26 

'323 

Outside  towns   ...                     

10 

8 

12 

8 

13 

4 

4 

59 

Outside  of  State 

1 

1 

1 

3 

Not  reported  

5 

1 

5 

3 

2 

2 

4 

22 

Total     . 

593 

264 

260 

191 

387 

169 

180 

2  044 

PER  CENT.' 


Boston 

33  5 

13.7 

13.4 

9.5 

20.0 

9.8 

100  0 

Suburbs 

26  3 

17  2 

14.1 

12  5 

24  2 

5  7 

100  0 

Outside  towns 

18.2 

14.5 

21.8 

14.5 

23.6 

7.3 

100  0 

Outside  of  State 

33.3 

33.3 

33.3 

100  0 

Not  reported 

27  8 

5  6 

27.8 

16.7 

11.  1 

11.1 

100  0 

Total 

31.8 

14.2 

13.9 

10.2 

20.8 

9.1 

100.0 

i  Based  on  number  of  girls  whose  length  of  attendance  was  reported. 

TABLE  1O4.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  USING  AND 
NOT  USING  THEIR  TRADE,  BY  LOCALITY  OF  RESIDENCE. 


Locality  of  residence. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Using 
their 
trade. 

Not  using  their 
trade  but  at- 
tending the 
school— 

Total. 

Using 
their 
trade. 

Not  using  their 
trade  but  at- 
tending the 
school  —  • 

Total. 

9 
months 
or 
more. 

Less 
than 
9 
months. 

9 
months 
or 
more. 

Less 
than 
9 

months. 

Boston  ..  . 

602 
144 
35 
2 
5 

109 
17 
4 

926 
162 
20 
1 
13 

1.637 
323 
59 
3 
22 

36.8 
44.6 
59.3 
66.7 
22.7 

6.6 
5.3 
6.8 

""18.2 

56.6 
50.1 
33.9 
33.3 

59.1 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

Suburbs.  -  .  j 

Outside  towns 

Outside  of  State 

Not  reported  

4 

Total     . 

788 

134 

1,122 

2,044 

38.6  1        6.6 

54.9 

100.0 

«  See  Table  5,  p.  22. 


THE   GIRL   TRAINED  IN   THE   TRADE   SCHOOL.  175 

Evidently  the  distance  from  school  and  the  consequent  effort 
involved  in  coming  have  a  direct  bearing  on  the  girls'  persistence  in 
their  courses.  One- third  of  the  girls  living  in  Boston  who  reported 
on  this  subject  remained  less  than  three  months,  as  compared  with 
26.3  per  cent  from  the  suburbs,  and  18.2  per  cent  from  outside  cities 
and  towns.  Inversely,  an  increasing  proportion  remained  nine 
months  or  more,  with  the  increasing  distance  from  the  school.  Only 
39.3  per  cent  of  the  girls  living* in  Boston  remained  nine  months  or 
more,  as  compared  with  42.4  per  cent  from  the  suburbs,  and  45.4 
per  cent  from  the  outside  towns  and  cities. 

DISTANCE  FROM  SCHOOL  AND  USE  OF  TRADE. 

Again,  an  obvious  relation  between  effort  involved  in  securing  the 
training  and  seriousness  of  purpose  appears  in  the  proportions  enter- 
ing the  trade  for  which  they  were  trained.  A  little  more  than  one- 
third,  36.8  per  cent,  of  the  girls  living  in  Boston  used  their  training  in 
a  wage-earning  capacity;  44.6  per  cent  of  those  living  in  the  suburbs 
and  59.3  per  cent  of  those  in  outside  cities  and  towns  entered  the 
trade  for  which  they  were  trained. 

The  location  of  the  girl's  home  may  determine  her  opportunity  to 
use  her  trade.  Those  living  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the  city 
are  handicapped  because  they  must  either  find  openings  in  the 
vicinity  of  their  homes,  or  be  at  considerable  expense  to  take  advan- 
tage of  the  wider  opportunities  in  the  city  itself.  The  sewing  trades, 
for  instance,  are  but  little  developed  outside  the  city  and  very  few 
suburban  and  country  dressmakers  employ  young  girls.  As  most  of 
these  trade-school  girls  are  quite  young  on  leaving  the  school  (42.9  per 
cent  were  under  16  and  68.1  per  cent  under  17  ]),  they  are  usually  too 
immature  and  inexperienced  to  do  the  independent  dressmaking  and 
millinery,  which  is  the  characteristic  method  of  production  outside  a 
large  city,2  and  comparatively  few  factories  making  ready-made  cloth- 
ing or  straw  hats  are  now  found  in  the  suburbs,  though  there  is  a 
tendency  recently  to  build  such  factories  in  the  suburban  sections  of 
Boston. 

Some  girls  have  been  able  to  secure  positions  in  the  vicinity  of  their 
homes,  but  others  are  in  the  position  of  the  girl  who  "must  remain  at 
home  at  least  one  year  because  she  was  too  young  to  live  in  the  city 
among  strangers  and  if  she  had  worked  in  her  trade  she  would  have 
had  to  board  in  town  in  order  to  get  to  work  on  time  in  the  morning." 
The  most  successful  girl  trained  in  millinery  hi  the  Boston  Trade 
School  lived  near  Worcester  and  has  never  worked  in  Boston,  but  she 

1  See  Table  11,  p.  30. 

2  For  further  discussion  of  the  different  types  of  production,  see  Dressmaking  as  a  trade  for  women  in 
Massachusetts,  Bui.  No.  193,  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics. 


176 


INDUSTRIAL    EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


was  a  high-school  graduate,  and  although  only  1 6  years  of  age  on 
leaving  school,  was  able  to  take  a  $10  position  as  milliner  in  a  general 
store  in  a  small  town  on  first  leaving  the  trade  school.  This  was,  of 
course,  unusual  and  may  have  been  partially  due  to  her  early  training 
in  sewing  with  her  mother,  who  was  a  dressmaker. 

NATIVITY  OF  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 

Since  the  tendency  of  a  secondary  school  is  to  attract  a  selected 
group,  that  is,  from  families  which  do  not  have  to  send  their  girls  to 
work  at  14  years  of  age,  it  is  important  to  discover  how  far  the  type 
of  girl  coming  for  trade  training  conforms  to  the  type  already  in  the 
trade;  for  her  subsequent  stability  in  the  trade  will  probably 
depend  largely  on  the  extent  to  which  she  finds  her  surroundings 
congenial. 

The  following  tables  show  how,  in  the  matter  of  nativity,  the 
girls  trained  in  the  Boston  and  Worcester  schools  for  the  sewing 
trades  compare  with  the  total  women  in  those  trades,  as  shown  by 
United  States  census  figures: 

TABLE  1O5.-N  UMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  WOMEN   OF  SPECIFIED  NATIVITY  IN  THE 
SEWING  TRADES  IN  BOSTON  AND  WORCESTER  ACCORDING  TO  THE  CENSUS  OF  1910. 

NUMBER. 


Boston.1 

Worcester.2 

Nativity. 

Dress- 
mak- 
ing. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Ma- 
chine 
operat- 
ing. 

Total. 

Dress- 
mak- 
ing. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Ma- 
chine 
operat- 
ing. 

Total. 

Native  white: 
Native  parentage 

1.465 
1,801 

545 
803 

537 
1,348 

2,547 
3,952 

247 
2% 

88 
177 

352 
1,129 

687 
1,602 

Foreign  parentage 

Total 

3.266 
3,016 
288 

3 

1,348 
474 
17 
1 

1,885 
2,167 
S 
3 

6,499 
5,657 
308 

7 

543 
246 
11 

265 

42 

1,481 
645 
6 

2,289 
933 
17 

Foreign-born  white  

Nejnx) 

Allother  -  
Grand  tota  1    

6,568 

1,840 

4,063 

12,471 

800 

307 

2,132 

3,239 

PER  CENT  OF  EACH  NATIVITY. 


Native  white: 
Native  parentage  

22.3 

29.6 

13.2 

20.4 

30.9 

28.7 

16.5 

21.2 

Foreign  parentage.  

27.4 

43.6 

33.2 

31.7 

37.0 

57.6 

53.0 

49.5 

Total             

49  7 

73  2 

46  4 

52.1 

67.9 

86.3 

69.5 

70.7 

Foreign-born  white  

45.9 

25.8 

53.  3 

45.3 

30.7 

13.7 

30.2 

28.8 

4  3 

9 

2 

2  5 

1.4 

.3 

.5 

Allother 

1 

1 

1 

1 

Grand  total    

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

1  From  Thirteenth  Census  of  the  United  States,  1910,  Vol.  IV,  Population,  p.  510. 

2  Idem,  p.  607. 


'I  Hi:    (i!HL    TK.MXr.l)    IX    Till-]    TRADE    SCHOOL. 


177 


TAMLK  106.-NUMBEK  AND  PER  CENT  OF  WOMEN  OF  SPECIFIED  NATIVITY  AMONG 
THOSE  1  RAINED  IN  THE  SEWING  TRADES  IN  BOSTON  AND  WORCESTER  TRADE 
SCHOOL  AND  USING  THEIR  TRADES. 

NUMBER. 


Nativity. 

Women  using  their  trades  after  training  in-- 

lioston  Trade  School. 

Worcester  Trade  School. 

Dress- 
mak- 
ing. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Ma- 
chine 
operat- 
ing. 

Total. 

Drew- 

mak- 
ing. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Ma- 
chine 
operat- 
ing. 

Total. 

Native  white: 
.N  :\  !  i  ve  parentage  

104 
22S 

332 
37 
36 

18 

50 
79 

51 

SO 

211 

3*7 

75 
118 

2.-, 
22 

26 
31 

126 
171 

297 
21 
8 
12 

Foreign  parentage 

Total  

135 
12 
3 

7 

131 
16 
3 
3 

159,8 
65 
42 

28 

193 
16 

7 
8 

47 
2 
1 
3 

I 

Foreign-born  white 

Nesrro 

A  11  "others  2.. 

Grand  tctal  

42.3           157 

153 

3  733 

224 

53 

61 

<338 

PEK  CEXT  OF  EACH  NATIVITY. 


Native  white: 
Native  parentage  

24.6 

35.  7 

33.3 

28.8 

33.5 

47.1 

42.6 

0"    o 

Foreign  parentage  . 

53  9 

50  3 

52  3 

52.8 

52.7 

41  5 

50  8 

50  5 

Total 

78  5 

86  0 

85  6 

81  6 

86  2 

8«  7 

93  4 

87  8 

Foreign-born  white 

«  7 

7  6 

10  4 

8  9 

7.1 

3  8 

4  9 

6  2 

Necro.  . 

8  5 

1  9 

2  0 

5  7 

3  1 

1  9 

2  4 

All  others  . 

4  3 

4  5 

2  0 

3.8 

3  6 

5  7 

1  7 

3  6 

Grand  total 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

1  Not  including  21  whose  fathers'  birthplaces  were  not  reported. 

2  These  are  girls  whose  birthplace  or  who^e  fathers*  birthplace  was  not  reported. 

3  Not  including  11  others  visited  who  were  employed  in  cooking  and  design,  of  whom  7 
white  of  native  parentage,  1  native-born  white  of  foreign  parentage,  and  3  Negroes. 

*  Not  including  5  for  whom  no  data  were  secured  as  to  courses  taken. 


were  native-born 


Almost  one-half,  45.9  per  cent,  of  all  the  dressmakers  and  seam- 
stresses in  Boston  are  foreign-born  white  as  compared  with  only  8.7 
per  cent  of  the  423  trade-school  girls  who  have  been  sent  from  the 
school  into  this  trade.  That  is,  the  trade  school  is  training  a  highly 
selected  group,  from  the  standpoint  of  nativity,  so  that  a  girl  fre- 
quently leaves  her  position  or  the  trade  because  "I  didn't  like  the 
class  of  girls"  or  "Mother  didn't  want  me  to  be  with  those  girls." 
More  than  three-fourths,  78.5  per  cent,  of  the  trade-school  girls  going 
out  into  the  dressmaking  trade  are  native-born  white  as  compared 
with  less  than  one-half,  49.7  per  cent,  already  in  the  trade  who  are 
native-born  white.  The  proportion,  of  girls  who  are  native  white  of 
native  parentage  is  practically  the  same  in  both  groups,  but  while  the 
predominant  type  in  the  trade  is  foreign  born,  the  predominant  type 
going  out  from  the  trade  school  is  one  generation  Americanized, 
being  native  born  but  with  .foreign-born  parents.  A  disproportion- 
ately large  number  of  Negroes  also  came  to  the  trade  school  for 

85225°— 17— Bull.  215 12 


178  INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE   OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

dressmaking,  8.5  per  cent,  as  compared  with  4.3  per  cent  in  the  trade. 
These  colored  girls  find  themselves  seriously  handicapped  in  securing 
positions  in  dressmaking,  and  it  is  practically  impossible  for  them 
to  secure  work  in  the  power-machine  sewing  trades. 

The  girls  trained  in  millinery  approach  more  nearly  to  the  type 
already  in  the  trade,  although  the  proportion  of  Negroes  is  larger 
(1.9  per  cent  trained  in  the  school  and  0.9  per  cent  in  the  trade) 
and  the  foreign-born  white  in  the  trade  constitute  a  much  larger 
proportion  (25.8  per  cent)  than  is  true  of  the  trade-school  group, 
in  which  they  form  7.6  per  cent. 

The  girls  trained  in  power-machine  operating  show  the  largest  pro- 
portion (10.4  per  cent)  of  foreign  born  of  any  of  the  trade  groups  in  the 
school,  but  even  this  proportion  is  very  small  in  comparison  with 
the  53.3  per  cent  of  foreign  born  in  the  machine-operating  trades. 
While  33.3  per  cent  of  the  trade-school  girls  trained  and  going  out 
into  the  operating  trades  were  native  born  of  native  parentage,  only 
13.2  per  cent  in  the  trade  itself  were  of  this  group. 

In  Worcester  also  girls  coming  to  the  trade  school  for  training  in 
the  sewing  trades  show  a  higher  proportion  of  native  born,  87.8  per 
cent,  than  is  discovered  in  these  trades  as  a  whole,  where  they  form 
70.7  per  cent.  More  than  four-fifths,  86.2  per  cent-j"  of  the  girls 
trained  in  dressmaking  were  native-born  white  as  compared  with 
67.9  per  cent  in  the  trade.  The  pupils  in  millinery,  88.7  per  cent 
native  white,  however,  are  typical  of  the  trade  of  the  city  with  86.3 
per  cent  native  white.  The  greatest  difference  appears  in  the  power- 
machine  operators,  93.4  per  cent  who  took  the  training  in  the  school 
as  compared  with  69.5  per  cent  in  the  trade  being  native  white. 
Forty-two  (42.6)  per  cent  of  the  sewing-machine  operators  in  the 
school  and  only  16.5  per  cent  of  those  in  the  trade  had  native-born 
parents. 

For  the  girls  of  the  Cambridge  Trade  School,  the  comparison  of 
nativity  is  necessarily  limited  to  those  trained  for  dressmaking,  for 
the  census  table  used  does  not  give  the  nativity  data  for  milliners 
in  Cambridge,  and  though  it  does  give  them  for  women  engaged  in 
"personal  and  domestic  service,"  this  group  does  not  correspond  to 
the  group  of  girls  trained  for  cooking.  But  for  the  women  engaged 
in  dressmaking  in  Cambridge,  and  for  the  girls  trained  in  dressmaking 
in  the  Cambridge  Trade  School,  the  number  and  proportion  in  the 
different  nativity  groups  are  as  follows: 


THE   GIRL  TRAINED  IN    THE   TRADE   SCHOOL. 


179 


'ABLE  107^-NUMBER  AND  PERCENT  OF  EACH  SPECIFIED  NATIVITY  AMONG  WOMEN 
IN  THE  DRESSMAKING  TRADE  IN  CAMBRIDGE  AND  AMONG  GIRLS  TRAINED  IN 
DRESSMAKING  IN  THE  TRADE  SCHOOL. 


Nativity. 

Women  in  dress- 
making in  Cam- 
bridge, i 

Girls    trained    in 
dressmaking    in 
Cambridge  Trade 
School. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Native  white: 
Native  parentage.  . 
Foreign  parentage  . 

Total     

154 
197 

351 
324 
80 
2 

20.2 
26.2 

31 

21 

46.3 
31.3 

46.4 
42.8 
10.6 
.2 

52 
6 
7 
2 

77.6 
9.0 
10.4 
3.0 

Foreign-born  white.  . 
Negro    

All  others 

Grand  total  

757 

100.0 

67 

100.0 

i  From  Thirteenth  Census  of  the  United  States,  1910,  Vol.  IV,  Population,  p.  544. 

The  variation  between  the  two  groups  approaches  more  nearly  to 
that  found  in  Boston  than  in  Worcester.  Forty-six  (46.4  per  cent) 
in  the  trade  and  77.6  per  cent  in  the  school  group  are  native  born; 
42.8  per  cent  in  the  trade  and  9  per  cent  in  the  school  group  are 
foreign  born.  In  Cambridge  Negroes  form  a  much  larger  proportion 
of  the  trade  group  than  in  Boston — 10.6  per  cent  against  4.3  per 
cent — and  they  are  correspondingly  more  numerous  among  the 
trade-school  dressmakers,  where  they  form  almost  exactly  the  same 
proportion  as  in  the  trade,  10.4  per  cent. 

Comparison  of  the  three  cities  seems  to  show  that  it  is  a  "trade- 
school  type"  rather  than  a  "trade  type"  which  is  attracted  for  the 
training  offered  by  the  trade  school.  While  but  52.1  per  cent  of  the 
women  engaged  in  the  sewing  trades  in  Boston  and  70.7  per  cent  in 
Worcester  were  native  white,  more  than  four-fifths  of  the  girls 
attending  the  two  trade  schools,  81.6  per  cent  in  Boston  and  87.8 
per  cent  in  Worcester,  were  native  white.  Almost  one-half,  45.3  per 
cent,  of  the  women  in  the  sewing  trades  hi  Boston  and  more  than 
one-fourth,  28.8  per  cent,  in  Worcester  were  foreign  born,  but  both 
schools  drew  a  decidedly  small  proportion  (8.9  per  cent  in  Boston  and 
6.2  per  cent  in  Worcester)  from  the  foreign  born,  probably  on  account 
of  the  economic  pressure  in  the  family  of  the  recent  immigrant. 
The  larger  proportion  of  Negroes  than  is  characteristic  of  the  trade 
likewise  appeared  in  both  schools.1 

Combining  all  born  in  this  country  (regardless  of  color),  about 
nine-tenths  of  the  girls  in  each  of  the  three  trade  schools  were  native 
born  and  about  one-tenth  foreign  born.  The  largest  proportion  of 
the  foreign  born  came  from  non-English  speaking  countries.  About 
two-fifths  of  the  girls  had  native-born  parents,  a  larger  proportion 

1  Nativity  by  occupations  is  not  given  for  Cambridge. 


180 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


in  Cambridge  and  a  smaller  proportion  in  Boston.  Over  63  (63.7) 
per  cent  in  Boston,  58.9  per  cent  in  Worcester,  and  41.5  per  cent  in 
Cambridge  had  foreign-born  parents.  About  equal  proportions  of  the 
parents  came  from  English  and  non-English  speaking  countries. 

TABU;  108.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  EACH  NATIVITY  IN  TOTAL  POPULATION  15 
TO  20  YEARS  OF  AGE,  AMONG  CHILDREN  OF  THESE  AGES  IN  SCHOOLS,  AND  AMONG 
TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS  IN  BOSTON,  WORCESTER,  AND  CAMBRIDGE. 

NUMBER. 


Nativity. 

Boston.* 

Worcester 

Cambridge. 

Population 
15  to  20  years 
of  age. 

Girls  going  out  from 
the  trade  school. 

Population 
15  to  20  years 
of  age. 

Girls 
going 
out 
from 
the 
trade 
school. 

Population 
15  to  20  years 
of  age. 

Girls 
going 
out 
from 
the 
trade 
school. 

Total 

At- 
tend- 
ing 
school. 

Total. 

Using 
trade. 

Not 
using 
trade.2 

Total. 

At- 
tend- 
ing 

school. 

Total. 

At- 
tend- 
ing 
school. 

Native  white: 
Native  parentage  .  . 
Foreign  parentage. 
Not  reported 

8,169 
17,528 

3,567 
5,729 

263 
438 
21 

218 
388 
21 

45 
50 

4,  330 
7,970 

1,835 
2,152 

126 
170 
8 

304 
22 
8 
9 

2,  633 
5,  014 

1,217 
1,728 

46 
28 
3 

Total 

j 

12,300 
3,551 
112 

3,987 
492 
26 

•J.->,  ti!)7 
9,  2X7 
613 

9,  296 
1,647 
193 

722 
70 
47 
10 

627 
65 
45 

7 

95 
5 
2 
3 

8,247 
2,199 
475 

2,945 
318 
171 

77 
9 
11 
16 

Foreign-born  white  
Negro  

•Ml  others 

Grand  total  

335,597 

»1  l,13li        M!>         744         105 

415,963 

<  4,505 

343 

-10,921 

3,434 

113 

PER  CENT  OF  EACH  SPECIFIED  NATIVITY.* 


Native  white: 
Native  parentage.. 
Foreign  parentage  . 
Not  reported 

22.9 
49.3 

32.0 
51.5 

31.3 
52.2 
2.5 

29.6 
52.6 

2.8 

44.1 
49.0 

27.1 
50.0 

-10.7 
47.8 

37.  7 
50.9 
2  4 

24.1 
51.4 

35.4 
50.4 

47.4 
28.9 
3  1 

Total                .   . 

72.2 

83.5 

86.0 

85.0 

93.1 

77.1 

88.5 

91.0 

75.5 

85.8 

79  4 

Foreign-born  white  
Negro          

26.  1 
1.7 

14.8 
1.7 

8.4 
5.6 

8.9 
6.1 

4.9 
2.0 

22.2 

.7 

11.0 
.5 

6.6 
2.4 

20.1 
4.4 

9.3 
4.9 

11.3 

9.3 

Grand  total  

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

1  United  States  Census,  1910,  Vol.  I,  Population,  pp.  1160,  1171,  1173. 

2  After  attending  trade  school  9  months  or  more. 

3  Totals  in  census  report  are  35,600  and  11,127,  respectively. 
<  Totals  in  census  report  are  15,964  and  4,506,  respectively. 

5  Total  in  census  report  is  10,924. 
e  Excluding  "All  others." 

Since  the  trade  schools  in  two  quite  different  cities  draw  a  similar 
type  of  pupil  from  the  standpoint  of  nativity,  it  is  of  interest  to 
discover  to  what  extent  these  girls  who  come  for  trade  training  are 
characteristic  of  the  total  group  of  about  the  same  age  who  are 
attending  school.  The  Boston  Trade  School  records  did  not  state 
nativity,  so  the  comparison  is  restricted  to  the  849  girls  personally 
visited,  including  all  who  used  their  training  in  a  wage-earning 
capacity  and  all  others  who  attended  nine  months  or  more.  On 
the  other  hand,  while  the  nativity  of  all  the  girls  going  out  from  the 
Worcester  and  Cambridge  trade  schools  1  is  available,  the  census 


Not  including  15  not  located. 


THE    (ilKF.    TRAINED   IN    THE    TRADE    SCHOOL.  181 

statistics  of  the  nativity  of  the  children  15  to  20  years  of  age  attend- 
ing school  in  these  cities  are  not  given  separately  for  boys  and  for  girls, 
Imt  as  about  an  equal  number  of  boys  and  girls  are  reported  the 
proportions  are  probably  approximately  correct.  In  the  three  cities 
the  statistics  for  the  whole  group  are  those  for  1909,  while  those 
from  the  school  cover  a  period  of  several  years  grouping  about  this 
date.  Under  (these  conditions  Table  108  gives  the  nativity  of  the 
children  15  to  20  years  old  in  the  general  population  of  those  in  this 
age  group  attending  school  and  of  the  trade-school  girls  studied. 

The  girls  attracted  to  the  trade  school  are  predominantly  native 
white,  this  class  being  characteristic  *)f  the  cities  in  which  these 
schools  are  located;  but,  as  might  be  expected,  the  trade  school 
attracts  a  selected  group.  Thus,  while  72.2  per  cent  of  the  children 
15  to  20  years  old  in  Boston  are  native  white,  86  per  cent  of  those 
going  out  from  the  trade  school  are  in  this  group.  In  Worcester,  77.1 
per  cent  of  the  children  15  to  20  years  old  are  native  white,  but  91.0 
per  cent  of  the  trade-school  girls  fall  within  this  classification,  show- 
ing also  a  selected  group.  In  Cambridge,  however,  the  trade-school 
group  is  more  nearly  typical  of  the  whole  15  to  20  year  old  population, 
75.5  per  cent  in  the  city  and  79.4  per  cent  in  the  school  being  native  white. 

The  question  then  arises :  How  representative  of  the  school  popula- 
tion of  15  to  20  years  is  the  type  attracted  to  the  trade  school?  In 
respect  to  the  native-born  whites,  the  two  groups  are  very  similar  in 
Boston  and  Worcester.  In  Boston,  83.5  per  cent  of  the  15  to  20 
year  old  children  attending  school  and  86  per  cent  of  the  girls  going 
out  from  the  trade  school  are  native  white.  In  Worcester,  88.5  per 
cent  of  the  children  15  to  20  years  of  age  attending  school  and  91  per 
cent  of  the  trade-school  girls  are  native  white.  Similar  proportions 
having  native  and  foreign-born  parents  are  also  found  in  the  two  school 
groups  in  both  cities.  In  Cambridge,  however,  while  85.8  per  cent 
of  the  15  to  20  year  old  school  population  are  native-born  white,  only 
79.4  per  cent  of  the  trade-school  group  fall  within  this  classification. 
This  difference  is  due  partly  to  the  proportionately  large  group  of 
Negroes  in  the  trade  school. 

An  interesting  difference  appears  between  the  744. girls  who  used 
their  training  and  the  105  who  attended  the  Boston  Trade  School 
.  nine  months  or  more  and  did  not  use  the  trade,  85  per  cent  of  the 
former  and  93.1  per  cent  of  the  latter  being  native  born.  Forty- 
four  (44.1)  per  cent  of  those  not  using  their  training  were  native  born 
of  native  parentage  and  only  4.9  per  cent  foreign  born.  Their  reasons 
for  never  using  their  training  suggest  their  incompatibility  with  the 
trade  group;  28  per  cent  of  those  who  gave  their  reasons  ascribed 
their  failure  to  enter  the  trade  to  lack  of  personal  adjustment,  32  per 
cent  to  trade  conditions,  and  26  per  cent  to  domestic  causes.1 

i  See  Table  43,  p.  73. 


182 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE   OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


ECONOMIC  STATUS  OF  FAMILIES  OF  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 

OCCUPATIONS  OF  FATHERS  OF  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 

The  father's  occupation  provides  a  rough  index  to  the  economic 
pressure  at  home,  determining  to  some  extent  the  girl's  ability  to 
attend  school  after  the  age  of  14,  and  also  her  ability  to  continue  in 
a  skilled  trade  which,  because  of  the  small  beginning  wage,  involves 
semidependence  for  some  years.  The  census  classification  of  occu- 
pations has  been  used,  although  this  is  rather  broad.  The  following 
table  shows  the  occupations,  so  far  as  they  were  learned,  of  the 
fathers  of  the  girls  in  the  four  trade  schools: 

TABLE  109.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON,  WORCESTER,  CAMBRIDGE,  AND 
SOMERVILLE  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS  WHOSE  FATHERS  WERE  IN  EACH  SPECIFIED 
OCCUPATION. i 

NUMBER. 


Occupation  of  the  father. 

Boston. 

Wor- 
cester. 

Cam- 
bridge. 

Somer- 
ville. 

Total. 

Unskilled  labor  

201 

32 

10 

20 

263 

Personal  and  domestic  service     .                            ... 

164 

20 

196 

Agriculture 

28 

8 

j 

2 

39 

Manufacturing  industries  

649 

179 

40 

64 

932 

Transportation  

8 

2 

13 

94 

Public  service 

34 

11 

1 

4 

50 

Trade  and  business 

177 

21 

9 

20 

227 

Clerical  occupations 

69 

8 

1 

5 

83 

Professional  service  ... 

28 

3 

1 

5 

37 

Retired 

13 

2 

2 

1 

18 

Not  living  or  deserted  

380 

39 

30 

18 

467 

Not  reported  

230 

12 

9 

15 

266 

Total 

2  044 

343 

113 

172 

2  672 

PER  CENT  WITH  FATHERS  IN  SPECIFIED  OCCUPATIONS 


Unskilled  labor 

11.1 

9.7 

9.6 

12.7 

10.9 

Personal  and  domestic  service 

9.0 

6.0 

6.7 

3  2 

8  2 

Agriculture  

1.5 

2.4 

1.0 

1.3 

1.6 

Manufacturing  industries  

35.8 

54.1 

38.5 

40.8 

38.7 

Transportation 

3.9 

2.4 

.9 

8.3 

3  9 

Public  service  

1.9 

3.3 

.0 

2.5 

2.1 

Trade  and  business  

9.8 

6.4 

.6 

12.7 

9.4 

Clerical  occupations         .  . 

3.8 

2.4 

.0 

3.2 

3  5 

Professional  service 

1  5 

.9 

0 

3  2 

1  5 

Retired  

.7 

.6 

.9 

.6 

.8 

Xot  living  or  deserted       .  . 

21.0 

11.8 

28.8 

1.15 

19.4 

Total 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

100  0 

1  The  Somerville  school  was  established  in  1911  as  a  trade  school  but  in  1913  was  changed  to  a  "vocational 
school  for  girls. " 

2  Based  on  the  number  of  girls  the  occupations  of  whose  fathers  were  reported. 

4» 

The  occupational  distribution  shown  here  is  about  what  one 
would  expect.  There  is  a  small  representation  of  the  daughters  of 
professional  men  and  of  men  engaged  in  either  clerical  occupations  or 
trade;  for  the  most  part  such  men  can  afford  to  give  their  daughters  a 
longer  training  and  to  prepare  them  for  professional  or  clerical  work. 
There  is  rather  a  small  representation  of  the  daughters  of  unskilled 
laborers ;  presumably  in  these  families  the  need  for  immediate  returns 
makes  it  necessary  for  the  girls  to  begin  wage  earning  as  soon  as  they 
reach  the  legal  age.  By  far  the  largest  group  in  all  the  cities  comes 


THE   GIRL   TRAINED    IN    THK   TRADE   SCHOOL.  183 

from  families  in  which  the  father  is  engaged  in  manufacturing  indus- 
tries, these  apparently  representing  the  stage  of  well-being  in  which, 
while  it  is  necessary  for  the  daughter  to  become  a  wage  earner  at  an 
early  age,  it  is  still  possible  to  give  her  some  preparation  and  to  allow 
her  to  enter  a  trade  at  which  she  must  practically  serve  an  appren- 
ticeship. The  next  largest  group,  those  whose  fathers  are  dead  or 
have  deserted  their  families,  is  rather  puzzling;  it  is  not  surprising 
that  under  these  circumstances  the  daughters  should  find  it  necessary 
to  become  wage  earners,  but  the  natural  supposition  would  be  that 
they,  like  the  daughters  of  the  unskilled  laborers,  would  be  obliged  to 
seek  occupations  which  they  could  enter  without  preliminary  training. 

Comparing  the  type  of  family,  as  indicated  by  the  father's  occupa- 
tion, from  which  the  trade  school  draws  its  pupils,  a  surprising  uni- 
formity is  discovered  in  the  four  cities.  Almost  two-fifths  (38.7  per 
cent)  of  the  2,672  girls  going  out  from  the  four  schools  (including  the 
Somerville  Vocational  School,  which  was  established  as  a  trade  school) 
had  fathers  engaged  in  manufactures,  and  with  the  exception  of 
Worcester,  where  a  larger  proportion  is  engaged  in  this  occupation, 
this  is  the  prevalent  situation  in  all  the  schools.  About  one-fifth 
(19.4  per  cent)  came  from  homes  where  there  was  no  father  as  a  wage 
earner,  though  this  proportion  was  smaller  in  Worcester  and  Somer- 
ville. In  this  connection  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  these  schools  are 
finding  it  possible  to  emphasize  the  home-making  or  practical  arts  form 
of  training  rather  than  equipment  for  immediate  wage  earning.  In  all 
other  respects  practically  the  same  proportions  are  drawn  from  the 
several  occupations.  Not  only,  therefore,  is  the  trade-school  group  as  a 
whole  similar  in  nativity,  but  also  in  social  and  economic  background. 

The  extent  to  which  vocational  schools  of  particular  types  draw 
from  a  characteristic  type  of  family  is  illustrated  by  comparing  the 
father's  occupation  of  the  girls  attending  the  trade  school,  involving 
only  one  or  two  years'  training,  and  of  those  attending  the  high  schools 
in  Boston,  requiring  four  years.  This  comparison  is  made  hi  Table  110. 

The  manufacturing  industries  predominate  for  both,  since  they 
occupy  more  than  one-third  of  the  male  population  of  Boston,  but 
30.6  per  cent  of  the  high-school  girls  and  37.1  per  cent  of  the  trade- 
school  girls  came  from  families  whose  fathers  were  engaged  in  this 
division  of  industry.  A  similar  proportion,  31  per  cent,  of  the  high- 
school  girls,  but  only  11.1  per  cent  of  the  trade-school  girls  came  from 
families  where  the  father  was  engaged  in  trade,  public  service,  or 
professional  occupations.  Over  20  per  cent  of  the  trade-school  girls 
and  only  9.7  per  cent  of  the  high-school  girls  came  from  the  homes  of 
unskilled  laborers  and  men  engaged  in  personal  and  domestic  service. 
The  large  proportion  of  trade-school  girls  (18.8  per  cent)  and  the 
small  proportion  of  high-school  girls  (4.9  per  cent)  who  came  from 
homes  where  there  was  no  father  show  the  necessity  for  a  short 
preparation  for  wage  earning. 


184 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE  110.-NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  GIRLS  ATTENDING  T.MK  HKill  SCHOOLS  A  .YD 
THE  TRADE  SCHOOL  IN  BOSTON  WHOSE  FATHERS  WERE  IX  SPECIFIED  OCCUP  V- 
TIONS. 


Occupation  of  the  father. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

High 
school.1 

Trade 
school. 

High 
school. 

Trade 
school. 

Unskilled  labor.... 

20 
10 
6 
95 
11 
17 
70 
8 
9 
\5 
47 

4 

101 
72 
12 
315 
34 
10 
73 
32 
11 
11 
160 
18 

(i.  .-> 

3.2 
1.9 
30.6 
3.  5 

0.  0 

22.  6 
1.9 
2.9 
13.  2 
4.9 
1.3 

11.9 
8.5 
1.4 
37.1 
4.0 
1.2 
8.6 
3.8 
1.3 
1.3 
IS.  8 
9.1 

Personal  and  domes  tit-  service  

Agriculture  

Manufacturing  industries 

Transportation 

Public  service  

Trade  and  business 

clerical  occupations 

Professional  service  

Retired  

Not  living  or  deserted 

Not  reported 

Total 

310              819 

100.0 

100.0 

1  Department  of  Research,  Women's  Educational  and  Industrial  Union:  The  public  schools  and 
women  in  olTice  service,  p.  163.  Five  of  the  nine  high  schools  in  five  different  tvpc  neighborhoods  \v<  re 
taken  as  a  basis  for  this  study. 

GIRLS  EMPLOYED  DURING  INTERVAL  BETWEEN  GRAMMAR-SCHOOL  AND  TRADE-SCHOOL 

ATTENDANCE. 

The  economic  status  of  the  families  from  which  the  pupils  come  is 
indicated  to  some  extent  by  the  method  by  which  an  interval,  when 
one  exists,  between  the  grammar-school  and  the  trade-school  attend- 
ance is  occupied.  In  both  Boston  and  Worcester  the  majority  of  the 
girls  have  gone  directly  from  the  grammar  school  to  the  trade  school, 
as  is  usual  in  the  case  of  any  secondary  school.  In  both  cities,  how- 
over,  a  certain  number  did  not  attend  the  trade  school  until  some  time 
after  they  had  left  the  grammar  school.  The  following  table  shows 
for  Boston  the  number  who  did  not  enter  the  trade  school  on  leaving 
the  grammar  school,  and  whether  or  not  they  were  gainfully  employed 
in  the  interval: 

TABLE  111.— NUMBER  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  WHO  WORKED  AND  WHO 
DID  NOT  WORK  IN  THE  INTERVAL  BETWEEN  GRAMMAR  AND  TRADE  SCHOOL 
ATTENDANCE,  BY  COURSES  TAKEN  IN  TRADE  SCHOOL. 


Girls  taking  specified  courses — 


Course. 

Not  going  directly  to 
trade  school— 

Going 
direct  lv 
to  trade 
school. 

Total 

Who 
worked. 

Who  did 
not  work. 

Dressmaking.  .  . 

;>4 

16 
24 
1 

60 
19 

•27 
1 

384  1                498 
.       140  :                 175 
113  j                 164 
10                      12 

Millinerv    . 

Power-machine  opera 
Cooking  and  design  .  . 

ting  (cloth  and  straw  hats) 

Total1     .  .     .. 

95                  107 

i 

647 

849 

i  These  figures  do  not  agree  with  those  given  in  Table  2,  as  those  are  based  on  the  number  who  had  not 
gone  to  trade  school  for  four  months  or  more  after  leaving  the  grammar  school,  while,  this  table  includes 
those  who  worked  during  summer  vacation  between  attendance  at  grammar  school  and  at  trade  school. 

TIM-:  <;n;i.  TIJAIXKD   IN    im:  'IIIADK  SCHOOL. 


185 


Very  nearly  one-half  (17  per  rent)  of  the  girls  who  did  not  go 
directly  to  the  trade  school  were  gainfully  employed  in  the  interval, 
and  of  these  more  than  one-fourth  had  no  father.  Almost  an  equal 
proportion  of  those  who  had  not  gone  directly  to  the  trade  school 
but  had  not  worked  in  the  interval  had  no  fathers,  the  majority 
of  these  probably  keeping  house  while  the  mother  worked.  A  little 
more  than  one- third  (37.9  per  cent)  of  the  95  girls  who  had  worked 
before  entering  trade  school  were  enrolled  in  the  school  during  its  first 
live  veal's  of  existence,  and  62.1  per  cent  during  the  second  period  of 
live  years,  contrary  to  the  common  opinion  that  a  trade  school  draws 
back  from  industry  a  larger  proportion  of  its  pupils  in  its  first  years 
than  later.  The  larger  proportion  drawn  from  industry  during  the 
second  five-year  period  may  be  partially  due  to  the  more  stringent- 
regulation  of  child  labor  in  Massachusetts  during  recent  years, 
which  may  have  thrown  some  of  the  girls  out  of  work. 

A  little  more  than  one-half  of  the  girls  who  had  been  employed 
previous  to  entering  the  trade  school  had  worked  less  than  six 
Inonths,  and  more  than  two-thirds  (70  per  cent)  had  worked  less 
than  one  year.  At  the  other  extreme  nine  had  worked  more  than 
three  years.  The  95  girls  reported  140  previous  positions.  The 
industrial  distribution  and  earnings  of  those  who  had  worked  aro 
shown  in  the  following  table : 

TABLE  112.— NUMBER  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  WHO  HAD  EARNED 
SPECIFIED  WAGE  IN  SPECIFIED  OCCUPATIONS  BEFORE  ENTERING  TRADE 
SCHOOL. 


Occupation. 

Number  of  girls  in  specified  occupations  earning 
specified  wage.  1 

Under 

$2 

$2  and 
under 
$1 

$4  and 
under 
$6 

$8  and 

over. 

Not  re- 
ported. 

Total. 

Manufactures  

s  8 

13 

14 
1 

15 

7 
3 

21 
2 
1 

a 

4 

3 

61 
26 
5 
3 

Trade,  clerical  occupations,  and  transportation  

Domestic  and  personal  service  

Professional  service  

Total 

8 

28 

25 

27 

7 

95 

1  The  last  wage  is  used  except  in  a  few  cases,  where  only  first  wage  was  given. 

2  Five  of  these  girls  worked  as  apprentices  without  pay! 

In  general,  there  was  little  correlation  between  the  previous  work, 
as  shown  here,  and  the  trade  training  chosen,  although  one-fifth  of 
the  54  girls  who  came  for  training  in  dressmaking,  3  of  the  16  milliners 
and  6  of  the  12  cloth  power-machine  operators  had  previously  worked 
in  some  capacity  in  the  trade  for  which  they  came  to  secure  training. 
Two  of  the  12  straw  power-machine  operators  had  previously  worked 
in  millinery.  The  majority  of  the  girls,  however,  had  worked  in 
manufactures,  and  a  little  more  than  oaie-fourth  had  been  employed 
in  business  pursuits,  mostly  as  errand  girls,  cash  girls,  or  bundle  girls. 


186 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


The  majority  of  these  girls  worked  at  low  wages,  two-fifths  (40.9 
per  cent)  of  those  who  reported  their  wages  earning  less  than  $4  a 
week,  and  a  little  more  than  two-thirds  (69.3  per  cent)  earning  less 
than  $6. 

Among  the  Worcester  girls  70  had  not  gone  directly  to  the  trade 
school  after  leaving  the  grammar  school,  and  of  these  44  had  worked 
for  wages.  Eighteen  (40.9  per  cent)  of  these  were  engaged  in  trade, 
clerical  occupations,  or  transportation,  15  (34.1  per  cent)  in  manu- 
factures, and  11  (25  per  cent)  in  domestic  and  personal  service. 
Five  earned  under  $2  a  week,  21  earned  $2  and  under  $4,  9  earned 
$4  and  under  $6,  8  earned  $6  and  over,  and  for  1  earnings  were  not 
reported. 

Among  the  girls  of  the  Cambridge  Trade  School  more  than  one- 
fourth  (28.6  per  cent)  had  not  come  directly  from  the  grammar 
schools.  The  majority  of  these,  however,  had  been  at  home  during 
the  interval,  and  only  7.2  per  cent  had  been  at  work. 

AGE  AT  BEGINNING  WORK. 

The  following  table  shows  the  age  at  beginning  work  of  1,029  girls 
(comprising  those  who  worked  hi  their  own  trade  and  those  who, 
having  attended  trade  school  for  nine  months  or  more,  did  not  use 
their  trade  training- but  worked  in  some  other  occupation): 

TABLE   113.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF   BOSTON,  WORCESTER,    AND    CAMBRIDGE 
TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  WHO  BEGAN  WORK  AT  SPECIFIED  AGES. 


Trade  school. 

Age  at  beginning  work. 

Total 

Under  10  years. 

16  and  under 
18  years. 

18  years  and 
over. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Nnm- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent  . 

Boston 

KM 
33 

24 

24.1 
24.8 
36.4 

444 
71 
33 

53.9 
53.4 
50.0 

182 
29 
9 

22.0 
21.8- 
.13  6 

830 
133 
66 

Worcester  

Cambridge  
Total  

261 

25.4 

548 

53.4 

220 

21.1  j      1,029 

The  age  grouping  at  time  of  beginning  work  is  almost  identical  in 
Boston  and  Worcester.  The  larger  proportion  beginning  at  an  early 
age  in  Cambridge  is  accounted  for  by  the  brief  existence  of  the  school 
and  the  short  time  of  attendance,  rather  than  by  any  greater  economic 
pressure  at  home.  Taking  the  pupils  of  the  three  schools  as  a  whole, 
three-fourths  were  16  or  over  before  commencing  work.  There  are 
two  reasons  for  this:  First,  the  majority  had  attended  trade  school 
one  year  or  more,  which  naturally  raised  the  age  at  beginning  work; 
and,  second,  the  trades  for  which  they  were  trained  are  showing  an 
increasing  tendency  to  exclude  the  younger  girls. 


THE   GIRL  TRAINED  IN   THE   TRADE   SCHOOL. 


187 


The  age  at  which  tho  girl  goes  to  work  seems  to  vary  considerably 
according  to  the  nativity  of  tho  girls  and  of  their  parents.  The  fol- 
lowing table  shows  the  relation  between  nativity  and  age  at  begin- 
ning work: 

Tvni.K   114.— NUMBER  AND   PER  CENT   OF   BOSTON,   WORCESTER,  AND  CAMBRIDGE 
v  DE-SCHOOL  GIRLS  WHO  BEGAN  WORK  AT  SPECIFIED  AGES,  BY  NATIVITY. 

NUMBER. 


Nativity  of  girl. 

Girls  beginning  work  at  specified  age. 

Boston. 

Worcester. 

Cambridge. 

Un- 
der 
16 

16 
and 
un- 
der 
18 

IS 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Un- 
der 
16 

16 
and 
un- 
der 
18 

18 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Un- 
der 
16 

16 
and 
un- 
der 
18 

18 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Native-born  white: 
Native  parentage.  .. 
Foreign  parentage  .. 
N  ot  reported  

Total 

37 
127 
'   6 

170 
24 
6 
4 

204 

141 
238 
9 

74 
66 
7 

252 
431 
22 

6 
24 

30 
38 

18 

8 

.54 
70 

10 
11 
1 

12 
10 
1 

5 

27 
21 
2 

388 
34 
20 
2 

147 
11 
22 
2 

705 
69 

48 
8 

30 
3 

... 

68 
2 
1 

26 

124 
5 
4 

22 
2 

23 
5 
5 

5 
"~4" 

50 

7 
9 

Foreign-born  white  

3 

Grand  total  



444 

182 

1830 

33  |      71 

29 

133 

24 

33 

9 

66 

PER  CENT.  2 


Native-born  white: 
Native  parentage.  .. 
Foreign  parentage  .  . 

14.6 
29.2 
27  3 

56.0 
55.6 
40  9 

29.4 
15.2 
31  8 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

11.1 

34.3 

55.6 
54.3 

33.3 
11.4 

100.0 
100.0 

37.0 
52.4 
50.0 

44.5 
47.6 
50.0 

18.5 

100.0 
100.0 
100  0 

Total     

23.9 

55.2 

20.9 

100.0 

24.2 

54.9 

20.9 

100.0 

44.0 

46.0 

10.0 

100.0 

Foreign-born  white  
Negro  

34.8 
12.5 

49.2 
41.7 

16.0 
45.8 

100.0 
100.0 

60.0 

40.0 
25.0 

"75.'6" 

100.0 
100.0 

28.6 

71.4 
55.6 

"«."i" 

100.0 
100.0 

Grand  total  

24.1 

53.9 

22.0 

100.0 

24.8 

53.4 

.21.8 

100.0 

36.4 

50.0 

13.6 

100.0 

1  Not  including  1  whose  age  was  not  reported. 

2  Based  on  the  number  of  girls  whose  nativity  was  reported. 

The  greater  economic  pressure  in  the  families  with  foreign  parents, 
and  also  a  difference  in  the  point  of  view  seem  to  account  for  the 
earlier  age  at  which  the  foreign-born  girls  and  girls  with  foreign 
parents  go  to  work.  This  difference  is  marked.  Of  the  Boston  girls 
who  were  native-born  white  23.9  per  cent  began  work  before  the  age  of 
16,  but  only  14.6  per  cent  of  the  girls  with  native-born  parents  as  against 
29.2  per  cent  of  those  with  foreign-born  parents  began  work  before  16 
years  of  age.  Of  the  foreign-born  white  girls  34.8  per  cent  began  work 
before  the  age  of  16.  In  Worcester  and  Cambridge  even  larger  propor- 
tions of  the  native  white  girls  with  foreign  parents  began  work  under 
16.  Since  the  majority  of  the  trade-school  girls  in  Boston  and  Worces- 
ter have  foreign-born  parents,  this  group  characterizes  the  situation, 
more  than  one-half  beginning  work  between  the  ages  of  16  and  18, 


188 


INDUSTRIAL    EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


regardless  of  nativity.  At  the  other  extreme,  however,  the  difference 
again  becomes  apparent.  Of  the  Boston  girls  who  were  native-horn 
white,  20.9  per  cent  began  work  at  the  age  of  18  or  over,  but  those  of 
natiye-born  parentage  had  29.4  per  cent  in  this  group,  against  15.2  per 
cent  of  those  with  foreign-born  parents.  Only  16  per  cent  of  the  for- 
eign-born girls  began  work  at  the  age  of  18  or  over.  A  surprisingly 
large  proportion  (45.8  per  cent)  of  the  Negro  girls  did  not  begin  work 
until  18  or  over.  The  difficulty  usually  experienced  by  young  Negro 
girls  in  securing  work  in  the  ordinary  juvenile  employments  in  stores 
and  factories  probably  explains  their  later  entrance  into  industry. 

FAMILY  CONDITION  OF  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 

The  following  table  shows  the  number  of  the  trade-school  girls  in 
the  three  cities  who  lived  at  home  and  elsewhere. 


T.VHLK   115.— NUMBER  AND   PER  CENT   OF   BOSTON,   WORCESTER,  AND  CAMBRIDGE 
TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS   HAVING  SPECIFIED  LIVING  CONDITIONS. 

BOSTON. 


Age  at  time  of  investigation. 

Living  at  home. 

Boarding. 

Re-    i 
Driv- 
ing   !     »,, 

"<-     o- 

poar  ! 

wage.1 

Tot  aU 

With 
fain- 
ily. 

With 
rela- 
tives 

Total. 

With  '  With 
rela-  i   oth- 
tives.      ers. 

Total. 

Number  of  girls— 
Under  18  years 

107 
165 
167 
116 

SO 
4 

4 
12 
7 
9 
4 
1 

Ill 
177 
174 
125 
90 
5 

| 

1             3 
4             1 
2            9 
5           10 
2  j        12 

4 

11 
15 
14 

i 

i    . 
3            2 

*]     I 

115 
183 
190 
141 

109 
6 

18  and  under  20  yeors  

20  and  under  22  years  

22  and  under  24  years  
24  vears  and  over 

Not  living 

Total          ... 

! 

! 

645  i        37 

682 

14  |        35 
1.  9  j      4.  7 

49 

67e~ 

•1     » 

744 
100.0 

Per  cent  

86.  7  j      5.  0 

91.7 

0.  8  j      0.  9 

WORCESTER. 


Age  at  time  of  investigation. 

Living  at  home. 

Board- 
ing. 

Receiv- 
ing board 
as  part 
of  wage. 

Total. 

With 

family. 

With 
relatives. 

Total. 

Number  of  girls— 
Under  16  years  
16  arid  under  18  Years 

11 

64 

57 
17 

1 

4 
2 
3 

12 

as 

59 
20 

12 
70 
62 
22 

3 

20  years  and  over 

1 

Total  

149 

10 

159 

1  6 

1 

166 

Per  cent 

89.8 

6.0 

95.8 

3.6 

0.6 

100.0 

Two  boarded  with  relatives. 


THE   GIHL   TRAINED   IN    THE    TRADE    SCHOOL. 


189 


TAIT.E  115.— NTMBTCR   AND   PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON,  WORCESTER,  AND  CAMBRIDGE 
TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS  HAVING  SPECIFIED  LIVING  CONDITIONS— Concluded. 

CAMBRIDGE. 


Age  at  time  of  investigation. 

Living  at  home. 

Hoard- 
ing. 

Re- 
ceiving 
board 
as  part 
of 
wage. 

Not  re- 
ported. 

Total. 

With 
family. 

With 
rela- 
tives. 

Total. 

Number  of  girls— 

20 

41 
13 
9 

20 
45 
15 
10 

20 
49 
ir, 
11 
2 

lt>  and  under  18  years 

4 
2 
1 

1 
1 

1 

2 

18  and  under  20  years 

20  years  and  over                   

i 

2 

Not  reported 

Total 

1 

83 

7 

90 
91.8 

2 

27o~ 

TTb~ 

5 

5~2~ 

98 

looTo 

Per  cent                                               .  .  . 

84.7 

7.1 

The  great  majority  were  living  at  home,  the  proportion  in  this 
group  being  in  Boston  91.7  per  cent,  in  Worcester  95.8  per  cent,  and 
in  Cambridge  91.8  per  cent.  This  large  proportion  at  home  is  what 
is  to  be  expected  in  so  youthful  a  group;  that  it  is  due  to  the  imma- 
turity of  the  girls  seems  to  be  shown  by  the  variation  in  the  propor- 
tion in  Boston,  where  the  larger  group  gives  an  opportunity  for  ten- 
dencies to  make  themselves  apparent.  Here  the  proportion  living 
at  home  decreases  from  96.5  per  cent  among  those  under  IS  to  82.6 
per  cent  among  those  aged  24  or  over. 

In  general  the  families  from  which  the  girls  came  seemed  to  be  in 
fairly  comfortable  circumstances.  In  Boston  38.5  per  cent  of  the 
girls,  and  in  Worcester  30.1  per  cent  came  from  homes  in  which  there 
were  no  other  dependents,  classing  as  dependents  nonwage-earning 
brothers  and  sisters,  invalids,  or  nonproducers  of  any  kind.  Nor 
was  there  any  very  serious  need  that  the  young  trade-school  girl 
should  begin  work  at  an  early  age,  since  more  than  one-half  in  the 
two  cities  came  from  families  in  which  there  were  one  or  two  other 
wage  earners  besides  the  father.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  families 
of  11.4  per  cent  of  the  744  Boston  girls  the  mother  was  employed 
in  wage-earning  occupations.  While  some  of  these  young  trade- 
school-girls  bore  heavy  responsibilities,  and  some,  at  times  of  illness 
or  unemployment  of  others  at  home,  became  the  main  support  of 
their  families,  in  the  majority  of  cases  the  families  were  not  in  ex- 
tremely straitened  circumstances,  as  evidenced  by  the  very  fact  that 
they  were  able  to  give  the  girls  a  year  or  more  of  trade  training,  as 
well  as  to  permit  the  period  of  apprenticeship  and  small  earnings  re- 
quired in  skilled  and  seasonal  industries,  such  as  the  clothing  trades. 

CONTRIBUTION  TO  FAMILY  INCOME. 

The  following  table  shows,  by  age,  and  by  nativity  of  parents,  the 
number  of  the  trade-school  girls  studied  in  the  three  cities  who  gave 
all,  part,  or  none  of  their  earnings  to  the  family: 


190 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE   OF   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


TABLE  116.— NUMBER  OF  BOSTON,  WORCESTER,  AND  CAMBRIDGE  TRADE  SCHOOL 
GIRLS  CONTRIBUTING  SPECIFIED  PARTS  OF  THEIR  EARNINGS  TO  TJiJi  FAMILY, 
BY  AGE  GROUP,  AND  NATIVITY  OF  PARENTS. 

BOSTON. 


Girls  with  native-born  parents 
and  contributing— 

Girls  with  foreign-born  parents 
and  contributing  — 

Na- 
tiv- 
ity 

I 

ol 

Age  group. 

All  of 

Part 

None 

Not 

All  of:  Part 

None 

Nor 

par- 
ents 

Total. 

their 
earn- 
ings. 

their 
earn- 
ings. 

their 
earn- 
ings. 

re- 
port- 
ed. 

Total 

their 
earn- 
ings. 

Of 

their 
earn- 
ings. 

their 
earn- 
ings. 

re- 
port- 
ed. 

Total. 

not 
re- 

nort- 
~ed. 

Under  18  years  

16 

5 

5 

26 

08 

10 

3 

_ 

88 

1  1 

115 

18  and  under  20  years.  .  .  . 

27 

23 

6 

3 

59 

82 

27 

6 

6 

121 

2  3 

183 

20  and  under  22  years  

22 

23 

16 

5 

H6 

88 

31 

11 

9 

119 

35 

190 

22  aud  under  24  years 

20 

22 

14 

g 

64 

28 

32 

7 

79 

4  5 

141 

24  years  and  over  

8 

16 

8 

11 

43 

16 

24 

to 

4 

54 

:>  12 

109 

Not  living  

2 

2 

1 

2 

6  2 

$ 

Total 

93 

32 

7  14 

89 

49 

29 

°60 

263 

124 

37 

&.*A 

WORCESTER. 


Under  16  years  

4 

4 

3 

3 

2 

8 

12 

16  and  under  18  years  
18  and  under  20  vears 

l\ 

I3o 

3 
6 

9 
9 

26 
32 

22 
15 

4 

9 
g 

9 

4 

44 
30 

70 
62 

20  years  and  over  

3 

7 

4 

14 

3 

1 

4 

18 

Not  living      

1 

2 

1 

4 

4 



Total 

21 

21 

15 

23 

SO 

43 

9 

10 

15 

86 

106 

CAMBRIDGE. 


Under  16  years  

2 

1 

i        8 

11 

4 

5 

9 

20 

16  and  under  18  years  
18  and  under  20  years  
20  years  and  over      

11 

5 
4 

i 

i  i     10 

3:    t 

22 

13 

8 

16 

! 

2 

1 

5 

\ 

2. 
I 

3 
1 

49 
16 
H 

Not  living     :  

1 

1 

1 

2 

Total 

22 

2 

4         97 

r- 

22 

2 

j 

14 

30 

4 

98 

1  All  earnings  contributed. 

2  2  contributing  all  earnings  and  1  not  reported. 

3  1  contributing  all  earnings  and  4  not  reported. 
<  All  not  reported. 

s  2  contributing  part  of  their  earnings,  3  none,  and  7  not  reported. 
6  2  not  reported. 

These  figures  do  not  show  so  large  a  proportion  of  the  girls  turning 
in  all  their  earnings  as  was  found  in  some  previous  investigations. 
Of  the  654  Boston  girls  who  had  entered  their  trades  and  from  whom 
full  data  as  to  age,  nativity  of  parents,  and  contributions  to 
the  family  were  received,  54.3  per  cent  gave  all  their  earnings  to 
the  family,  32.6  per  cent  contributed  a  definite  and  substantial 
portion,  and  13.1  per  cent  gave  none.  The  United  States  Bureau  of 
Labor  found  in  1910  that  in  Boston  of  243  women  employed  in  stores 
55.6  per  cent,  and  of  489  women  in  factories  61.7  per  cent  contributed 
all  their  earnings  to  the  family  fund.1  On  the  other  hand,  in  a  recent 


i  Report  on  woman  and  child  wage  earners  in  the  United  States  (S.  Doc.  645,  61st  Cong.,  2d  scss.), 
Vol.  V,  pp.  18  and  19. 


THE   GIRL   TRAINED   IN   THE   TRADE   SCHOOL. 


191 


investigation  in  Boston  covering  310  office  workers,  two-thirds  of 
whom  were  high-school  graduates,  it  was  found  that  39.7  per  cent 
contributed  all  their  earnings,  51.6  per  cent  part,  and  8.7  per  cent 
none.1  The  proportion  of  trade-school  girls  in  Boston  contributing  all 
their  earnings  is  almost  the  same  as  the  proportion  of  store  employees 
studied  in  1910,  but  much  larger  than  that  of  the  high-school  grad- 
uates studied  in  the  later  investigation.  Some  of  the  girls  reported 
as  giving  part  of  their  earnings  paid  board,  ranging  from  $3  to  $6, 
but  the  majority  gave  most  of  their  wage,  keeping  enough  for  car  fare 
and  lunch,  with  perhaps  a  little  margin  for  spending  money.  Exclud- 
ing girls  who  were  not  living  and  those  for  whom  full  data  on  all 
points  were  not  given,  Worcester  shows  a  smaller  proportion  turn- 
ing in  all  their  earnings  than  either  of  the  other  cities;  51.2  per 
cent  contributed  all,  23.2  per  cent  part,  and  25. 6  per  cent  none.  In 
Cambridge  83  per  cent  of  the  girls  turned  in  all  their  earnings. 

The  amount  contributed  varies  both  with  the  girl's  age  and  her 
parentage,  the  daughters  of  foreign-born  parents  turning  in  all  their 
earnings  more  generally  than  the  daughters  of  native-born  parents. 
The  following  table  shows  this  difference  for  the  Boston  girls: 

TABLE  117.— PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  CONTRIBUTING  SPECIPIEL 
PARTS  OF  THEIR  EARNINGS  TO  THE  FAMILY,  BY  AGE  GROUP,  AND  NATIVITY 
OF  PARENTS. 


Age  group. 

Girls  with  native-born  parents. 

Girls  with  foreign-born  parents. 

Num- 
ber. 

Con- 
trib- 
uting 
all 
their 
earn- 
ings. 

Con- 
trib- 
uting 
part  of 
their 
earn- 
ings. 

Con- 
trib- 
uting 
none 
of 
their 
earn- 
ings. 

Total. 

Num- 
ber. 

Con- 
trib- 
uting 
all 
their 
earn- 
ings. 

Con- 
trib- 
uting 
part  of 
their 
earn- 
ings. 

Con- 
trib- 
uting 
none 
of 
their 
earn- 
ings. 

TotaL 

Under  18  years                 

26 
56 
61 
56 
32 

61.5 
48.2 
36.1 
35.7 
25.0 

19.2 
41.1 

37.7 
39.3 
50.0 

19.2 
10.7 
26.2 
25.0 
25.0 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

81 
115 
110 

«7 
50 

84.0 
71.3 
61.8 
41.8 
32.0 

12.3 
23.5 
28.2 
47.8 
48.0 

3.7 
5.2 
10.0 
10.4 
20.0 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

18  Bud  under  20  years 

20  and  under  22  years  

22  and  jmider  24  years        .  .  . 

24  years  and  over 

Total 

231 

40.3 

38.5 

21.2 

100.0 

423 

61.9 

29.3 

8.7 

100.0 

In  this  table  the  connection  between  age  and  control  of  earnings 
shows  clearly.  For  both  the  daughters  of  native  and  of  foreign  par- 
ents, the  girls  under  18  show  much  the  largest  proportion  contribut- 
ing all  their  earnings,  and  thereafter  this  proportion  decreases  rather 
uniformly  with  increasing  age.  Among  the  daughters  of  the  foreign- 
born  there  is  a  sudden  fall  in  this  proportion  at  the  age  of  22  and 
under  24;  this  marks,  perhaps,  the  age  at  which  the  girls  begin  to 
insist  on  paying  board,  for  it  is  not  accompanied  by  any  increase  in 

1  Department  of  Research,  Women's  Educational  and  Industrial  Union:  The  public  schools  and 
women  in  office  service,  p.  168. 


192  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE- SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

the  proportion  keeping  all  their  earnings  for  themselves.  This  ap- 
pears in  the  next  group,  those  aged  24  and  over.  Among  the  daugh- 
ters of  native  parents  the  decrease  in  the  proportion  contributing 
all  their  earnings  is  slow  after  the  girls  have  reached  20  years  of  age, 
while  from  that  age  onward  the  proportion  keeping  all  their  earnings 
for  themselves  remains  practically  stationary. 

As  between  the  daughters  of  foreign  and  of  native  parents,  the  former 
show  a  much  larger  proportion  in  the  three  younger  age  groups  turn- 
ing over  all  their  earnings;  by  the  time  the  girls  have  reached  22, 
however,  the  difference  is  not  very  great.  The  proportion  retaining 
all  their  earnings  remains  considerably  smaller  among  the  daughters 
of  foreign  parents  up  to  the  age  of  24 ;  then  it  suddenly  increases  and 
among  those  aged  24  or  over  is  nearly  as  large  as  among  the  daughters 
of  native  parents. 

Not  only  does  the  girl  give  from  her  earnings,  but  she  contributes 
her  services  to  her  family,  and  home  demands  play  an  important  part 
in  the  interruption  of  her  wage-earning  career.  Among  the  392 
Boston  girls  who  left  their  trades,  10.3  per  cent 1  did  so  on  account 
of  domestic  reasons  other  than  those  involved  in  their  own  marriage, 
and  21.9  per  cent 2  of  the  105  who  never  used  their  trade  gave  similar 
reasons  for  their  failure  to  do  so.  More  than  one-fourth  (26.4  per 
cent)3  of  the  72  Worcester  girls  who  never  used  their  trade  were  kept 
from  doing  so  by  home  reasons  other  than  their  marriage,  and  in  17 
of  these  19  cases  the  girls  were  helping  at  home.  Illness  at  home  or 
pressure  of  domestic  duties  frequently  results  in  the  withdrawal  of  the 
girl  from  her  work.  Sometimes  she  keeps  house  while  the  mother, 
who  can  command  a  higher  wage,  goes  out  and  works. 

The  girl  who  has  been  trained  for  the  sewing  trades  also  contributes 
valuable  assistance  in  making  clothes  for  the  family  in  the  evenings 
after  work  and  in  the  dull  season,  if  not  otherwise  employed.  In 
Boston  229  of  the  girls  studied  filled  in  the  dull  season  "making  clothes 
for  self  and  family,"  25.1  per  cent  of  the  744  girls  who  used  their 
trade  and  40  per  cent  of  the  105  who  did  not,  thus  utilizing  their 
time. 

MARRIAGE  AS  AN  INTERRUPTION  TO  WORKING  CAREER. 

Marriage  also  constitutes  an  interruption  in  the  girl's  wage-earning 
career,  though  in  less  degree  than  is  generally  supposed.  Of  the  849 
girls  studied  in  Boston,  135  were  married  at  the  time  of  the  investi- 
gation. The  following  table  shows  the  distribution  of  these,  by  trade 
ancl  by  nativity  of  parents : 

i  See  Table  56,  p.  94.  2  see  Table  43,  p.  73.  *  See  Table  87,  p.  155. 


THE   GIRL   TRAINED  IN    THE   TRADE   SCHOOL. 


193 


TAIU.B  118.-NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  BOSTON  TRADE  SCHOOL  GIRLS  WHO  V,     k  K 
MARRIED,  BY  NATIVITY  OF  PARENTS  AND  BY  OCCUPATION. 


Occupation. 

Total 
number 
of 
girls. 

(  ;  iris  who  were  married  and  whose  parents  v/ere— 

Native 
born. 

Foreign  born. 

Nativ- 
ity of 
parents 
not  re- 
ported. 

Total. 

In  Eng- 
lish 
speak- 
ing 
coun- 
tries. 

Innon- 

Br 

speak- 
ing 
coun- 
tries. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent  of 
all  girls 
in  each 
occu- 
pation. 

Using  trade: 
Dressmaking                                .  . 

423 
157 
81 
72 
11 

23 
15 
2 
4 
1 

21 

7 
6 
2 

18 
8 
2 
4 

6 
3 

68 
33 
10 
11 

1 

16.1 
21.0 
12.3 
15.3 
9.1 

Millinery 

Cloth  machine  operating    

Straw  machine  operating 

1 

Cooking  and  design        " 

Total 

744 
105 

45 
5 

36 
2 

32 
3 

10 

2 

123 
12 

16.5 
11.4 

Not  using  trade  

Grand  total 

849 

50 

38 

135 

12 

135 

15.9 

1 16  of  the  35  were  of  German  parentage. 

This  shows  that  15.9  per  cent  of  the  total  group  had  married. 
Among  the  744  girls  who  worked  at  their  trade,  the  proportion 
marrying  was  slightly  larger,  16.5  per  cent.  More  than  one-half,  59.3 
per  cent,  of  the  girls  who  had  married  were  of  foreign  parentage,  about 
one-half  of  these  parents  being  from  non-English  speaking  countries, 
German  predominating.  One-third  (33.3  per  cent)  of  the  girls  who 
married  were  22  years  of  age  or  over,  and  more  than  one-half  (54  per 
cent)  were  aged  20  or  over.  Thirty-three  and  four-tenths  per  cent 
married  between  18  and  20  years,  and  12.8  per  cent  were  under  18 
years  of  age. 

More  than  one-half  had  been  out  of  trade  school  four  years  or  more, 
and  one-fourth  (26.7  per  cent)  six  years  or  more  before  marriage. 
One-half  had  worked  for  four  years  or  more  previous  to  their  marriage. 
Twenty-eight  worked  after  marriage,  but  20  of  these  were  so  engaged 
for  less  than  one  year.  Sometimes  the  gainful  occupation  was 
entered  upon  immediately  after  marriage,  because  the  girl  "  wished 
to  finish  the  season"  and  sometimes  not  until  several  years  after 
marriage,  when  her  babies  were  old  enough  to  allow  her  time  to  sew 
or  trim  hats  for  friends  and  neighbors.  In  some  cases  the  young 
husband  died  or  proved  worthless,  and  the  girl  became  a  regular 
wage  earner  again. 

SUMMARY. 

The  trade  schools  in  the  three  cities  seem  to  be  drawing  a 
fairly  definite  trade-school  type  similar  in  nativity  and  economic 
status.  These  girls,  from  the  standpoint  of  nativity,  are  similar 
to  the  15  to  20  year-old  school  population,  but  very  different 

85225°— 17— Bull.  215 13 


194  INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE  OP   TRADE-SOHOOL  GIRLS. 

from  those  in  the  trades  for  which  they  are  trained.  The  majority 
begin  work  at  16  years  or  over,  though  this  differs  with  the  standing 
of  the  family,  since  economic  pressure  may  oblige  the  girl  to  go  to 
work  at  an  earlier  age.  In  general  the  trade-school  girls  in  Massa- 
chusetts come  from  homes  of  a  higher  degree  of  comfort  than  has  been 
supposed.  Their  contribution  to  the  family  income  does  not  show 
the  existence  of  great  economic  pressure  in  the  home;  in  the  majority 
of  cases  there  were  few  dependents  (young  brothers  or  sisters,  in- 
valids, or  nonproducers  of  any  kind),  and  usually,  also,  there  were 
other  wage  earners  besides  the  father  in  the  family.  A  little  more 
than  one-tenth  in  Boston  and  one-fourth  in  Worcester  had  worked 
before  entering  the  trade  school.  In  Boston  one-eighth  (12.6  per 
cent)  and  in  Worcester  nearly  one  sixth  (15.7  per  cent)  had  stayed  at 
home  for  a  time  after  leaving  the  public  schools,  but  the  majority  had 
gone  directly  from  the  ordinary  schools  to  the  trade  school,  as  is  true 
in  regard  to  any  secondary  school. 


CHAPTER  VH.— INDUSTRIES  FOR  WHICH  TRADE  SCHOOLS 

TRAIN. 

• 

BASIS  OF  TRADE  TRAINING. 

Trade  training  for  girls,  which  was  first  established  in  the  two 
traditional  and  primary  home  arts — the  making  of  clothing  and  the 
preparation  of  food — is,  after  10  years  of  experimentation  in  Massa- 
chusetts, still  confined  to  these  two  occupations.  The  chief  emphasis 
from  the  beginning  in  the  three  trade  schools  has  been  on  the  hand- 
sewing  trades,  custom  dressmaking,  and  millinery.  Electric  power- 
machine  operating  has  not  been  introduced  in  the  Cambridge  school 
and  occupies  a  relatively  small  place  in  the  Boston  and  Worcester 
trade  schools. 

Both  friends  and  critics  are  beginning  to  query  (1)  to  what  extent 
does  the  trade  school  understand  and  correlate  its  training  with  trade 
needs  and  demands;  and  (2)  to  what  degree  does  the  school  meet  the 
needs  of  the  trade  for  young  workers?  Some  light  is  thrown  on 
these  questions  through  the  experience  of  the  girls  who  go  out  from 
the  trade  school.  But  there  is  still  much  to  be  learned  through  study 
of  these  industries  themselves,  to  discover  why  a  comparatively 
small  proportion  utilize  their  training  and  why  certain  types  of  girls 
do  not  succeed.  An  appreciation  of  the  trend  of  the  industry  for 
which  training  is  offered  is  fundamental.  A  personal  knowledge  of 
the  opportunities  for  initiation  of  young  partially  equipped  workers 
and  of  their  opportunities  for  advancement  with  increasing  experience 
is  necessary  to  avoid  oversupply.  Only  through  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  the  local  industries  and  shops  can  the  school  develop  the 
educational  possibilities  within  the  trade,  and  successfully  direct 
and  adjust  individual  pupils  to  the  industries  for  which  they  have 
the  requisite  qualifications.1 

WOMEN'S  CLOTHING  TRADES. 

The  women's  clothing  trades  which  constitute  the  basis  for  trade 
training  have  been  undergoing  a  tremendous  industrial  reorganization 
during  the  last  25  years  with  two  results:  (1)  New  York  has  prac- 
tically monopolized  the  trade,  controlling  about  two-thirds  of  the 

1  Three  studies  made  by  the  Department  of  Research  of  the  Women's  Industrial  and  Research  Union, 
aiming  to  accomplish  this  end  have  already  been  published,  as  follows:  Dressmaking  as  a  trade  for  women 
in  Massachusetts,  Bui.  No.  193,  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics;  Boot  and  shoe  making  in  Massa- 
chusetts as  a  vocation  for  women,  Bui.  No.  180,  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics;  and  Millinery  as 
a  trade  for  women,  by  Lorinda  Perry.  This  discussion  is  presented  in  order  to  set  forth  the  changing  condi- 
tions since  theso  studies  were  made,  and  their  relation  to  trade-school  problems. 

195 


196 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL    GIRLS. 


output,  capital  invested,  and  wage  earners,  though  Boston,  for 
ir. stance,  seriously  competes  with  surrounding  cities  in  New  England; 
(2)  The  manufacture  of  ready-made  clothing  continues  to  become 
an  increasingly  formidable  competitor  of  the  custom  and  hand-sewing 
trades. 

DECREASE  IN  NUMBER  OF  CUSTOM  WORKERS. 

During  the  10  years  from  1890  to  1900,  custom  dressmaking  showed 
a  decline  in  practically  every  aspect  except  capital  invested,  and 
number  and  wages  of  men,  while  " factory  product"  increased  more 
than  100  per  cent  in  practically  every  phase.  From  1900  to  1910 
the  factory  product  continued  its  phenomenal  growth,  and  while 
there  are  no  comparable  official  figures  from  custom  shops  for  this 
period,  everything  seems  to  indicate  an  even  greater  decline  in  the 
custom-dressmaking  trade. 

For  official  statistics  on  custom  dressmaking  after  1900,  we  are 
dependent  on  the  census  of  occupations,  from  which  the  following 
table  is  derived: 

TABLE  119.— NUMBER  OF  WOMEN  EMPLOYED  AS  DRESSMAKERS  AND  SEAMSTRESSES, 
AND  IN  ALL  MANUFACTURES,  FROM  1900  TO  1910. 


Locality. 

Number  of  women. 

Per  cent  of  increase  (+) 
or   decrease    (—  )    of 
women  in  1910. 

A  11  manufactures. 

Dressmakers  and 
seamstresses. 

All  manu- 
factures. 

Dress- 
makers 
and  seam- 
stresses. 

1900 

1910 

1900 

1910 

United  States  '    1,312,  66S 

1,820,980 

i  490,  899 

2453,749 

+38.7 

-  7.6 

New  York 

132,  535 
20,250 
4,937 

207,  959 
27,260 
7,099 

s  55,  622 
^8,552 
71,691 

<  39,  762 
66.645 
<?815 

+56.9 
+34.6 
+43.8 

-28.5 
-22.3 
-51.8 

Boston  

Worcester 

1  United  States  Census,  1900,  Occupations,  p.  lii. 

2  United  States  Census.  1910,  Vol.  IV,  Occupations,  p.  91.    447,760  dressmakers,  and  5,989  dressmakers' 
apprentices.    See  United  States  Census,  1910,  Vol.  IV,  Occupations,  p.  312. 

3  United  States  Census,  1900,  Occupations,  p.  640. 

4  38,850  dressmakers  and  912  apprentices.    United  States  Census,  1910,  Vol.  IV,  Occupations,  pp.  180, 182. 
6  United  States  Census.  1900,  Occupations,  p.  498. 

e  6,568  dressmakers  and  77  apprentices.    United  States  Census,  1910,  Vol.  IV,  Occupations,  pp.  152,  154. 

f  United  States  Census,  1900,  Occupations,  p.  762. 

8  800  dressmakers  and  15  apprentices.  United  States  Census,  1910,  Vol.  IV,  Occupations,  pp.  194,  196. 
Since  the  number  of  dressmakers'  apprentices  enumerated  for  the  United  States  as  a  whole  (see  United 
States  Census,  Vol.  IV,  Occupations,  p.  312)  was  just  half  the  number  enumerated  under  "Dressmakers' 
and  milliners'  apprentices,"  the  assumption  has  been  made  that  this  division  would  be  approximately  true 
in  the  several  cities  and  one-half  the  number  quoted  has  been  added  to  the  number  of  dressmakers 
reported. 

This  table  shows  a  decline  of  7.6  per  cent  in  the  number  of  women 
dressmakers  and  seamstresses  in  the  United  States,  compared  with 
an  increase  of  38.7  per  cent  in  all  manufacturing  and  mechanical 
industries.  In  New  York  City,  the  center  of  the  women's  clothing 
trade  in  the  United  States,  dressmakers  and  seamstresses  decreased 
28.5  per  cent,  in  Boston  22.3  per  cent,  and  in  Worcester  51  8  percent, 
while  there  was  a  large  increase  of  women  in  all  manufactures. 


INDUSTRIES   FOR  WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS  TRAIN. 


197 


A  glance  at  the  growth  of  the  factory  product  in  the  women's  cloth- 
ing trade  during  the  same  period  (as  shown  in  the  following  table) 
provides  the  explanation. 

TABLE  12O.— GROWTH  OF  WOMEN'S  FACTORY-MADE  CLOTHING  INDUSTRY  FROM  1900 
TO  1910  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY  AND  BOSTON. 


Locality  and  year. 

Establish- 
ments. 

Wage  earn- 
ers. 

Wages  paid. 

Capital  invested. 

Value  of  product. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent 
of  in- 
crease 
over 
1900. 

Aver- 
age 
num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent 
of  in- 
crease 
over 
1900. 

Amount. 

Per 

cent 
of  in- 
crease 
over 
1900. 

Amount. 

Per 
cent 
of  in- 
crease 
over 
1900. 

Amount. 

Per 
cent 
of  in- 
crease 
over 
1900. 

United  States:* 
1900  
1910    

2,701 

4,558 

1,607 

"es's" 

83,739 
153,  743 

44,  715 

'sz'.G 

$32,586,000 
78,568,000 

20,929,000 

iti'i 

$48,  432,  000 
129,301,000 

27,389,000 

i67."6" 

$159,340,000 
384,752,000 

102,  712,  000 

141.5 

New  York  City:* 
1900  

1910  

2,995 
88 

86.4 

94,258 
1,760 

110.8 

53,518,000 
625,000 

155.7 

80,762,000 

731,000 
2,409,000 

194.9 

266,477,000 

3,258,000 
7,842,000 

159.4 

Boston:2 
1900  

1910  1. 

122 

38.6 

3,540 

101.2 

1,649,000 

163.8 

229.5 

140.7 

i  United  States  Census,  1910,  Manufactures,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  574.         2  idem,  Vol.  IX,  pp.  523,  859. 

The  average  number  of  wage  earners  both  in  New  York  and  Boston 
increased  during  the  decade  more  than  100  per  cent,  and  the  wages 
and  value  of  product  about  150  per  cent.  The  tendency  toward  the 
development  of  larger  establishments  in  Boston  is  observed  in  the 
increase  of  38.6  per  cent  in  the  number  of  establishments  as  compared 
with  an  increase  of  101.2  per  cent  in  the  number  of  wage  earners,  and 
229.5  per  cent  increase  in  capital  invested.  The  production  of  a 
higher  class  product  is  suggested  by  the  increase  of  140.7  per  cent  in 
value  of  product,  163.8  per  cent  in  wages  paid,  as  compared  with  101.2 
per  cent  increase  hi  the  number  of  wage  earners.  The  increased 
production  of  women's  ready-made  clothing  in  Boston  during  the 
ten  years  since  the  Boston  Trade  School  was  established  suggests 
that  here  is  a  desirable  line  of  development  in  trade  training.  Yet 
the  proportion  of  girls  enrolled  in  the  courses  in  power-machine 
operating  shows  a  decrease  instead  of  an  increase.1 

DECREASE  IN  PROPORTION  OF  YOUNG  WORKERS  EMPLOYED. 

This  industrial  evolution  in  the  women's  clothing  industry  is  bring- 
ing about  fundamental  changes  in  the  sewing  trades — not  only  in 
tehe  reduction  of  numbers  engaged  in  the  custom  branches  of  the  trade, 
for  which  the  schools  train  the  largest  proportion  of  their  workers,  but 
also  in  the  organization  and  the  methods  of  production.  This  change 
leaves  small  opportunity  for  admission  of  the  young  workers,  be- 
cause (1)  practically  every  kind  of  clothing  is  now  made  in  the  fac- 
tory,2 and  the  custom  shop  is  increasingly  limited  to  expensive  house 

1  See  Tables  3  and  4,  pp.  20  and  21. 

8  See  definition  of  women's  clothing,  factory  product,  in  the  United  States  Census,  1910,  Manufactures, 
Vol.  VIII,  p.  398. 


198 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE   OF   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


dresses  of  perishable  and  rich  materials,  which  provide  little  or  no 
opportunity  for  the  employment  of  young  inexperienced  workers: 
and  (2)  the  development  of  the  large  custom  shop,a  which  is  one  con- 
sequence of  the  competition  of  the  f  actory,  means  subdivision  of  labor 
under  paid  heads  who  are  under  obligation  to  make  then1  department 
pay  and  who  consequently  have  little  time  or  inclination  to  bother 
with  young  workers  since  the  keen  competition  necessitates  immediate 
returns. 

The  effect  is  obvious  in  the  marked  decrease  in  the  number  of 
dressmakers  and  seamstresses  reported  under  the  age  of  twenty-one 
years.  The  following  table  shows,  by  age  groups,  the  changes  during 
the  decade  1900-1910  in  the  number  of  women  employed  hi  all  occu- 
pations, and  as  dressmakers  and  seamstresses: 


TABLE  121. 


-NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  WOMEN  IN  EACH  AGE  GROUP  IN  ALL  OCCU- 
PATIONS AND  IN  DRESSMAKING,  1900  AND  1910. 


Age. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Per  cent  of 
increase  or 
decrease 
over  1900. 

All  occupations.1 

Dressmakers 
and 
seamstresses.2 

All  occu- 
pations. 

Dressmak- 
ers and 
seam- 
stresses. 

All  oc- 
cupa- 
tions. 

Press- 
makers 
and 
seam- 
stresses. 

1900 

1910 

19008 

19108 

1900 

1910 

1900 

1910 

Under  16  years.      .  .  . 

485,767 
1,237.967 
3,595,663 

637,086 
1,847,600 
5,591,086 

14,031 
89,714 
387,154 

4,697 
48,534 
396,677 

9.1 

23.3 
67.6 

7.9 

22.9 
69.2 

2.9 
18.2 
78.9 

1.0 
10.8 
88.2 

+31.2 
+49.2 
+55.5 

-66.5 
-45.9 
+  2.5 

16  and  under  21  years.  . 
21  years  and  over  

Total 

5  319,397 

8,075,772 

490,899 

*  449,908 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

+51.8 

-  8.4 

1  United  States  Census,  1910,  Vol.  IV,  Occupations,  p.  69. 

2  Idem,  p.  312,  number  found  by  combining  figures  for  dressmakers,  dressmakers'  apprentices,  and 
seamstresses. 

b  Compiled  from  United  States  Census,  1900,  Occupations,  pp.  cxxxiv  and  cxliii. 

<  Figures  given  in  United  States  Census,  1910,  Vol.  IV,  Occupations,  p.  312.  These  do  not  agree  with 
totals  given  on  p.  91  and  used  in  Table  119. 

While  the  total  number  employed  as  seamstresses  decreased  about 
8  per  cent  from  1900  to  1910,  those  under  16  years  of  age  showed  a 
decrease  of  66.5  per  cent  and  from  16  to  20  years  a  decrease  of  45 ;9 
per  cent.  On  the  other  hand,  the  number  of  women  under  16 
years  of  age  in  all  occupations  increased  31.2  per  cent  and  of  those 
from  16  to  20  years  increased  49.2  per  cent.  Women  under  21  years 
of  age  constituted  21.1  per  cent  of  the  dressmakers  and  seamstresses 
in  the  United  States  reported  in  1900  and  but  11.8  per  cent  in  1910. 
Similar  tendencies  may  be  observed  in  different  cities.6 

a  Dressmaking  as  a  trade  for  women  in  Massachusetts.  Bui.  No.  193,  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor 
Statistics. 

b  The  United  States  Census  returns  on  age  groups  in  particular  occupations  in  cities  are  not  comparable, 
since  those  for  1900  combine  16  years  and  under  24  and  those  for  1910  combine  16  years  and  under  20,  and 
21  years  and  under  44. 


INDUSTRIES   FOR  WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS  TRAIN.  199 

The  tendency  to  abandon  the  employment  of  girls  under  16  years 
of  age  has  increased  with  the  passage  of  the  Massachusetts  law  of 
1913,  limiting  their  working-day  to  eight  hours  and  requiring  attend- 
ance at  continuation  schools.  In  a  fashionable  shop  in  Boston  in 
1910,  11  of  the  total  number,  99,  appearing  on  the  pay  roll  during 
the  year  were  under  18  years  of  age.  In  1914,  3  of  the  total  number, 
80,  employed  during  the  year  were  under  1 8  years.  Nineteen  shops  on 
Boylston  and  Tremont  Streets  and  Massachusetts  Avenue  were  visited 
to  discover  the  proportion  of  young  workers  employed.  More  than 
t\\o-thirds,  69.1  per  cent,  of  the  537  women  employed  were  over  25 
years  of  age.  (Table  122.)  The  keen  competition  and  the  small 
opportunities  for  the  young  partially  equipped  workers  are  obvious 
in  the  experience  of  the  recent  trade-school  girls.  Only  80  per  cent 
of  the  75  girls  who  went  out  from  the  Boston  Trade  School  in  1913-14 
into  the  dressmaking  trade  were  still  in  the  trade  at  the  end  of  their 
first  year's  experience,  while  for  no  previous  year  had  the  proportion 
fallen  below  91  per  cent. 

The  managers  of  the  Worcester  Trade  School  say  it  is  not  possible 
to  place  permanently  more  than  10  newly  trained  girls  each  year,*and 
there  is  a  danger  that  these  will  displace  the  girls  sent  out  into  the 
trade  the  year  before.  This  is  illustrated  in  the  experience  of  the 
girls  who  have  gone  out  of  the  trade  school.  Nine  girls  trained  in 
dressmaking  nine  months  *  or  more  went  out  from  the  school  during 
1911-12,  five  entering  the  trade,  and  three  persisting  at  the  end  of 
the  first  year.  In  1912-13,  19  of  the  30  girls  trained  for  dressmaking  2 
entered  the  trade,  and  1 1  still  remained  at  the  end  of  their  first  year. 
Fifty-five3  went  out  from  the  school  in  1913-14  and  only  21  used 
their  training  in  a  wage-earning  capacity.  This  situation  was  pre- 
dicted in  the  report  of  the  investigation  preliminary  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  school  in  19 II,4  and  the  opportunity  has  grown  even  less 
favorable  during  the  past  four  years  with  the  increasing  production 
and  use  of  ready-made  wear  and  the  legal  restrictions  imposed  on 
the  young  workers.  In  the  spring  of  1915  one  dressmaker  employing 
10  to  15  girls  reported  two  under  25;  the  largest  shop  employing  25 
girls  in  rush  season  reported  all  over  20  years  of  age  and  most  of  them 
over  25  years  of  age. 

There  are  practically  no  openings  for  the  young  sewers  in  Cam- 
bridge, though  they  have  access  to  the  Boston  shops.  Only  15  of 
the  78  girls  trained  in  dressmaking  in  the  Cambridge  Trade  School 
during  its  two  years'  existence  entered  the  trade  and  were  still  working 
in  it  at  the  time  of  the  investigation. 

1 1  attended  less  than  9  months. 

2  2  attended  less  than  9  months. 

3  3  remained  less  than  9  months. 

«  A  trade  school  for  girls,  United  States  Bureau  of  Education  Bulletin,  1913,  No.  17,  p.  43. 


200  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

CUSTOM  SEWING  TRADES. 

EVOLUTION  OF  CUSTOM  DRESSMAKING. 

Custom  dressmakers  in  Boston  in  their  efforts  to  compete  with  the 
factory  product  are  developing  along  three  distinct  lines,  all  of  which 
mean  continually  decreasing  opportunities  for  the  young,  unskilled 
workers.  First,  certain  employers,  custom  dressmakers,  tailors,  and 
milliners,  are  forming  partnerships  and  developing  large,  high-class 
shops  in  which  they  combine  the  production  of  custom  and  stock 
dresses  made  in  their  own  shop,  sale  of  good  quality  factory-made 
dresses,  and  production  and  sale  of  custom  and  wholesale  millinery.1 
Such  a  shop  on  Boylston  Street  is  owned  by  a  firm  consisting  of  a 
tailor  and  two  dressmakers,  each  of  whom  10  years  ago  had  a  shop 
of  his  own,  but  who,  by  combining,  have  a  large,  attractive  store 
opening  off  the  street  and  occupying  two  floors.  Since  much  of  their 
stock  is  factory  made,  they  need  only  a  comparatively  small  force 
of  32  women  in  the  workroom,  of  whom  46.9  per  cent  are  over  25 
years  of  age.  Second,  certain  custom  dressmakers  are  attempting  to 
offer  the  advantages  of  the  factory  product,  i.  e.,  a  completed  gown 
with  little  expenditure  of  effort  and  time — with  the  additional  advan- 
tages of  originality  and  individual  adaptation  provided  by  custom- 
made  clothing — by  so  organizing  their  working  force  of  "  experienced 
workers  only"  that  they  can  take  the  customer's  measurements  and, 
with  one  fitting,  deliver  the  dress  completely  and  satisfactorily  made. 
Third,  a  new  and  as  yet  unique  tendency  has  been  discovered  in  an- 
other Boylston  Street  dressmaking  shop,  which  is  adopting  wholesale 
methods  of  production  on  a  small  scale.  This  firm  of  two  dress- 
makers is,  in  addition  to  doing  custom  work  for  their  more  fastidious 
patrons,  planning  models  which  are  displayed  to  the  buyers  of  depart- 
ment stores  and  making  up  individual  dresses  or  dozens  of  dresses  as 
ordered.  A  small  force  of  20  women  was  employed  in  this  shop,  three- 
fourths  of  whom  were  over  25  years  of  age. 

The  dressmakers  of  the  smaller  cities  like  Worcester  and  Cam- 
bridge, however,  are  unable  to  compete  successfully  with  these  two 
formidable  competitors,  the  ready-made  clothing  and  the  large  com- 
mercialized custom  shop,  and  continue,  if  at  all,  on  a  decreasing  scale 
with  smaller  output.1 

The  custom  trade  has  been  slow  and  unwilling  to  adjust  itself  to 
the  changes  necessitated  by  the  rapid  growth  of  the  factory  product 
and  has  suffered  seriously  by  its  competition.  These  illustrations 
suggest  the  development  of  the  future,  but  do  not  promise  larger 
opportunities  for  the  young,  inexperienced  worker. 

1  For  more  detailed  description,  see  Dressmaking  as  a  trade  for  women  in  Massachusetts.    Bull.  No.  193, 
United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics. 


INDUSTRIES   FOR  WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS  TRAIN.  201 

ATTITUDE    OF   EMPLOYERS   TOWARD    BEGINNERS. 

The  opportunity  for  the  young  worker  is  also  largely  determined 
by  the  attitude  of  the  employer  toward  training  wholly  inexperienced 
or  partially  equipped  workers  from  the  trade  schools.  Conferences 
with  21  dressmakers,  representing  the  several  types  of  production  in 
Boston,  and  two  of  the  largest  employers  in  Worcester  in  the  spring 
of  1915,  corroborated  the  findings  of  the  study  made  in  19 10-1 1.1 

No  employers  would  take  "apprentices"  because  they  cost  more 
than  they  are  worth.  Five  preferred  to  take  in  new  girls  as  errand 
girls.  Combining  their  reports,  the  method  employed  in  this  pseudo- 
apprenticeship,  as  M.  Alfassa  has  termed  it,2  seems  to  be  "to  take  a 
young  girl  who  dusts  in  the  morning  and  sweeps  at  night  and  answers 
the  door  and  telephone  during  the  day."  Gradually  she  is  sent  on 
errands  down  town  to  match  thread,  silk,  or  trimmings,  and  during 
her  spare  moments  she  is  "turned  over  to  the  waist  or  skirt  girls, 
whichever  need  herjnost,  and  is  taught  to  do  the  thing  needed  at 
the  time.  She  sits  and  watches,  and  soon  learns  to  do  the  simple 
work,  making  fringe,  tassels,  covering  buttons,  and  sewing  on  trim- 
ming which  has  been  basted.  Then  she  may  be  allowed  to  overcast 
seams  on  linings,  put  braid  on  the  bottom  of  skirts,  sew  on  hooks  and 
eyes,  work  on  collars  and  sleeves,  and  gradually  become  a  'finisher. ' ' 
Dressmakers  admit,  however,  that  it  is  becoming  increasingly  diffi- 
cult "to  get  teachable  young  girls,"  as  the  legal  limit  is  raised. 

A  second  and  larger  group  of  employers  (15  in  Boston  and  2  in 
Worcester)  who  "haven't  time  to  teach"  or  "don't  take  apprentices 
because  they  cost  more  than  they  are  worth"  will  take  young  girls 
who  can  do  plain  sewing  and  train  them  or  allow  them  to  "pick  up" 
the  more  advanced  processes  by  working  under  the  "head  girl." 
These  plain  sewers  may  be  trade-school  girls,  young  European  girls 
who  have  "always  known  how  to  sew,"  or  older  women  of  some  ex- 
perience, gained  either  in  the  trade  or  at  home.  Seven  of  these 
employers  depended  almost  entirely  on  the  trade  school  for  their 
young  workers. 

The  large  commercialized  shop  which  makes  and  completes  a 
custom  gown  with  one  fitting  employs  "  experienced  workers  only." 

Some  idea  of  the  limited  extent  to  which  younger  women  are  em- 
ployed and  also  of  the  proportionate  representation  of  the  trade- 
school  girls  among  these  younger  women  was  gained  by  an  inquiry 
carried  on  in  19  Boston  shops  in  the  center  of  the  city.  The  folio w- 
ing  table  shows  the  results  obtained: 

1  For  description  of  the  types  of  shops  in  the  several  cities,  see  Dressmaking  as  a  trade  for  women 
in  Massachusetts.    Bui.  No.  19?,  of  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics. 

2  Georges  Alfassa:  La  crise  de  Papprentissage,  in  Annales  des  Sciences  Politiques,  July,  1905. 


202 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE    OF   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


TABLE  122.  -NUMBER  OF  GIRLS  OVER  25  AND  25  YEARS  AND  UNDER  EMPLOYED  IN 
EACH  OF  19  DRESSMAKING  SHOPS  IN  BOSTON. 


Locality. 

Number  of  women  wage  earners 
employed. 

Locality. 

Number  of  women  wage  earners 
employed. 

Total. 

Over 
25 

years 
of 
age. 

25  years  of  age  and 
under. 

Total. 

Over 
25 
years 
of 
age. 

25  years  of  age  and 
under. 

Total. 

Trade- 
school 
girls. 

Non- 

trade- 
school 
girls. 

Total. 

"Yade- 
sehool 
girls. 

yon- 
trade- 
school 
girls. 

Boylston  Street: 
Shop  No.  1.. 
Shop  No.  2.. 
Shop  No.  3  . 
Shop  No.  4  . 
Shop  No.  5  . 
Shop  No.  6  . 
Shop  No.  7  . 
Shop  No.  8  . 
Shop  No.  9  . 
Shop  No.  10. 
Shop  No.  11. 
Shop  No.  12. 
Shop  No.  13. 
Shot)  No.  14. 
Massachusetts  Av- 
enue: 
PhoDNo.15. 
£hoT>No.l6. 
Shop  No.  17. 

69 
50 
45 
35 
32 
28 
25 
25 
25 
25 
25 
20 
17 
8 

16 

8 
7 

47 
35 
41 
21 
15 
28 
23 
14 
23 
10 
7 
15 
6 
8 

13 
5 
5 

22 
15 
4 
11 
17 

16 
9 
2 
9 

4 

6 
6 
2 
2 
13 

Tremont  Street: 
Shop  No.  1»  
W  ashing  ton 
Street: 
Shop  No.  19— 
Costume    de- 
partment. .  . 
Tailoring   de- 
partment. .  . 
Busheling  
Alterations  

Total  Wash- 
in  g  t  o  n 
Street 
shop  

Grand  total. 
Per  cent 

10 

23 

9 

34 

1 

11 

8 
31 

9 
12 

9 
4 

8 

2 
11 
2 
15 
18 
5 
11 

2 
2 

1 

15 
2 

8 

9 
1 
14 
3 
3 
3 

1 
3 

1 

3 

12 

67 

51 

16 
166 
30.9 

4 

3 
3 
2 

1 

2 
3 
2 

537 
100.0 

371 
69.1 

85 

81 
15.1 

15.8 

There  seems  to  be  no  relation  between  the  size  of  the  shop  ard 
the  number  of  younger  women  employed.  No.  1,  with  69  employees, 
had  31.9  per  cent  aged  25  or  under,  while  the  Washington  Street  shop, 
No.  19,  with  a  total  of  67,  had  only  23.9  per  cent  in  this  age  group. 
Five  of  the  Boylston  Street  shops  had  25  employees  each,  but  the 
proportion  of  those  aged  25  or  under  in  these  shops  varied  from 
8  per  cent  in  No.  7  and  No.  9  to  72  per  cent  in  No.  11.  Taking  the 
whole  group  of  employees,  537,  those  aged  25  or  under  formed  less 
than  one- third  (30.9  per  cent). 

The  85  trade-school  girls  employed  in  these  shops  formed  15.8  per 
cent  of  the  total  working  force,  and  also  constituted  more  than  one- 
third  (38.6  per  cent)  of  the  220  trade-school  girls  at  work  in  dress- 
making. 1 

ATTITUDE    OF   EMPLOYERS   TOWARD   TRADE    SCHOOLS   AND   TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

All  of  these  shops  had  employed  trade-school  girls  in  the  past, 
if  not  at  the  time  of  the  visit.  These  were  the  largest  and  highest 
class  of  shops  in  the  several  districts,  and  consequently  the  criticisms 
and  suggestions  the  employers  here  made  concerning  the  trade-school 
girls  are  worth  consideration.  The  criticisms  vary  widely,  because 
they  are  formed  as  a  result  of  experience  with  particular  girls,  but 
some  may  yield  suggestions  for  constructive  development.  These 

1 423  had  gone  into  dressmaking  previous  to  September,  1914,  and  220  were  still  employed  in  the  trade 
when  visited  in  the  fall  of  1914. 


INDUSTRIES   FOB  WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS  TRAIN.  203 

criticisms  may  be  grouped  in  two  classes — (1)  those  covering  the 
school  and  (2)  those  relating  to  the  girls. 

1.  "The  school  should  be  in  closer  touch  with  the  trade,"  is  the 
universal  statement.     "Employers  are  not  consulted  about  what 
they  require  or  need."     "The  teachers  should  ki.ow  the  latest  styles 
and  teach  them."     The  question  of  teaching  and  spending  time  on 
making  a  boned  lining,  for  instance,  when  no  dressmaker  uses  them, 
is  a  point  of  disagreement  between  school  and  employer. 

"Trade  atmosphere"  is  another  subject  of  discussion.  This  is, 
of  course,  not  an  easy  thing  to  develop  in  a  school.  "It  is  not 
necessary  to  keep  trade  hours,"  said  one  employer,  "but  trade  con- 
ditions for  a  specific  period,  perhaps  three  or  four  hours  a  day." 
"Trade  atmosphere,"  as  explained  by  employers,  means  (1)  appre- 
ciation that  time  is  money  and  that  every  moment  should  count  in 
results,  whether  the  teacher  is  in  or  out  of  the  room;  (2)  continuous 
application  for  a  sufficiently  long  period  to  provide  the  prospective 
worker  with  some  appreciation  of  pressure  of  work,  the  method  of 
procedure  in  a  business  shop,  rather  than  that  of  a  classroom. 
"Girls  are  not  kept  steadily  enough  at  work."  "The  school  spends 
too  much  time  on  other  things."  "The  girls  never  seem  to  know 
what  to  do  next.  They  always  wait  to  be  told." 

2.  The  general  complaint  from  practically  all  employers  is  that 
"The  trade-school  girls  aren't  worth  $6  at  first,"  which  is  the  placement 
wage  asked  by  the  Boston  Trade  School.     The  reasons  advanced 
may  be  classified  on  the  basis  of  speed,  responsibility,  technique, 
and  attitude. 

a.  Speed. 

"They  are  too  slow." 

"They  waste  too  much  time  waiting  to  be  told  what  to  do  next." 
"They   draw    their   needle    through   in   such   an    exasperatingly 
leisurely  fashion." 

b.  Responsibility. 

"They  need  too  much  supervision." 

"They  can't  do  anything  unless  it  is  pinned  for  them,  then  they 
are  likely  to  do  it  wrong." 

"They  can't  be  left  to  work  alone.  They  are  constantly  asking 
for  directions,  so  I  prefer  older  and  more  experienced  workers." 

"They  lack  a  conscientious  and  responsible  trade  attitude." 

"Their  idea  of  workroom  discipline  is  little  developed." 

c.  Technique. 

"Their  technique  is  inadequate." 
"They  are  not  adequately  skilled  in  manipulation." 
"They  have  not  enough  training  in  up-to-date  methods  and  on 
materials  in  vogue." 


204  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

d.  Attitude. 

11  The  girls  think  they  are  worth  too  much/' 

"They  are  constantly  thhiking  of  more  money  instead  of  better 
work." 

"The  girls  consider  themselves  worth  too  much,  and  do  not  realize 
that  the  school  can  not  teach  them  everything.  They  are  con- 
stantly quoting  what  the  teacher  did  and  said  at  school,  which  is  very 
irritating." 

"They  demand  increase  in  wage  before  they  are  earning  what  they 
are  paid." 

"They  lack  professional  pride  in  giving  the  worth  of  their  wages. 
For  instance,  they  say  if  work  is  wrong,  'I  can  take  it  out/  not  real- 
izing that  I  am  paying  them  for  their  tune  at  double  rates  when 
they  have  to  do  work  twice." 

Summing  up  these  complaints,  it  appears  that  the  qualifications 
required  by  employers — speed  with  accuracy,  responsibility,  and 
adequate  technique — are  developed  only  with  maturity  and  experi- 
ence. As  one  employer  expressed  it,  "these  are  faults  due  to  imma- 
turity perhaps  as  much  as  inadequate  training,"  but  the  employer's 
complaint  is  based  on  the  requirement  of  a  $6  wage  for  this  imma- 
turity, and  its  accompanying  disadvantages.  It  is  economy  and  good 
business,  they  maintain,  to  pay  a  little  more  for  older  and  more 
experienced  workers. 

Several  questions  are  raised  for  consideration,  therefore.  Is  the 
establishment  of  a  fixed  minimum  placement  wage  advisable  or  ulti- 
mately beneficial  to  the  school  and  the  girl  ?  The  study  of  wage  ad- 
vancement shows  that  the  wages  have  a  tendency  to  cluster  about  the 
initial  $6  wage  during  the  first  two  years  out  of  the  school,1  and  those 
placed  in  recent  years  at  a  higher  beginning  wage  do  not  show  a  cor- 
responding advantage  over  the  girls  placed  under  earlier  management 
at  lower  rates.  In  other  words,  the  wage  seems  to  advance  in  ac- 
cordance with  capacity  to  earn  it,  rather  than  on  an  automatic  basis. 
Again,  the  experience  m  the  shop  for  the  first  six  months  or  year 
should  be  recognized  as  a  valuable  part  of  the  training.  Girls  are 
sometimes  handicapped  hi  securing  this  experience  because  of  the 
requirement  of  the  $6  wage  which  the  employer  may  refuse  to  pay 
on  the  basis  that  they  are  not  worth  this  much.  Might  it  not  be  a 
plan  worth  trying,  to  establish  a  requisite  wage  at  the  end  of  six 
months  or  a  year,  thus  enabling  the  girl  to  become  initiated  and 
worth  her  wage ?  Such  a  scheme  would  have  two  advantages:  (1) 
The  employer  would  be  in  a  more  sympathetic,  helpful  attitude, 
more  willing  to  show  the  girls  how  to  do  things  and  to  answer  ques- 
tions; (2)  the  girl  would  be  put  on  her  mettle  to  prove  her  worth 
and  perhaps  be  less  overconfident  of  her  capacity. 

i  See  Table  63,  p.  107. 


INDUSTRIES  FOR  WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS  TRAIN.  205 

The  Worcester  Trade  School  has  not  attempted  to  establish  a 
minimum  placement  wage. 

The  increasing  maturity  and  experience  required  in  the  trade 
places  the  school  in  a  troublesome  dilemma.  The  trade  is  continu- 
ously and  increasingly  discriminating,  first,  against  the  girls  under  16, 
then  against  those  under  20  years  of  age.  On  the  other  hand,  the  school 
was  founded  to  meet  the  needs  of  the  young  girl  who  must  go  to  work 
early.  As  soon  as  it  lengthens  its  course  it  puts  its  training  beyond 
the  reach  of  the  girl  for  whom  it  was  established.  The  solution  for 
the  situation  in  Massachusetts,  if  the  school  would  maintain  its 
original  motive,  seems  to  be  that  dressmaking  must  be  increasingly 
recognized  as  a  trade  for  the  more  mature  girl  who  can  afford  longer 
training,  and  something  else  must  be  introduced  for  the  young  girl 
who  can  afford  only  a  short  time  for  training. 

EVOLUTION  OF  MILLINERY  TRADE. 

The  millinery  trade  1  is  undergoing  an  industrial  evolution  very 
similar  to  that  in  the  women's  clothing  trade,  though  this  is  less 
obvious  and  less  easily  proved  by  official  statistics  for  two  reasons — 
(1)  there  are  no  comparable  statistics  from  custom  and  wholesale 
shops  in  1910,  and  (2)  the  census  occupations  returns  do  not  sepa- 
rate custom  and  wholesale  milliners,  so  it  is  impossible  from  this 
source  to  show  the  trend  of  the  trade  from  custom  to  wholesale 
production,  as  can  be  done  with  regard  to  dressmaking. 

GROWTH   OF   FACTORY   AND    DECREASE    OF   CUSTOM    WORK. 

The  abnormal  growth  of  wholesale  millinery  in  the  statistics  of 
manufactures,  however,  indicates  that  factory-made  millinery,  like 
factory-made  clothing,  is  monopolizing  the  production.  In  the 
United  States  as  a  whole,  between  1900  and  1910,  the  capital  in- 
vested in  wholesale  " millinery  and  lace  goods"  increased  231.7  per 
cent.2  A  glance  at  the  situation  in  1900  when  statistics  on  the  cus- 
tom and  wholesale  branches  of  the 'trade  can  be  compared,  throws 
some  light  on  this  situation.  Custom  millinery,  then,  still  occupied 
a  large  place  in  the  United  States  as  a  whole,  controlling  about  two- 
thirds  of  the  wages  paid  and  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  capital 
invested  and  of  the  product  from  the  standpoint  of  value. 

Wholesale  millinery  and  lace  goods  in  New  York  City  in  1900, 
however,  occupied  by  far  the  largest  place  in  the  millinery  trade 
(including  custom  work),  controlling  80.6  per  cent  of  the  capital 
invested,  77.7  per  cent  of  the  value  of  the  product,  and  78.7  per  cent 

1  For  detailed  description  of  the  custom  millinery  trade,  see  Lorinda  Perry:  Millinery  as  a  trade  for 
women;  also  Mary  Van  Kleeck:  Wages  in  the  millinery  trade  (New  York  Factory  Investigating  Com- 
mission). 

2  United  States  Census,  1910,  Vol.  VIII,  Manufactures,  p.  618. 


206 


INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE  OF   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 


of  the  wages  paid.a  The  wholesale  trade  of  New  York  City  largely 
controlled  the  situation  in  the  United  States,  66.4  per  cent  of  the 
wage  earners,  71.2  per  cen.t  of  the  value  of  product  and  68.9  per  cent 
of  the  wages  paid  in  this  branch  of  the  trade  centering  in  New  York. 
The  extraordinary  increase  in  the  millinery  and  lace  goods  trade 
reported  in  1910  for  the  United  States  and  such  cities  as  Boston6 
as  shown  in  the  folio  whig  table,  seems  to  give  official  verification  to 
the  obvious  evolution  which  may  be  observed  in  this  trade — the 
increasing  use  of  factory-made  hats. 

TABLE  123.— GROWTH  OF  MILLINERY  AND  LACE  GOODS  INDUSTRIES  FROM  1900  TO 
1910  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY  AND  BOSTON. 


Locality  and  year. 

Establish- 
ments. 

Wage  earners. 

Wages  paid. 

Capital  invested. 

Value  of  product. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent 
of  in- 
crease 
over 
1900. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent 
of  in- 
crease 
over 
1900. 

Amount. 

Per 
cent 
of  in- 
crease 
over 
1900. 

Amount. 

Per 
cent 
of  in- 
crease 
over 
1900. 

Amount. 

Per 
cent 
of  in- 
crease 
over 
1900. 

United  States:  1 
1900  

591 

16.871 
39,201 

11,213 
20,561 

319 
1,454 

$5,818,000 
16.308,000 

4,014,000 
9,419,000 

152,000 
580,000 

iso.'s" 

$10,765,000 
35,705,000 

7  692  000 

m'.l' 

$29,469,000 
85,894,000 

20,984,000 
51,239,000 

716,000 
3,425,000 

1910  

1,579 
383 

167.2 

132.4 

194.9 
'i44.~2 
'378.'4 

New  York  City:* 
1900  

1910 

886 

18 
65 

131.3 
26i.T 

83.4 
355."  8' 

134.7 

19,413,000 

151,000 
1,254,000 

152.4 

Boston:* 
1900  

1910  

281.6 

730.5 

i  United  States  Census,  1910,  Manufactures,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  618. 

a  Idem,  Vol.  IX,  pp.  524,  862.    None  reported  for  Worcester  and  Cambridge. 

"We  don't  touch  a  less-than-$10  hat  in  our  workroom,"  said  a 
trimmer  in  the  millinery  workroom  of  a  department  store  in  Boston. 
" Those  selling  for  less  than  that  come  direct  from  the  factory." 
"We  don't  need  a  designer  any  more,"  said  an  employer  of  an  ex- 
clusive millinery  shop.  "We  get  our  hats  from  New  York.  The 
machine  is  monopolizing  the  millinery  trade."  "I  go  to  New  York 
every  month  and  the  buyer  goes  every  week,"  said  the  designer  of 
the  millinery  department  of  a  women's  clothing  store.  "We  buy 
models  which  I  have  the  makers  copy."  "We  don't  employ  as 
many  trimmers  the  last  year  or  two,"  was  the  remark  of  an  employer 
of  a  large  fashionable  hat  and  gown  shop. 

Three  competitors  in  the  millinery  trade  are  driving  out  the  custom 
milliner — the  straw  and  velvet  hat  factories,  the  wholesale  houses, 
and  the  department  stores.  The  straw-hat  factories  used  to  be 
content  with  a  six  months'  season,  some  dovetailing  with  the  manu- 
facture of  felt  hats.  But  present-day  manufacturers  are  unwilling 
to  allow  their  factories  to  lie  idle  half  the  year.  A  good  many  em- 

o  United  States  Census,  1900,  Manufactures,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  624. 

b  United  States  Census,  1910,  Manufactures,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  618,-  Vol.  IX,  p.  862. 


INDUSTRIES  FOE  WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS  TRAIN.  207 

ployers,  therefore,  are  making  velvet  hats  in  the  summer.  When 
the  custom  milliner  returns  to  town  in  the  fall,  she  finds  the  people 
on  the  street  all  equipped  with  velvet  hats.  "I  suppose  your  fac- 
tory is  closing  now,"  said  the  investigator  in  May  to  the  dosig»er  in 
a  straw-hat  factory.  "Oh,  no,  we  are  beginning  to  make  up  some 
chiffon,  net,  and  velvet  hats  now,"  was  the  response.  The  whole- 
sale stores,  together  with  the  department  stores,  supply  a  large 
number  of  the  women  with  hats.  Frames  hi  all  colors,  shapes,  and 
sizes  can  be  bought  at  any  price.  Bows  will  be  made  free  of  charge 
by  a  special  "bow  maker,"  who  has  many  samples  from  which  the 
customer  may  choose,  and  in  some  stores  this  trimming  will  be  put 
on  the  hat  free  of  charge.  Flowers,  feathers,  and  all  kinds  of  trim- 
ming are  displayed  for  sale  at  all  prices,  and  the  women  who  patron- 
ize these  stores  can  buy  their  hats  at  a  small  fraction  of  the  price 
charged  by  the  custom  milliner.  For  this  reason  the  custom  mil- 
liner is  doomed.  It  is  useless  to  talk  about  educating  the  public 
up  to  higher  standards  of  taste  and  appreciation  of  custom  work 
when  the  great  majority  of  women  must  get  the  best  values  possible 
for  the  least  money. 

The  factories  and  department  stores  have  two  powerful  weapons 
in  the  struggle  for  supremacy — lower  prices  for  the  hats  and  longer 
seasons,  because  of  dovetailing  of  duties  for  the  workers.  The  girls 
in  the  millinery  department  of  the  stores  are  frequently  shifted  to 
the  sales  departments  and  clerical  offices  during  the  dull  seasons. 
Seven  of  the  straw-machine  operators  from  the  trade  school  length- 
ened their  seasons  by  working  on  velvet  hats  in  the  summer. 

The  custom  milliner,  like  the  custom  dressmaker,  is  attempting  to 
maintain  her  place  in  the  trade  by  offering  both  ready-made  and  custom 
hats  and  by  combining  with  dressmakers  and  tailors  to  equalize  the 
seasons,  but  she,  like  the  custom  dressmaker,  is  increasingly  restricted 
to  the  wealthy  and  fastidious  clientele  who  buy  of  her  only  to  secure 
individuality  and  exclusiveness  of  style. 

The  evolution  hi  the  millinery  trade  has  an  important  significance 
for  trade  educators.  The  increasing  growth  of  the  wholesale  at  the 
expense  of  the  custom  branch  at  once  decreases  the  opportunity  for 
the  young  worker  to  acquire  or  supplement  her  training  hi  the  shop 
and  decreases  the  opportunity  at  the  top  by  diminishing  the  number 
of  trimmers  and  designers  required.  The  trade  does  not,  however, 
show  the  great  decline  in  the  proportion  of  young  girls  employed 
which  appears  in  the  dressmaking  trade.  The  following  table  shows 
the  distribution  by  age  of  milliners  and  milliners'  apprentices  hi  1900 
and  in  1910: 


208 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE  124.— NUMBER   AND    PER   CENT,   IN    EACH   AGE    GROUP,   OF   MILLINERS   EM- 
PLOYED IN   THE  UNITED   STATES,  1900  AND   1910. 


Age. 

Milliners  of  each  specified  age  employed  each  year. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Increase 
over  1900. 

19001 

19102 

1900 

1910 

Under  16  years  ,  

3,184 
22,401 
60,535 

3.539 
34,  897 
90,002 

3.7 
26.0 
70.3 

2.7 
27.2 
70.1 

+  11.2 
+55.8 

+48.7 

16  and  under  21  years  

16  vears  and  over  

Total 

86,120 

128,  438 

100.0 

100.0 

+49.2 

1  United  States  Census,  1900,  Occupations,  cxxxiv. 

8  United  States  Census,  1910,  vol.  iv,  Occupations,  p.  312. 

While  the  proportion  of  girls  under  16  in  the  trade  decreased  be- 
tween 1900  and  1910,  the  actual  number  increased  slightly.  The  pro- 
portion under  21  apparently  differs  considerably  from  place  to  place, 
and  from  one  branch  of  the  trade  to  another.  Thus,  this  table  shows 
that  the  proportion  hi  that  age  group  was,  in  1910,  for  the  United 
States  as  a  whole  30  per  cent,  but  a  survey  of  the  trade  made  in  New 
York  City  in  1914  1  showed  that  40  per  cent  of  the  1 ,355  women  studied 
were  under  21  years  of  age.  This  proportion  differed  in  the  three 
branches  of  the  trade,  47  per  cent  in  retail  shops,  33.2  per  cent  in  retail- 
wholesale,  and  30.7  per  cent  in  wholesale  shops  being  under  21  years 
of  age.  The  workers  under  18  years  of  age,  who  constituted  12  per 
cent  of  the  total  number,  show  a  somewhat  similar  distribution.  In 
the  retail  shops  they  formed  15.5  per  cent,  in  the  retail-wholesale 
shops  11.2  per  cent,  and  in  the  wholesale  shops  11.5  per  cent  of  the 
total  number  of  workers. 

ATTITUDE    OF   EMPLOYERS   TOWARD    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

The  attitude  of  employers  toward  beginners  in  millinery  was  less 
favorable  even  than  it  was  toward  those  in  dressmaking.  "Do  you 
take  green  girls  of  14  to  18  ?"  was  asked  of  an  employer  in  a  high  class 
shop.  "  We  don't  like  to,  but  they  do  get  in,"  he  said.  "How  does  a 
new  worker  learn  ? "  a  young  woman  in  the  shop  was  asked.  l  i  You  sit 
down  beside  another  girl  and  she  tells  you  what  to  do.  If  you  are  not 
quick  or  she  does  not  like  you,  you  do  not  learn  much.  The  trimmer 
is  not  expected  to  teach  you." 

The  question,  "How  does  the  trade-school  girl  meet  the  needs  of 
the  employer?"  brought  a  variety  of  answers  which  illustrate  the 
difficult  problems  confronting  the  trade  schools/  "Oh,  we  just  think 
of  them  as  mere  babies,"  said  some;  "we  don't  depend  on  them  at 
all;  we  put  them  with  a  maker  as  a  helper."  In  general,  the  grounds 
of  complaint  against  the  trade-school  girls  were  somewhat  as  follows: 

i  Mary  Van  Kleeck:  Wages  in  the  millinery  trade.    New  York  Factory  Investigating  Commission,  p.  64. 


INDUSTRIES  FOR  WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS  TRAIN.  209 

"Lack  of  personal  responsibility.  They  are  accustomed  to  lean  on 
the  teacher  too  much." 

"Lack  of  confidence  and  initiative." 

"Incapacity  for  realizing  that  a  thing  must  be  done  in  a  definite 
time." 

"Lack  of  accuracy  and  appreciation  of  necessity  for  absolutely 
exact  measurements." 

SUMMARY  OF  EFFECT  OF   CHANGES  IN  CUSTOM   SEWING  TRADES  UPON  OPPORTUNI- 
TIES FOR  TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 

Here  again,  as  in  the  case  of  the  girls  trained  for  dressmaking,  the 
criticisms  relate  rather  to  immaturity  than  to  training.  And  this 
immaturity  is_the  tremendous  problem  confronting  the  trade  school, 
which  has  been  established  to  train  young  girls  for  trades  which  are 
demanding  increasing  maturity,  skill  and  experience  from  their 
workers. 

A  second  serious  problem  grows  out  of  the  need  for  experience  in 
handling  the  materials  used  iii  the  trade.  This  is  a  more  serious 
problem  in  teaching  millinery  than  dressmaking,  for  in  dressmaking 
the  learner  can  get  preliminary  experience  on  cheap  cotton  mater- 
ials, while  in  millinery  the  use  of  such  materials  simply  does  not  give 
the  experience  required.  To  give  practical  training,  the  hats  must 
be  made  of  straw,  velvet,  silk  or  net,  such  as  is  used  in  the  trade,  for 
it  is  the  manipulation,  stretching,  and  "making"  of  these  materials 
hi  which  the  girls  must  be  skilled.  Many  complaints  were  directed 
against  the  inexperience  of  the  trade-school  girls  in  this  particular: 
"If  the  trade-school  girls  were  accustomed  to  work  with  good  ma- 
terials they  would  make  a  better  showing."  "A  trade  school  can't 
afford  to  keep  up  with  the  latest,  and  millinery  changes  every  year, 
so  if  you  don't  know  the  latest  things  you  aren't  much  good."  "The 
reason  trade  schools  can't  succeed  is  because  they  can't  afford  good 
materials.  Silk  and  velvet  of  the  best  quality  are  too  expensive." 

Summarizing  the  situation,  the  trades  on  which  the  trade  schools 
of  Massachusetts  have  laid  most  emphasis  have  undergone  great 
changes  during  this  10-year  period,  and  as  a  result  make  different 
demands  and  requirements  of  their  workers,  while  the  motive  and  the 
methods  of  the  schools  have  changed  very  little.  The  schools  have 
trained  the  great  proportion  of  their  pupils  in  custom  dressmaking 
(Boston  62  per  cent,  Worcester  66.3  per  cent,  and  Cambridge  69 
per  cent)  and  the  latest  returns,  January,  1915,  show  a  still  larger 
proportion  training  for  this  trade.  (Tables  3  and  4.)  Statistics, 
however,  show  a  tremendous  decline  in  this  custom  branch  of  the 
women's  clothing  trade,  and  increasing  discrimination  against  the 
young  worker  under  21  years  of  age.  While  the  millinery  trade  also 
is  being  rapidly  monopolized  by  the  wholesale  branch  of  the  trade, 
85225°— 17— Bull.  215 14 


210 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


the  proportion  of  young,  workers  remains  about  the  same,  and  with 
the  growth  of  the  trade,  shows  an  increase  of  50.2  per  cent  in  the 
workers  under  21  years  of  age.  The  trade  schools  recently  have 
shown  a  tendency  to  restrict  the  number  of  pupils  who  are  being 
trained  for  this  trade,  largely  as  a  result  of  two  difficulties  which 
have  been  encountered  by  the  school:  (1)  the  problem  of  meeting  the 
trade  demands  for  maturity  and  technical  ability  through  these  young 
and  immature  girls  and  (2)  the  inability  of  the  young  workers  from 
an  economic  standpoint  to  maintain  themselves  in  a  trade  with  em- 
ployment seldom  exceeding  half  the  year. 

Owing  largely  to  this  second  difficulty,  the  sifting  out  from  this 
trade  has  been  exceptionally  heavy.  The  following  table  shows  the 
number  of  girls  who,  having  entered  the  trades  for  which  they  had 
been  trained,  have  left  them  after  a  longer  or  shorter  experience: 

TABLE  125.— NUMBER  OF  GIRLS  WHO  USED  EACH  SPECIFIED  TRADE  AND  NUMBER 
AND  PER  CENT  OF  THESE  WHO  LEFT  THE  TRADE. 


Trade  entered. 

Num- 
ber of 
girls 
using 
their 
trade. 

Girls  dropping 
out  of  the  trade 
for  which  they 
were  trained. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent. 

Dressmaking 

423 
157 

81 
72 
11 

203 
101 

44 
41 
3 

48.0 
64.3 

54.3 
56.9. 
27.3 

Millinery  

Machine  operating  on  — 
Cloth 

Straw  hats  

Cooking  and  design  

Total 

744 

392 

52.7 

Very  nearly  two-thirds  of  the  girls  trained  for  millinery  have  defi- 
nitely left  the  trade.  In  only  one  previous  year  was  the  sifting  as 
great  as  during  the  last  year  studied,  1913-14.  Sixty  per  cent  of 
those  who  went  into  the  millinery  shops  during  the  year  had  left  the 
trade  by  the  end  of  the  first  year's  experience. 

POWER  MACHINE  SEWING  TRADES. 

The  trades  depending  on  the  electric-power  sewing  machines  have 
not  yet  received  much  attention  in  the  trade  schools  of  Massachu- 
setts, although  the  Boston  Trade  School  introduced  cloth  power- 
rnachine  operating  during  its  first  year.  Only  81  girls  have  gone  out 
from  the  school  into  the  trade  and  remained  one  week  or  more,  and 
more  than  one-half  of  these  have  left  it.  Power-machine  operating 
on  straw  hats  was  introduced  in  the  year  1905-6,  and  nearly  the  same 
number  of  girls  (72)  have  gone  out  into  the  industry,  although  it  is 
a  much  smaller  trade  than  cloth  power-machine  operating  from  the 
standpoint  of  number  of  establishments  and  women  employed.  More 
than  one-half  these  girls  also  have  left  the  trade. 


INDUSTRIES   FOE  WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS  TRAIN.  211 

NEED  OF  TRAINING  FOR  THESE  TRADES. 

The  rapid  monopoly  of  the  production  of  women's  clothing  and 
millinery  by  the  wholesale  manufacturing  branches  of  these  trades, 
and  the  small  attempts  of  the  two  trade  schools  to  train  for  these 
manufacturing  industries  suggest  the  need  for  a  study  of  their  edu- 
cational and  industrial  opportunities  in  Boston  and  Worcester. 
Curiously,  the  stigma  of  the  factory  from  a  social  standpoint  still 
survives  in  the  twentieth  century,1  and  trade  educators  find  this 
prejudice  a  difficult  obstacle  to  overcome  in  the  minds  of  girls  and 
parents.  May  not  the  emphasis  of  the  school  on  the  custom  sewing 
trades  give  strength  to  this  popular  prejudice?  Yet  published 
reports  of  these  trades  in  New  York  City  2  show  opportunity  for  sat- 
isfactory working  conditions,  wages  and  seasons,  and  a  tendency 
toward  continuous  improvement,  with  the  establishment  of  better 
sanitary  conditions  and  higher  wage  scales  through  organized  and 
cooperative  efforts  of  employers  and  employees.  Finally,  in  addition 
to  the  increasing  numbers  employed  and  the  generally  satisfactory 
working  conditions  offered,  these  manufacturing  trades  are  worthy 
of  study  from  the  standpoint  of  trade  training,  because  of  the  diffi- 
culty of  access  for  the  young  girl  without  some  equipment  in  (1)  the 
knowledge  of  the  operation  of  the  machines  and  (2)  the  ability  to  do 
the  simple  processes  of  straight  stitching. 

Without  a  personal  study  of  the  enormous  industry  "  women's 
clothing,  factory  product,"  the  educator  could  have  little  conception 
of  its  many  divisions  based  on  type  of  product  and  involving  varying 
degrees  and  kinds  of  skill  of  the  women  workers.  As  a  suggestive  list 
for  purposes  of  study  for  trade  training,  these  many  subtrades  might 
be  grouped  as  follows: 

Women's  clothing: 

a.  Light-weight  product  (employing  women  primarily  and  ranked  in  order  of 
skill  required) — 

1.  Dresses  and  waists  (silk,  woolen,  linen,  and  cotton). 

2.  Petticoats  (silk  and  cotton). 

3.  Neckwear. 

4.  Children's  clothing. 

5.  Muslin  underwear. 

6.  Shirts,  middy  blouses,  kimonos,,  house  dresses,  bath  robes,  bathing  suits. 

7.  Aprons. 

b.  Heavy-weight  product  (employing  men  primarily) — 

1.  Cloaks,  suits,  and  skirts. 

c.  Still  other  large  industries  involving  the  electric-power  sewing  machines 
provide  good  opportunities  for  employment  and  trade  training — 

1.  Scrim,  lace,  and  net  curtains — Light-weight  product. 

2.  Corsets — Medium-weight  product. 

3.  Raincoats  and  overalls— Heavy-weight  product. 

i  Katherine  Anthony:  Mothers  who  must  earn,  p.  51.     ' 

a  Buls.  Nos.  146  and  147,  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics. 


212  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

There  seems  to  be  a  rather  general  opinion  that  "  power-machine 
operating"  is  nothing  more  than  operating  a  power  .machine  and 
that  mastery  of  the  power  and  some  knowledge  of  the  machine  will 
enable  a  girl  to  work  with  equal  ease  and  adaptation  on  any  one  of 
these  numerous  products.  "With  a  little  practice  on  power  machines 
*  *  *  she  could  sit  down  at  a  power  machine  and  become  a  piece- 
worker without  delay  because  she  knows  how  to  control  her  machine," 
writes  one  educator.1  "School  training  for  specific  operations  is 
not  necessary,  for  these  operations  are  simple  and  can  be  learned  in 
a  few  days  or  weeks  at  most  in  the  factory  itself."  2  But  this  is 
not  true  of  power  sewing-machine  operating,  as  a  study  of  the  various 
branches  of  the  industry  and  of  the  experience  of  the  girls  shows.  A 
girl  who  has  worked  on  aprons,  on  which  the  chief  requisites  are 
straight  stitching  and  speed,  might  find  it  impossible  to  stitch  chiffon 
waists,  which  require  a  knowledge  of  how  to  hold  flimsy  materials 
without  stretching  or  mussing,  how  to  put  in  sleeves,  how  to  put 
together  shoulder  seams,  underarm  seams,  etc.,  or  to  stitch  corsets, 
which  are  usually  made  of  heavy  materials  but  require  much  shaping 
in  joining  the  rounded  and  curving  edges. 

The  fundamental  basis  on  which  trade  training  for  the  power- 
machine  sewing  trades  must  be  developed  is  that  of  product.  The 
type  of  product  manufactured  in  the  city  in  which  the  trade  schools 
are  established,  therefore,  determines  the  opportunities  for  skill  and 
the  character  of  the  training  which  will  prove  valuable  to  the  prospec- 
tive worker. 

Unfortunately,  it  is  impossible  to  discover  from  official  statistics 
the  number  of  firms  and  workers  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  these 
many  products,  as  they  are  grouped  under  "men's  clothing,  factory 
product,"  or  "women's  clothing,  factory  product."  The  Massachu- 
setts Bureau  of  Statistics  reported  148  firms  and  4,353  employees- 
(1,181  men  and  3,172  women)  employed  in  the  manufacture  of 
women's  clothing  in  metropolitan  Boston  in  1913.3  An  investigation 
by  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics  of  the  cloak,  suit, 
and  skirt  industry  in  Boston,  covering  the  period  from  August,  1912, 
to  July,  1913,  estimated  the  total  working  force  of  this  branch  of  the 
industry  in  Boston  to  be  about  3,000  workers,4  employed  in  40  shops. 
If  the  returns  secured  by  the  two  bureaus  are  comparable  the  cloak, 
suit,  and  skirt  industry  of  Boston  accounts  for  more  than  one-fourth 
of  the  firms  and  employs  69  per  cent  of  the  workers  in  the  women's 
clothing  industry  in  this  city.  Fairchild's  Directory  of  Men's  and 

1  Anna  C.  Hedges:  Wage  worth  of  school  training,  p.  7. 

2  Idem,  p.  3. 

3  Massachusetts  Bureau  of  Statistics:  Twenty-eighth  Annual  Report  on  the  Statistics  of  Manufactures, 
1913. 

9  Wages  [and  regularity  of  employment  in  the  cloak,  suit,  and  skirt  industry,  Bui.  No.  147,  United 
States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  p.  70. 


INDUSTRIES  FOR  WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS   TRAIN.  213 

Women's  Wear  in  Boston  for  1915  reported  475  manufacturers  of 
women's  wear,  54  per  cent  producing  light-weight  product,  such  as 
dresses,,  waists,  petticoats,  neckwear,  children's  clothing,  underwear, 
and  aprons,  and  46  per  cent  producing  heavy-weight  product,  such  as 
cloaks,  suits,  skirts,  and  raincoats. 

EXTENT  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THESE  TRADES  IN  BOSTON  AND  WORCESTER. 

The  virtual  monopoly  of  the  women's  clothing  trade  by  New  York 
City  largely  determines  the  types  of  manufacture  found  in  Boston 
and  Worcester.  The  dress  and  waist  industry,  offering  the  highest 
opportunities  for  skill  and  wage  advancement  for  women  and  most 
dependent  on  changing  styles  and  fashions,  naturally  centers  in 
New  York,  the  fashion  center  of  the  United  States.  The  study  of 
the  industry  in  New  York  in  1913  disclosed  707  shops  employing 
36,858  workers,  the  proportions  being  a  little  over  four-fifths  women 
and  less  than  one-fifth  men.1  As  a  result  only  a  comparatively 
few  dress  and  waist  factories  are  found  in  Boston.  The  majority  of 
these  are  small  and  with  two  exceptions  their  product  is  limited  to 
medium  and  cheap  grade  dresses  ranging  at  wholesale  from  $3  to 
$16.50  each.  These  factories  cater  in  general  to  a  limited  market, 
largely  New  England,  and  to  a  large  extent  outside  Boston. 

One  large  waist  factory  in  Worcester,  employing  a  maximum  of 
125  workers,  manufactures  silk  and  cotton  waists  at  a  wholesale 
price  of  $9,  $16.50,  and  $18  a  dozen.  Because  of  the  competition  of 
New  York,  this  firm  is  developing  a  western  market  for  its  product. 
One  or  two  smaller  dress  factories  manufacture  medium  and  cheap 
grade  products  in  Worcester. 

Other  light-weight  products,  such  as  underwear,  neckwear,  etc., 
seem  to  be  about  the  same  grade  and  the  majority  of  factories  are 
comparatively  small. 

The  cloak,  suit,  and  skirt  industry  is  best  organized  from  the 
standpoint  both  of  labor  and  of  manufacturers  and  represents  the 
highest  grade  of  product  of  the  women's  clothing  trade  in  Boston. 
The  men,  however,  practically  monopolize  the  skilled  occupations  in 
this  branch  of  the  trade,  because  of  their  greater  strength  and  phys- 
ical endurance,  and  their  skill  in  garment  construction  acquired 
through  the  apprenticeship  system  abroad. 

The  manufacture  of  corsets  is  the  predominant  industry  in  Worces- 
ter and  is  primarily  a  women's  industry.2  The  power-machine 
operating  processes  are  difficult  to  acquire  and  many  of  the  machines 
are  complex. 

1  Wages  and  regularity  of  employment  in  the  dress  and  waist  industry,  Bui.  No.  146,  United  States 
Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  p.  29. 

2  For  description  of  processes  and  wages,  see  First  Annual  Report  of  the  Minimum  Wage  CommissioD 
of  Massachusetts,  1914. 


214  INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE   OF   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 

The  United  States  Census  reported  4,063  power  sewing  machine 
operators  (women)  in  Boston  in  1910,  one-third  (33.4  per  cent)  of 
whom  were  under  21  years  of  age,  and  2,132  in  Worcester,  41.5  per 
cent  of  whom  were  under  21  years  of  age.1  That  the  demand  for 
skilled  power-machine  operators  is  difficult  to  fill,  is  practically  a 
universal  complaint  in  Boston.  This  is  not  true  in  Worcester  at 
present  because  of  the  industrial  depression  in  the  manufacture  of 
underwear. 

ANALYSIS  OF  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  PRODUCTION  IN  FACTORIES  MAKING  LIGHT-WEIGHT 

PRODUCTS. 

Study  of  product,  as  has  been  pointed  out,  must  be  the  basis  of 
trade  training,  for  four  reasons:  First,  it  determines  the  method  and 
characteristics  of  production,  deciding  (1)  whether  it  is  character- 
ized by  specialization  of  processes  and  subdivision  of  labor  and  (2) 
what  processes  are  done  by  women.  Second,  it  determines  the  requi- 
sites of  the  workers.  Dresses  and  waists  require  technical  skill  and 
knowledge  of  construction  necessary  to  make  a  waist  throughout. 
Neckwear,  corsets,  and  straw  hats  all  need  a  very  different  kind  of 
manipulative  skill  in  handling  difficult  materials.  Aprons,  under- 
wear, kimonos,  and  house  dresses  require  more  knowledge  of  and 
skill  in  the  use  of  special  machines,  together  with  capacity  for  speed. 
Cloaks,  suits,  skirts,  raincoats,  and  overalls  require  in  varying  degrees 
knowledge  of  garment  construction  and  physical  strength.  Third, 
the  type  of  product  determines  the  opportunities  to  acquire  and  sup- 
plement trade  training,  for  the  better  the  product,  the  less  willing  is 
the  manufacturer  to  train  new  workers.  Fourth,  the  product  deter- 
mines wage-earning  capacity  in  relation  to  the  amount  of  skill 
required  and  in  relation  to  the  regularity  and  length  of  working  sea- 
sons. 

An  intimate  understanding  of  the  requirements  of  the  product 
ought  to  forearm  the  school  against  misfits,  such  as  reported  by  one 
indignant  mother,  "No,  she  made  a  failure  of  it.  The  school  placed 
her  in  a  chiffon  waist  factory.  She  would  have  been  more  successful 
on  overalls." 

Since  there  seems  to  be  little  conception  on  the  part  of  the  public 
of  the  wide  variation  in  the  necessary  qualifications  of  the  workers 
in  the  different  branches  of  the  factory  sewing  trades,  a  suggestive 
analysis  of  the  characteristics  of  production  discovered  in  the  facto- 
ries making  light-weight  product  is  offered  for  consideration. 

i  United  States  Census,  1910,  Vol.  IV,  Occupations,  pp.  540,  607. 


INDUSTRIES   FOB  WHICH   TRADE  SCHOOLS  TBAIN.  215 

MACHINE  OPERATING   ON   LIGHT-WEIGHT  PRODUCTS. 

A.  Complete  products. 

1.  Garments  made. 

a.  Dresses. 

b.  Waists. 

c.  Petticoats. 

d.  Skirts. 

2.  Materials  used. 

a.  Silk  of  all  kinds. 

b.  Expensive  cotton  and  linen  goods. 

c.  Chiffon  and  nets. 

d.  Woolens  and  velvets. 

3.  Characteristics  of  production. 

a.  A  complete  product  as  distinguished  from  one  process. 

b.  Expensive  materials. 

c.  Simple  power  machines. 

d.  Little  or  no  subdivision  of  work. 

e.  Selling  qualities  lie  chiefly  in  its  excellence  and  conformity  to  the  most 

recent  styles. 

4.  Organization. 

B,.  Large  amount  of  handwork.  Small  investment  in  special  machines. 
Hemstitching,  felling,  and  cutting  machines  sometimes  used.  Fre- 
quently all  special  stitching  is  sent  out  to  other  factories.  Cutting 
of  expensive  materials  frequently  done  with  hand  shears  and  only 
two  or  three  layers  cut  at  one  time. 

b.  Organization  of  work  for  practically  independent  production.     General 

supervision  of  workers.     Little  subdivision  of  labor. 

c.  A  sample  of  each  kind  of  garment  completed  to  serve  as  a  model  from 

which  each  operator  must  be  able  to  work. 

d.  Predominance  of  women  workers — few  men.  '     • 

5.  Requirements  of  worker. 

a.  Knowledge  of  dress  construction: 

1.  Knowledge  of  how  to  put  a  dress  together  by  seeing  sample. 

2.  Ability  to  work  with  little  or  no  supervision. 

3.  Interest  in  complete  product. 

b.  Manipulative  skill— deftness  in  handling  difficult  materials. 

c.  Accuracy  and  good  work. 

d.  Speed  in  so  far  as  compatible  with  good  work. 

1.  Experience. 

2.  Understanding  of  textiles. 

3.  Knowledge  of  tricks  of  the  trade. 

e.  Knowledge  of  simple  power-machine  operating. 

6.  System  of  teaching  (inexperienced  workers  can  not  be  used  and  are  seldom 

taught  in  the  factory). 

a.  New  or  difficult  manipulations  shown  by  forewoman. 

b.  Waist  maker  can  learn  skirts,  or  vice  versa. 

c.  Forewoman  gives  out  work  with  necessary  directions  and  is  sometimes 

responsible  for  certain  processes. 

d.  Little  supervision  because  of  skilled  workers. 


216  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

B.  Simple  product. 

1.  Materials  used. 

a.  Firm  cotton  material,  used  in — 

1.  Aprons. 

2.  Kimonos  and  bath  robes. 

3.  Rompers. 

4.  Men's  shirts. 

5.  Petticoats. 

6.  House  dresses. 

7.  Athletic  waists  and  middy  blouses. 

b.  Lace,  scrim,  net,  and  light-weight  cotton  used  in — 

1.  Curtains. 

2.  Underwear  (with  lace  trimming). 

3.  Neckwear  (men's  and  women's). 

4.  Wash  waists  and  dresses. 

2.  Characteristics  of  production. 

a.  Highly  specialized  processes. 

b.  Inexpensive  materials. 

c.  Special  machines. 

d.  Made  in  quantities. 

e.  Selling  qualities  lie  chiefly  in  its  cheapness  and  utility. 

3.  Organization. 

a.  Primarily  machine  work — large  investment  of  capital  in  special  ma- 

chines, such  as — 

1.  Hemstitching — picot  attachment. 

2.  Tucking — 1  to  6  needle  machines. 

3.  Button  sewing. 

4.  Buttonhole. 

5.  Pleating. 

6.  Felling. 

7.  Embroidery  cutting. 

8.  Union  Special  for  finishing  raw  edges  of  seams  (overcasting). 

9.  Putting  on  bands  and  running  elastic. 

10.  Attachments. 

a.  Hemmer. 

b.  Huffier. 

c.  Cutter  to  make  picot  edge,  to  cut  edges  any  width  from  seam. 

d.  Apron  belt  maker. 

11.  Two-needle  machine  sewing  bias  bands,  setting  in  sleeves. 

b.  Detailed  plan  of  organization  to  secure  rapid  movement  of  work  and 

accurate  check  in  all  workers — 

1.  High  specialization  of  process — subdivision  of  labor. 

2.  Large  amount  of  supervision  of  workers. 

3.  Elaborate  system  of  checking  workers  to  trace  mistakes. 

c.  Predominance  of  women. 

4.  Requirements  of  worker. 

a.  Accuracy. 

1.  Edges  together  straight. 

2.  Straight  seams. 

3.  Mitering. 

b.  Understanding  of  machines. 
c.-  Speed,  which  depends  on — 

1.  Experience  in  the  work. 

2,  Knowledge  of  short  cuts  and  of  where  work  can  be  slighted. 


INDUSTRIES   FOR   WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS   TRAIN.  217 

B.  Simple  product — Concluded. 

4.  Requirements  of  worker — Concluded. 

d.  Ability  to  comprehend  and  follow  directions,  as  finished  product  is  not 

shown. 

e.  Interest  in  amount  produced,  since  production  is  monotonous. 

5.  System  of  teaching  (unskilled  workers  can  be  taught). 

a.  By  showing  specific  processes,  not  product. 

b.  Simple  machines,  and  simple  processes  first. 

c.  Special  machines  and  difficult  processes  if  learner  is  willing  to  be  taught. 

d.  Forewoman  is  teacher  and  overseer,  not  a  worker.     Several  in  a  la'rge 

shop. 

OPPORTUNITIES  AND  REQUIREMENTS  IN  DIFFERENT  BRANCHES  OF  THESE  TRADES. 

A  brief  presentation  of  the  qualifications  demanded  of  workers  and 
of  wage  opportunities  in  the  factories  producing  the  varied  types  of 
product  in  the  power-sewing  machine  trades  may  serve  to  point  the 
way  to  adaptation  of  trade  training  to  the  needs  of  the  trade. 

DRESSES  AND    WAISTS. 

Dress  and  waist  factories,  making  a  product  which  ranged  in  price 
from  $3.75  to  $20  each,  showed  several  common  characteristics. 
First,  the  great  variety  of  "numbers''  or  "lines"  produced  necessi- 
tates an  almost  infinite  number  of  styles  or  models.  One  waist 
factory  reported  that  "formerly  we  made  new  designs  twice  a  year, 
but  styles  change  too  fast  for  that  now."  One  factory  making  a 
high-grade  product  had  300  "active  numbers,"  and  in  April  reported 
that  they  had  designed  70  new  ones  since  January.  Another  waist 
factory  had  about  200  active  styles.  A  dress  factory  required  "the 
designers  to  produce  a  new  model  every  day.  The  success  of  the 
firm  depends  on  up-to-date  models." 

The  great  variety  in  lines  produced  has  an  important  significance 
for  the  workers,  for  "the  girls  are  shown  the  style  of  the  waist  and 
after  having  been  shown  once,  they  always  know  the  style  by  the 
number  afterwards."  In  other  words,  the  worker  must  be  so  famil- 
iar with  the  construction  of  the  dress  or  waist  that  she  knows  by 
looking  at  the  model  how  to  put  together  the  bundle  of  heterogeneous 
pieces  delivered  to  her  at  the  window.  ' l  A  sample  hangs  on  the  wall 
or  is  put  on  the  figure  which  the  girls  can  look  at.  They  are  supposed 
to  be  able  to  look  at  the  model  and  put  the  waist  together."  "She 
has  need  of  a  dressmaker's  knowledge  of  the  way  things  go  together, 
as  she  has  to  make  very  complicated  garments  by  looking  at  the 
model." 

One  of  the  greatest  requirements  of  workers  in  a  high-class  dress 
and  waist  factory  is  technical  knowledge  of  the  construction  of  a 
garment,  for  in  the  manufacture  of  the  better-grade  product,  the 
tendency  seems  to  be  toward  general  construction,  i.  e.,  having  one 
person  make  practically  the  complete  garment,  instead  of  special- 


218  INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

ization.  In  five  of -the  seven  dress  and  waist  factories  studied  in 
Boston  and  Worcester  the  operators  made  the  complete  waist  or 
skirt,  except  such  finishing  processes  as  sewing  on  buttons  or  hooks 
and  eyes.  The  same  tendency  was  discovered  in  New  York,  about 
25  per  cent  of  the  workers  being  waist  or  skirt  operators  or  dress- 
makers.1 The  five  employers  making  good-grade  product  were 
unanimous  in  requiring  from  the  worker  the  knowledge  and  ability 
demanded  by  independent  construction.  This  is  not  the  same  kind 
of  dress  construction  required  in  custom  dressmaking,  and  for  this 
reason,  custom  dressmakers  frequently  find  it  difficult  to  fit  into 
the  factory,  for  in  custom  dressmaking  the  fundamental  principle  is 
individual  adaptation  of  the  particular  dress  to  a  particular  figure. 
In  factory  dressmaking,  the  dress  is  supposed  to  come  exactly  cor- 
rect from  the  cutter,  and  the  operator  must  stitch  the  seams  in  ac- 
cordance with  exact  measurements  and  without  variation,  basting 
or  much  pinning.  The  dress  needs  little  fitting  and  variation  or  ad- 
justment by  the  draper,  if  the  cutter  and  operator  have  done  their 
work  correctly. 

Second,  skill  in  manipulation  of  materials  which  comes  from  prac- 
tice in  handling  different  goods  is  fundamental.  Silks  and  chiffons 
are  more  difficult  than  cotton  and  linen  goods.  Most  employers  mak- 
ing silk  and  chiffon  waists  and  dresses  maintain  "  that  wx>rk  on  coarse 
materials  doesn't  help  much."  u  Work  on  cotton  goods  doesn't  help 
for  the  emphasis  has  been  on  speed,  not  finish."  Bias  bands,  trim-, 
mings,  lace,  and  embroideries  must  be  sewed  without  basting,  which 
requires  a  knowledge  of  the  relative  stretch  and  pull  of  the  different 
materials.  As  a  result,  few  inexperienced  workers  begin  on  the 
machines,  but  usually  pass  through  preliminary  stages  such  as  that 
of  boxer,  cleaner,  or  examiner.  These  occupations  have  no  relation 
to  the  process  of  power-machine  operating,  but  accustom  the  young 
worker  to  the  handling  of  materials,  to  shop  discipline  and  applica- 
tion, and  give  an  appreciation- of  the  necessity  of  accuracy. 

The  factory  dressmaker  needs  a  knowledge  of  the  simple  straight- 
stitching  power  machines,  but  may  have  little  need  for  knowledge 
of  or  skill  on  special  machines  which  are  used  comparatively  little  on 
high-grade  product.  The  primary  requisites  are,  therefore,  knowledge 
of  and  skill  in  dress  construction,  with  the  supplementary  assets  of 
manipulative  skill  and  trade  knowledge.2 

What  does  the  factory  dressmaking,  as  a  trade,  offer  to  the  worker 
who  has  these  qualifications  ?  The  following  pay  rolls  of  two  typical 
factories  show  something  of  the  relative  importance  of  different 
classes  of  workers  and  of  wage  opportunities: 

i  Bui.  No.  146,  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  pp.  26  and  43. 

*  See  definitions  of  these  terms  in  Bui.  No.  145,  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  Conciliation, 
arbitration,  and  sanitation  in  the  dress  and  waist  industry  of  New  York  City — Appendix  I,  A  study  of 
the  dress  and  waist  industry  for  the  purpose  of  industrial'education,  pp.  174-177. 


INDUSTRIES  FOB  WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS  TRAIN. 


219 


TABLE  126 NUMBER  IN  EACH  OCCUPATION  RECEIVING  EACH  SPECIFIED  AVERAGE 

WEEKLY   WAGE   IN   1914— PAY-ROLL   RECORD   OF   FACTORY   A,  MANUFACTURING 

WASH   DRESSES. 


Occupation. 

Number  earning  specified  average  weekly  wage. 

Under 
$6 

$0 
end 
under 

$7 

$7 
and 
under 

$8 

18 
and 
under 
19 

$9 
and 
under 
*10 

$10 
and 
under 
$12 

$12 
and 
under 
$15 

$15 
and 
over. 

Total. 

»2 
7 
15 

MEN. 

Nonneedleworkers: 
Designer               

12 
2 
3 

Cutter 

1 
1 

1 
1 

1 
2 

1 
4 

1 
3 

Presser                   

1 

Total 

2 

1 

2 

3 

5 

4 

7 
4 

24 
•       5 

Power-machine  operators—  skirt 

Total  men 

2 

2 

2 

—    j'_~"  -" 

3 

-:  '.  '        v  : 

5 

,     /: 

4 

T    : 

11 

—    -  '  "^' 

1 

29 

1 
1 
5 
1 
1 

WOMEN. 

Nonneedleworkers: 

Cutter 

1 

Matcher 

4 

1 

Cleaner 

1 

Gives  out  work 

1 

Total 

5 



1 

1 

1 

1 

9 

11 
14 
21 
13 

Hand  sewers: 
Finisher 

11       : 

10 
9 
19 
4 

42 

1 

3 
1 
1 

5 

2 

Hook  and  eve  sewer 

1 
1 

Draper 

2 
4 

2 

2 

1 
1 

Total 

2 

2 

3 

59 

Power-machine  operators: 
Sample  maker 

1 
5 
2 

..... 

2 

I 

2 
30 
14 
1 

1 

Waist  maker 

2 
1 

8 

8 
6 

6 

Skirt  maker 

Buttonhole  maker  2  

1 

Hemstitcher  2 

1 

Total 

I 

4 

4 

14 

6 

8 

-      * 

48 

Unclassified  .          

1 

5.2 
54 

1 

Total,  women  

"        ^ 
11 

19 

2T 

9 
9~ 

10" 

13~ 

11             6 

16~|~      10 

1 

12~ 

117 

146 

Grand  total 

1  One  earned  $45  and  one  $30. 


2  Work  on  special  machines. 


TABLE  127.— NUMBER  IN  EACH  OCCUPATION  RECEIVING  EACH  SPECIFIED  AVERAGE 

WEEKLY  WAGE  IN  1914— PAY-ROLL  RECORD  OF  FACTORY  B,  MANUFACTURING  SILK 

AND   LINEN  TAILORED   WAISTS. 


Number  earning  specified  average  weekly  wage. 


Occupation. 

Under 
$6 

$6 
and 
under 

$7 

$7 
and 
under 

$8 

$8 
and 
under 
$9 

$9 
and 
under 
$10 

$10 
and 
under 
$12 

$12 
and 
under 
$15 

$15 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Nonneedleworkers  : 
Forewoman 

1 

j 

Designer  and  cutter  

1 

1 

Errand  girl 

3 

3 

Presser 

I 

1 

2 

Total 

3 

1 

1 

1 

1 

7 

Needleworkers: 
Hand  finisher 

6 

== 

~ 

= 

===== 

6 

Power-machine  operators  — 
Waist  maker 

4 

1 

' 

1 

2 

4 

13 

Tucker  

1 

1 

Buttonhole  maker  

1 

2 

Total  

11 

1 

l 

3 

2 

4 

22 

Grand  total    . 

14 

1 

2 

_ 

3 

3 

===== 

° 

—7 

29 

220  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

Factory  A,  manufacturing  linen  and  gingham  dresses  selling  at 
wholesale  from  $3.75  to  $10  each,  employed  117  women  and  29  men 
during  the  year.  Ninety-one  per  cent  of  the  women  were  sewers,  41 
per  cent  being  power-machine  operators  and  50.4  per  cent  hand 
sewers.  Fifty-six  per  cent  (56.5)  of  the  machine  operators,  excluding 
special  machine  operators,  earned  $8  or  more  and  71.2  per  cent  of  the 
hand  sewers  earned  less  than  $6.  Five  men  worked  on  the  machines 
as  skirt  makers,  and  the  weekly  average  of  four  of  them  for  the  year 
was  $15  or  more — one  $3 1 .33,  and  another  $32.27.  None  of  the  women 
skirt  makers  earned  $15,  one-half  earning  $9  or  more  as  compared  with 
one-third  of  the  waist  makers  in  this  earnings  group.  These  power- 
machine  operators  on  waists  and  skirts  make  the  article  complete,  54.5 
per  cent  earning  $8  or  more.  Two  sample  makers,  one  averaging  $9.38 
andone$12.77,  make  the  samples  which  constitute  the  mod  el  from  which 
the  operators  work.  Two  special  ma  chine  operators  run  a  hemstitching 
and  a  buttonhole  machine,  each  averaging  less  than  $7.  The  manu- 
facturer who  makes  high-grade  silk  and  chiffon  dresses  frequently  has 
no  special  machines,  sending  out  the  hemstitching  if  required,  and 
hooks  and  eyes,  buttons,  and  buttonholes,  are  sewed  by  hand. 

Dresses  and  waists  of  good  quality  are  draped  on  the  figure  by 
"drapers,"  who  pin  the  waist  and  skirt  together,  arrange  the  plaits  or 
gathers,  pin  on  the  belt  or  any  trimming.  They  have  usually  been 
dressmakers  or  operators  previously.  About  one-half  earned  $8  or. 
more.  Finishers,  trimmers,  and  hook  and  eye  sewers  do  the  finishing 
handwork  on  the  dress,  and  because  no  particular  skill  is  required, 
the  great  majority  earn  less  than  $7. 

Factory  B,  a  small  factory  manufacturing  silk  and  linen  tailored 
waists  selling  at  wholesale  for  $12  to  $42  a  dozen,  employed  no  men. 
A  woman  designer  and  cutter,  who  has  grown  up  in  the  factory, 
plans,  designs,  and  cuts  the  waists  with  hand  shears,  never  cutting 
more  than  two  or  three  layers  at  once. 

"  There  is  no  real  reason  why  cutting  could  not  be  done  by  women," 
said  a  high-grade  dress  manufacturer,  "but  designing  and  cutting 
require  special  training.  There  are  no  logical  steps  of  advancement 
in  the  factory."  Moreover,  in  factories  producing  a  medium-grade 
product  or  using  a  very  firm  material,  the  goods  are  spread  on  a 
cutting  table  " sometimes  300  lays  at  a  time"  and  are  cut  by  men 
with  a  revolving  disk  run  by  electricity.  The  woman  designer  and 
cutter  in  factory  B  had  begun  as  a  sewer,  but  because  the  factory  was 
small  she  had  had  opportunity  to  learn  cutting  and  designing.  All  the 
girls  in  this  small  factory  still  have  access  to  the  cutting  and  design- 
ing room  and  "  can  pick  it  up  if  they  have  the  capacity  for  it."  "  Our 
designers  get  their  ideas  from  store  windows,  fashion  books,  and  styles 
seen  in  New  York,"  said  one  manufacturer.  "They  aren't  original 
designs  in  the  sense  that  they  originate  styles." 


INDUSTRIES   FOR   WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS  TRAIN.  221 

There  were  more  than  two  machine  operators  to  one  hand  sewer. 
Thirteen  of  the  16  power-machine  operators  were  "waist  makers" 
and  made  the  waist  throughout,  except  for  any  tucking  or  button- 
holes which  might  be  done  by  machine,  and  for  the  hand  finishing. 
More  than  one-half  the  power-machine  operators  averaged  for  the 
year  $9  or  more,  and  all  the  hand  finishers  less  than  $6. 

NECKWEAR. 

Neckwear  is  also  characterized  by  a  great  variety  of  " lines"  and 
the  girls  are  having  to  learn  to  do  new  things  all  the  time  to  secure 
novel  effects.  Women  designers  and  cutters  are  found  in  neckwear 
factories  because  of  their  originality  of  taste  and  style.  The  fore- 
woman in  a  small  factory  in  Boston  making  high-grade  product 
must  produce  a  new  design  every  day. 

The  construction  involved  in  the  making  of  neckwear  is  less  com- 
plex than  that  of  dresses  or  waists,  but  the  "  girls  must  have  some 
knowledge  of  how  the  pieces  go  together"  from  looking  at  a  sample 
collar.  Artistic  skill  and  ability,  deftness  and  lightness  of  touch  are 
essential  in  the  manipulation  of  the  dainty,  delicate  laces  and  nets 
which  stretch,  pull,  and  become  flimsy  with  handling.  Milliners  fit 
nto  this  work  fairly  well  (and  the  seasons  dovetail),  particularly  in 
making  the  bows  and  trimmings  and  handling  the  net  and  lace.  The 
requirements  of  this  trade  demand  more  knowledge  of  special  machines 
than  is  necessary  -in  dressmaking.  Straight-stitching  machines, 
hemstitching,  plaiting,  and  overlocking  or  zigzagging  machines  are 
used  in  the  making  of  neckwear.  The  stitching  is  on  short  lengths 
but  on  difficult  materials. 

In  factory  C,  of  which  the  pay  roll  is  shown  below,  manufacturing 
collars  of  net,  light-weight  and  fine  embroidered  materials  and 
malines,  as  well  as  ruffs,  bows,  and  chemisettes,  not  less  than  9 
stitches  and  sometimes  14  stitches  to  the  inch  are  required,  preventing 
great  speed,  as  the  emphasis  is  on  finish..  Lace  must  be  stitched  on 
the  edge  of  bias  pieces  of  net,  net  must  be  tucked,  hemstitched,  and 
hemmed,  and  wire  supports  sewed  on  these  delicate  materials  without 
stretching,  pulling,  or  soiling  them.  This  necessitates  a  different 
distribution  of  workers  from  that  found  in  the  dress  and  waist  making 
industry.  Table  128  shows  the  number  and  kind  of  workers  employed 
in  a  typical  neckwear  factory,  and  the  wages  they  earn. 

A  good  deal  of  handwork  is  necessary  for  finishing  and  trimming 
neckwear,  and  consequently  the  hand  sewers  constitute  a  more 
important  group  here  than  in  the  two  factories  previously  discussed, 
forming  40.7  per  cent  of  the  total  number  of  employees  and  52.4  per 
cent  of  the  needle-workers.  In  wages,  however,  the  power-machine 
operators  show  more  favorable  conditions  than  prevail  among  the 


222 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


handworkers.  Not  one  of  the  latter  averaged  over  $7  a  week,  while 
half  of  the  machine  operators  earned  $7  or  over,  and  two-fifths 
earned  $8  or  more  a  week. 

TABLE  128.— NUMBER  IN  EACH  OCCUPATION  RECEIVING  EACH  SPECIFIED  AVERAGE 
WEEKLY  WAGE  IN  1914— PAY-ROLL  RECORD  OF  FACTORY  C,  MANUFACTURING 
NECKWEAR. 


Occupation. 

Number  earning  specific  d  average  weekly  wage. 

Under  $6 

$6  and 
under  $7 

$7  and 
under  $8 

$8  and 
under  $9 

Total. 

Nonneedleworkers  : 
Cutter 

2 
1 

2 
1 
1 
2 

Stock  girl    

Gives  out  work 

1 

Presser 

2 

Total                 

2 

1 

3 

6 

Needleworkers: 
Hand  sewers  — 
Finisher 

2 
1 

3 

5 
1 
1 
3 
1 
10 

Helper  

Bow  maker    

1 
1 
1 
3 

Flower  maker 

2 

General  worker 

Power-machine  operator  

2 

1 

4 

Total 

7 

9 

1 

4 

21 

Grand  total     

7 

11 

2 

7 

27 

CHILDREN'S  DRESSES. 

In  the  manufacture  of  children's  dresses,  as  in  factory  D  whose  pay 
roll  is  given  in  Table  129,  no  hand  sewers  are  found,  as  the  materials 
used  are  strong  and  firm  cotton  goods,  and  there  is  no  special 
emphasis  on  hand  finish.  Nor  is  there  any  need  for  drapers,  for 
these  dresses,  are  not  fitted  on  the  form,  as  is  done  in  the  high 
grade  dress  factories  where  the  emphasis  is  on  finish  and  style. 
Moreover,  the  power-machine  stitching  is  much  more  specialized. 
There  are  general  operators,  joiners  (who  sew  together  waists  and 
skirts),  trimmers  (who  stitch  on  bands  of  different  colors  or  bias 
cloth  and  fancy  braids),  sample  makers,  and  special  buttonhole  and 
button  machine  operators.  Even  with  this  amount  of  specialization 
of  processes  the  employer  complained,  "I  can't  use  girls  from  the 
undermuslin  trade  because  they  don't  know  how  to  put  a  garment 
together.  My  workers  must  know  how  to  put  a  dress  together  and 
how  it  should  look  when  it  is  done." 

As  the  pay  roll  shows,  the  range  of  wages  in  this  factory  is  much 
less  than  in  factories  making  dresses  and  waists  for  adults.  Only 
24  per  cent  of  the  total  group  of  workers  earned  as  much  as  $8  or 
more  a  week,  and  only  31  per  cent  $7  or  over.  Among  the  machine 
operators  not  on  special  machines,  only  22.2  per  cent  earned  $8 


INDUSTRIES  FOB  WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS   TRAIN. 


223 


or  over,  and  59.2  per  cent  earned  under  $6  a  week.  There  was  con- 
siderable difference  in  the  earnings  of  the  different  kinds  of  workers; 
not  one  of  the  four  workers  on  sleeves  earned  as  much  as  $7  a  week, 
while  only  one  of  the  six  trimmers  earned  less  than  $7. 

TABLE  128.— NUMBER  IN  EACH  OCCUPATION  RECEIVING  EACH  SPECIFIED  AVERAGE 
WEEKLY  WAGE  IN  1914— PAY-ROLL  RECORD  OF  FACTORY  D,  MANUFACTURING 
CHILDREN'S  CLOTHING. 


Ni 

imber  ea 

rning  sp 

ecifieda 

srerage  w 

oekly  WE 

«e. 

Occupation. 

Under 

$6 

$6  and 
under 

$7 

$7  and 
under 

$8 

$8  and 
under 
$9 

$9  and 
under 
$10 

$10 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Nonneedleworkers: 

1 

1 

Designer                                  

1 

1 

Folder 

5 

1 

1 

7 

4 

i 

5 

Total 

9 

1 

2 

2 

14 

• 



, 



Needle  worker  s—  machi  ne  operators  : 
General 

22 

1 

2 

25 

Skirts 

5 

3 

2 

10 

Skirt  trimmer 

2 

1 

1 

4 

3 

1 

4 

Joiners                             

i 

1 

2 

Trimmer 

1 

3 

2 

6 

1 

2 

3 

Buttonhole  ' 

1 

1 

Button-  sewer  l 

2 

2 

Total 

32 

7 

8 

10 

2 

3 

57 

Grand  total     .                                   .  .. 

41 

8 

5 

10 

2 

5 

71 

1  Work  on  special  machines. 
UNDERWEAR. 

The  manufacture  of  underwear  is  characterized  by  extreme 
specialization  of  processes,  extensive  use  of  special  machines,  such 
as  the  zigzag  machine  for  joining  lace  and  edges  or  overcasting 
seams;  one,  two,  three,  and  four  needle  tucking  machines;  button- 
sewing  and  buttonhole  machines;  while  the  use  of  straight  stitching  on 
seams  and  a  long  stitch  makes  possible  the  development  of  a  good 
deal  of  speed.  In  spite  of  the  specialization  of  processes,  "a  girl 
is  given  a  bundle  and  is  expected  to  know  how  the  pieces  go 
together,"  and  she  does  not  have  the  advantage -of  a  sample  before 
her  to  look  at  when  in  doubt.  The  pay  rolls  of  two  typical  under- 
wear factories,  one  in  and  one  outside  of  Boston,  are  shown  in  Tables 
130  and  131. 


224  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

TABLE  130.— NUMBER  IN  EACH  OCCUPATION  RECEIVING  EACH  SPECIFIED  AVERAGE 
WEEKLY  WAGE  IN  1914— PAY-ROLL  RECORD  OF  FACTORY  E,  MANUFACTURING 
MUSLIN  UNDERWEAR— BOSTON. 


Ni 

imber  ea 

rning  sp 

ecified  a 

verage  w 

eekly  wa 

ge. 

Occupation. 

Under 
16 

$6  and 
under 
$7 

$7  and 
under 
$8 

$8  and 
under 
$9 

$9  and 
under 
§10 

$10 

and 
over. 

Total. 

MEN. 

Cutter  

5 

1 

2 

1 

1 

10 

Shipper  

5 

I 

Total,  men  

10 

2 

2 

1 

1 

14 

30 

WOMEN. 

Nonneedlewor  kers  : 
Designer  

i  i 

\  1 

Stamper  

2 

1 

1 

4 

Helper  

21 

6 

1 

3 

1 

4 

Oa 

Examiner  

19 

2 

2 

23 

Boxer,  folder,  and  presser.  . 

5 

1 

1 

j 

Total  

47 

9 

5 

4 

1 

g 

72 

Needleworkers  —  machine  operators: 
Sample  makers  

1 

2 

1 

3 

9 

g 

Machine  operators  .... 

197 

31 

22 

12 

1 

3 

266 

Total 

197 

32 

24 

13 

4 

5 

27  1 

Total,  women  

— 
244 

==^zi 
41 

29 

17 

5 

11 

=^^== 
347 

Grand  total.  . 

254 

43 

31 

18 

g 

25 

077 

1  Receives  $50  weekly  wage. 

TABLE  131.— NUMBER  IN  EACH  OCCUPATION  RECEIVING  EACH  SPECIFIED  AVERAGE 
WEEKLY  WAGE  IN  1914— PAY-ROLL  RECCLRD  OF  FACTORY  F,  MANUFACTURING 
MUSLIN  UNDERWEAR— OUTSIDE  BOSTON. 


Number  earning  specified  average  weekly  wage. 


Occupation. 

Under 
$6 

$6  and 
under 
$7 

$7  and 
under 
$8 

?S  and 
under 
$9 

$9  and 
under 
$10 

$10 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Nonneedlewor  kers  : 
Examiner 

1 

3 

1 

5 

Forelady  

1 

3 

4 

Shipper  .  .  . 

1 

1 

Presser  ...  . 

2 

2 

Office  

2 

2 

Ribbons  

6 

1 

7 

Total 

7 

4 

2 

1 

1 

g 

21 

Needleworkers  —  machine  operators: 
Finisher 

18 

5 

5 

2 

30 

Seaming 

5 

3 

2 

1 

11 

Binding 

1 

1 

1 

3 

Ruffling 

1 

1 

2 

Hemstitching 

3 

3 

Tucker 

1 

2 

3 

Hamburg 

1 

1 

2 

Laceworker 

1 

1 

Buttonholes 

2 

2 

Mending    . 

1 

1 

Two-needle  machine 

3 

3 

Buttons 

1 

1 

Bands 

1 

1 

Gatherer  

1 

1 

Total 

31 

12 

15 

5 

1 

61 

Grand  total  

38 

16 

17 

6 

2 

6 

85 

INDUSTRIES   FOR  WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS   TRAIN. 


225 


The  needleworkcrs  in  factory  E  arc  either  sample  makers,  two- 
thirds  of  whom  earn  $8  or  more,  or  power-machine  operators,  who 
are  expected  to  be  able  and  are  required  to  work  on  any  product 
needed  at  a  particular  time ;  almost  three-fourths  of  these  averaged 
less  than  $6.  In  factory  F7  however,  the  power-machine  operators 
have  definite  processes  on  which  they  work,  such  as  finishing,1 
seaming,  binding,  ruffling,  hemstitching,  tucking,  etc.,  14  different 
distinct  processes  appearing  from  the  occupations  of  the  workers  on 
the  pay  roll.  Possibly  because  this  specialization  permits  the  devel- 
opment of  greater  speed,  the  level  of  earnings  is  not  quite  so  low  among 
the  machine  operators  in  this  factory  as  in  factory  E.  Nearly  one- 
half  (48.4  per  cent)  earned  less  than  $6  a  week,  and  67.2  per  cent 
earned  less  than  $7  a  week,  while  9.4  per  cent,  as  against  6  per  cent 
in  factory  E,  earned  $8  or  over. 

SHIRTS. 

Extreme  subdivision  of  labor  is  found  in  a  factory  manufacturing 
men's  shirts.  Eighteen  processes  appear  from  the  pay-roll  record, 
and  there  are  no  handworkers.  Each  worker  has  one  special  process. 
The  characteristics  of  production  are  straight  stitching,  long  stitches, 
and  speed.  Here,  machine  operating  as  a  process  is  more  important 
than  knowledge  of  construction  for  most  of  the  workers  because  of 
the  extreme  specialization  of  processes,  yet  the  girl  who  puts  in 
sleeves,  puts  on  cuffs,  or  joins  shoulders  needs  a  certain  amount  of 
this  technical  knowledge,  and  the  yoke  stitcher  ^ust  be  accurate. 
More  than  one-half  earned  $8  or  more. 

TABLE  132.— NUMBER  IN  EACH  OCCUPATION  RECEIVING  EACH  SPECIFIED  AVERAGE 
WEEKLY  WAGE  IN  1914— PAY-ROLL  RECORD  OF  FACTORY  H,  MANUFACTURING 
MEN'S  SHIRTS. 


Occupation. 

Number  earning  specified  average  weekly  wage. 

Under 
$6 

$6  and 
under 

$7 

$7  and 
under 
$8 

$8  and 
under 

$9 

$9  and 
under 
$10 

$10 
and 
over. 

Total. 

Machine  operators  : 
Buttonhole 

2 
2 
1 
2 

2 

3 

I 

3 
3 
2 
2 
1 
1 
3 
1 
2 
2 
1 
3 
1 
1 
5 
3 

2 

Band  stitcher 

2 

Fronts 

2 
2 

Seamer 

Band  maker 

Button  sewer 

1 
1 
1 
1 

Sleeve  facer 

1 

1 

Cuff  maker 

Cuff  stitcher 

1 

Cuff  setter 

1 

Sleeve  setter 

1 
1 

1 

1 

Lahel  stitcher 

2 

Yoke  stitcher 

Band  setter 

2 
2 

I 

Sleeve  facings    . 

1 

Total  

7 

5 

7 

12 

8 

6 

45 

1  Girls  who  put  the  garments  together,  putting  in  sleeves,  collars,  etc. 
85225°— 17— Bull.  215 15 


226 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


APRONS   AND    ROMPEKS. 

Even  in  the  manufacture  of  aprons  and  rompers  there  is  a  great 
variety  of  styles,  Factory  I  reporting  U432  active  numbers."  This 
branch  of  industry  has  highly  specialized  processes,  six  girls  working 
on  one  apron — (1)  a  seamer,  (2)  a  finisher,  who  sews  on  strings  and 
bias  bands  and  hems  the  bottom,  (3)  one  to  make  the  strings,  (4)  one 
to  mark  places  for  buttons  and  buttonholes,  (5)  a  buttonhole  maker, 
and  (6)  a  button  sewer.  The  manufacture  of  this  product  requires 
no  high  grade  of  manipulative  skill  and  demands,  perhaps,  less 
knowledge  of  construction  than  is  needed  in  any  other  branch  of  the 
factory  sewing  trades. 

The  workers  have  no  models  to  copy,  as  in  the  high-grade  dress 
and  waist  factories,  but  "the  forewomen  show  them  how  to  put  the 
new  numbers  together  and  the  work  is  principally  straight  stitching." 
The  characteristics  of  production  are  much  specialized  machinery, 
highly  subdivided  processes,  long  straight  stitching,  long  stitches 
where  they  do  not  show,  and  speed.  The  requisites  of  the  workers 
are,  primarily :  (1)  Knowledge  of  the  machines,  both  straight-stitching 
and  special  machines — that  is,  actual  knowledge  of  the  parts  of  the 
machine  and  their  production;  (2)  ability  to  do  straight  stitching;  (3) 
speed  gained  both  from  physical  dexterity  and  from  systematic 
handling  and  use  of  short  cuts  where  feasible.  "  Work  on  silk  unfits 
them  for  this  trade,  "  says  one  employer.  "  They  are  too  slow."  The 
needleworkers  are  -all  power-machine  operators,  about  70  per  cent 
earning  $7  and  over. 

TABLE  133.— NUMBER  IN  EACH  OCCUPATION  RECEIVING  EACH  SPECIFIED   WEEKLY 
WAGE  IN  1914- PAY-ROLL  RECORD  OF  FACTORY  I,  MANUFACTURING  APRONS. 


Occupation. 

Number  earning  specified  weekly  rate. 

Under 

$6 

$6  and 
under 

$7 

$7  and 
under 

$8 

$8  and 
under 
359 

$9  and 
under 
$10 

$10 
and 
under 
$12 

$12 
and 
under 
$15 

$15 
and 
under 
$20  ' 

Total. 

MEN. 

Cutters  

1 
1 

1 

2 
1 

Shippers  

Total,  men  .  . 

2 

1 

3 

WOMEN. 

Nonneed  lework'ers  : 
Forewomen  

2 

2 
2 
1 
1 
1 
40 

Cuts  embroidery  

1 

1 

Examiner 

Presser  

1 

' 



Packer  

Machine  stitchers  

15 

25 

7 

2 

Total,  women 

15 

25 

_* 

7 

4 

_v 

1 

J. 

6 

53 

Grand  total  

15 

7 

1 

'59 

Not  including  4  piece  workers. 


INDUSTRIES  FOR  WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS  TRAIN. 


227 


CURTAINS. 

The  manufacture  of  scrim  and  cheesecloth  curtains  is  also  char- 
acterized by  subdivision  of  labor  and  the  use  of  special  machines  and 
many  special  attachments.  Manipulation  is  more  important  in 
curtains  than  in  aprons  because  of  the  more  difficult  materials 
involved.  Since  the  curtains  have  to  hang  straight  and  are  in  a 
strong  light,  all  defects  are  visible.  The  work  involves  primarily 
deftness  in  handling  difficult  materials,  knowledge  of  special  machines 
and  processes,  long  straight  stitching,  and  speed.  All  sewers  (except 
in  some  factories  the  mender)  are  power-machine  operators.  Hem- 
ming tops  is  the  simplest  operation;  making  hems  and  bands  is  the 
next  stage  of  advancement ;  sewing  on  edges,  insertions,  turning  cor- 
ners, and  hemstitching  are  the  most  skilled  operations.  Fifty-eight 
per  cent  of  the  hemstitchers  and  76.2  per  cent  of  those  stitching  inser- 
tions, edges,  and  corners  earned  $7  or  more.  A  little  over  one-half 
the  latter  earned  $8  or  more.  More  than  one-half  of  those  hemming 
tops,  and  hemming  and  banding  earned  less  than  $7.  * 

TABLE  134.— NUMBER  IN  EACH  OCCUPATION  RECEIVING  EACH  SPECIFIED  AVERAGE 
WEEKLY  WAGE  IN  1914— PAY-ROLL  RECORD  OF  FACTORY  J,  MANUFACTURING 
CURTAINS. 


Occupation. 

Number  earning  specified  average  weekly  wage. 

Under 

$6 

$6  and 
under 
$7 

$7  and 
under 

$8 

$8  and 
under 
$9 

$9  and 
under 
$10 

$10  and 
over. 

Un- 
classi- 
fied. 

Total. 

Nonneedleworkers: 
Forewomen  . 

1 
4 

1 

2 
10 
5 

7 
27 

Inspectors 

3 
1 

8 

3 

Lace  cutters 

3 
2 

2 

1 
3 
10 

Boxers  and  recorders.  .  .  . 

1 

6 

Pressers  

1 

Total  

7 

14 

^r^.^    ;:  .^ 

5 
3 
4 
2 

13 

10 
1 
2 

7 

12 

14 
5 
1 
3 

5 

1 
3 

51 

42 
13 
10 
19 

Power-machine  stitchers: 
Insertions,  edges,  corners       .   . 

=== 

5 
4 
2 
6 

Hems  and  bands. 

Hemming  tops 

1 

Hemstitchers 

1 

Total 

17 

14 
2~ 

20 
2~ 

23 

— 
1 

36~ 

6 



1 
11 

4 

84 

— 
17 

152 

Unclassified  

2 
2~ 

8 

(5 

Grand  total 

32 

30 

35 

SKIRTS. 


The  skirt  industry,  as  has  been  pointed  out,  is  primarily  a  man's 
industry,  64.4  per  cent  of  the  281  workers  appearing  on  the  pay  roll 
of  factory  K  being  men.  Much  of  the  same  characteristics  of  produc- 
tion appear  as  in  dress  manufacturing,  the  operator  producing  a  com- 
plete skirt,  except  for  the  finishing  processes,  and  needing  a  knowl- 
edge of  dress  construction  and  tailoring.  Very  few  special  sewing 


228 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


machines  are  used,  as  emphasis  in  this  particular  factory  is  put  on 
hand  finish.  The  work  is  fairly  evenly  divided  on  the  basis  of  sex, 
the  men  doing  the  stitching  and  the  women  the  handwork.  Only 
11  of  the  128  power-machine  operators  were  women,  and  9  of  these 
earned  $10  or  more.  Eighty-seven  per  cent  of  the  men  operators 
earned  $10  or  more,  and  27.4  per  cent  averaged  $20  or  more  for  the 
year.  Seventy-three  of  the  100  women  were  hand  sewers — finishers 
(who  put  on  snaps,  hooks  and  eyes),  alteration  workers,  basters 
(who  mark  the  place  for  plaits  and  baste  them  down),  and  button 
sewers — and  35.6  per  cent  of  these  earned  $7  or  more. 

The  requisites  for  power-machine  stitching  on  skirts  are  a  knowl- 
edge of  garment  construction,  physical  strength  to  handle  and  stitch 
the  heavy  materials  long  straight  stitching,  and  speed.  For  the 
hand  sewing,  only  the  elementary  principles  of  sewing  are  required. 

TABLE  135 — NUMBER  IN  EACH  OCCUPATION  RECEIVING  EACH  SPECIFIED  AVERAGE 
WEEKLY  WAGE  IN  1914— PAY-ROLL  RECORD  OF  FACTORY  K,  MANUFACTURING 
SKIRTS. 


Numb< 

>r  earn 

ing  eac 

hspec 

ifieda 

^erage 

weekl] 

T  wage 

Occupation. 

Un- 
der 
$6 

$6 
and 
un- 
der 

$7 

$7 
and 
un- 
der 

$8 

$8 
and 
un- 
der 
$9 

$9 
and 
un- 
der 
$10 

$10 
and 
un- 
der 
$12 

$12 
and 
un- 
der 
$15 

$15 
and 
un- 
der 
$20 

$20 
and 
over. 

To- 
tal. 

MEN. 

Nonneedleworkers: 
Foreman  

3 

3 

Cutter  

1 

2 

3 

14 

20 

Presser  

1 

1 

3 

2 

17 

6 

30 

Button  maker 

4 

2 

6 

Stock  

4 

. 

1 

5 

Total. 

Q 

2 

2 

4 

4 

20 

23 

64 

Needleworkers—  power-machine    opera- 
tors: 
Sample  maker 

1 

7 

g 

Skirt  maker 

5 

0 

2 

3 

3 

9 

23 

37 

25 

109 

Total  

5 

2 

2 

3 

3 

10 

23 

37 

32 

117 

Total,  men 

14 

4 

2 

3 

5 

14 

27 

57 

55 

181 

WOMEN. 

Nonneedleworkers  —  button  makers  

2 

3 

2 

0 

3 

3 

16 

Needleworkers: 
Hand  sewers- 
Finisher  

20 

11 

7 

6 

4 

2 

50 

Alterations. 

j 

Baster.. 

4 

1 

5 

Button  sewer 

7 

4 

1 

5 

17 

Power-machine  operators  — 
Sample  maker  

1 

1 

Skirt  maker. 

1 

2 

5 

2 

10 

Total 

31 

17 

9 

11 

4 

3 

7 

2 

84 

Total,  women. 

33 

20 

11 

14 

7 

6 

- 

2 

'          • 

100 

Grand  total 

47 

24 

13 

17 

12 

20 

34 

59 

55 

281 

INDUSTRIES   FOB  WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS   TRAIN. 


229 


STRAW    HATS. 


The  manufacture  of  straw  hats  is  a  highly  skilled  industry,  practi- 
cally monopolized  in  Massachusetts  by  women,  though  in  New  York 
men  are  coming  into  the  trade.  The  requisites  are  primarily,  (1) 
knowledge  of  construction  of  straw  shapes  of  assorted  kinds,  (2) 
deft  and  easy  manipulation  of  the  difficult  and  rather  perishable 
straw  braids,  and  (3)  a  knowledge  of  a  particular  straw  sewing 
machine.  Model  hats  are  placed  before  the  workers  to  refer  to  and 
to  copy,  and  " shapes"  or  molds  are  accessible  so  that  the  hat  frame 
may  be  frequently  fitted  to  get  the  proper  shape  and  head  size. 
Because  of  the  short  season,  the  wage  and  season  of  the  107  straw 
machine  operators  working  in  factory  M  are  given  together.  Eighty- 
two  (82.2)  per  cent  earned  an  average  wage  of  $10  or  more,  and  more 
than  four-fifths  of  these  (84.1  per  cent)  had  a  working  season  of  from 
20. to  35  weeks.  Seventy-one  per  cent  had  an  average  wage  of  $12 
or  more,  and  85.5  per  cent  of  these  worked  20  weeks  or  over.  Almost 
three-fourths  (73.8  per  cent)  of  the  total  number  of  workers  had  a 
working  season  of  from  20  to  36  weeks. 

TABLE  136.— NUMBER  EMPLOYED  FOR  EACH  SPECIFIED  PERIOD  WHO  RECEIVED 
EACH  SPECIFIED  AVERAGE  WEEKLY  WAGE  IN  1914— PAY-ROLL  RECORD  OF 
FACTORY  M,  MANUFACTURING  STRAW  HATS. 


Number  of  weeks  employed. 

Number  earning  specified  average  weekly  wage. 

Un- 
der 

$8 

$8 
and 
under 
$9 

$9 
and 
under 
$10 

$10 
and 
under 
$12 

$12 
and 
under 
$15 

$15 
and 
under 
$18 

$18 
and 
under 
$20 

$20 
and 
under 
$22 

$22 

and 
over. 

Total. 

Under  4  weeks                                   - 

6 
1 
1 

1 

1 

2 

10 
4 
3 
8 
3 
33 
25 
15 
6 

2 
1 

1 

8  weeks  and  under  12  weeks      

1 

12  weeks  and  under  16  weeks 

2 

5 

16  weeks  and  under  20  weeks 

1 
14 

8 
2 

1 

8 
6 
6 
1 

1 
2 
3 
2 
2 

20  weeks  and  under  24  weeks         .  . 

3 

1 

4 
4 
1 

"""§" 

2 

1 
3 
1 
1 

24  weeks  and  under  28  weeks 

28  weeks  and  under  32  weeks  

32  weeks  and  under  36  ^veeks 

Total 

8 

6 

5 

12 

"  33 

22 

10 

5 

6  I      107 

This  finishes  the  outline  of  the  characteristics  of  the  different 
branches  of  the  factory  sewing  trades,  and  of  the  demands  they 
make  upon  their  workers.  Because  of  the  variations  in  the  qualifi- 
cations required  of  workers  in  the  manufacture  of  these  different 
products,  the  individual  worker  does  not  shift  from  one  branch  of 
the  industry  to  another  as  much  as  might  be  expected. 

Only  5  of  the  81  trade-school  girls  going  into  the  cloth  machine- 
operating  trades  had  worked  in  three  different  branches  of  the  trade, 
and  only  23  had  worked  in  more  than  one.  The  manufacture  of 
dresses,  waists,  neckwear,  children's  clothing,  aprons,  and  curtains 
has  received  the  great  majority  of  the  girls  from  the  trade  school. 


230  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

Nor  do  the  girls  who  have  gained  their  training  in  the  trade  come  up 
through  the  several  branches  of  the  trade,  because  proficiency  in 
one  may  tram  her  directly  away  from  the  others,  as  has  been  men- 
tioned in  reports  from  employers. 

METHODS  OF  LEARNING  IN  THE  TRADES.  • 

"We  don't  want  learners"  is  the  usual  statement  in  a  high-grade 
dress  factory.  "We  can't  have  the  machines  producing  less  than 
their  capacity  and  the  goods  are  too  expensive."  In  the  medium- 
grade  factories,  however,  "the  foreman  makes  girls  sitting  near  help 
a  beginner  whether  they  want  to  or  not."  In  another  Boston  fac- 
tory "if  an  inexperienced  hand  comes  in,  she  is  usually  started  on 
finishing,  which  is  what  everyone  can  do  who  has  ever  sewed.  Then 
she  is  taught  by  the  forewoman  and  the  girl  sitting  next  to  her,  first  on 
the  simpler  processes,  straight  seams  and  so  on."  A  Worcester  firm 
manufacturing  cotton  waists  reported  that,  "When  green  girls  come, 
at  the  very  start  we  put  them  on  cleaning,  or  measuring  or  gauging 
buttonholes.  After  they  have  been  near  the  machines  for  a  while 
they  usually  want  to  run  them.  They  usually  show  ability  or  we 
do  not  keep  them  at  all.  We  start  them  on  a  machine  without  a 
needle  until  they  learn  to  control  the  power.  Then  we  put  them  on 
sleeves  or  places  where  the  work  doesn't  show  much.  After  a  girl 
can  do  sleeves  well,  she  is  put  on  body  making,  then  setting  in  sleeves 
and  collars.  We  insist  on  the  girls'  learning  several  machines,  so  if 
one  department  gets  congested  we  can  move  them  about.  They 
sometimes  object  to  learning  new  machines,  but  as  they  are  so  young 
they  can  usually  be  induced  to  make  the  change." 

Manufacturers  producing  a  cheaper  product  in  which  the  material 
is  less  expensive,  more  easily  handled,  and  the  processes  more  spe- 
cialized will  more  frequently  take  on  inexperienced  workers,  though 
usually  they  insist  that  the  applicant  "must  be  able  to  do  straight 
stitching."  An  apron  manufacturer  says,  "Girls  are  taught  to  some 
extent  in  dull  season.  The  forewoman  will  show  them  three  times 
and  no  more."  The  usual  route  by  which  the  young  girl  gets  on  the 
machine  is  through  the  hand  processes.  A  large  factory  manu- 
facturing muslin  underwear  has  evolved  a  fairly  definite  scheme  of 
training  and  procedure  in  the  initiation  of  young  workers  under  the 
direction  of  a  capable  forewoman.  A  girl  is  first  taught  to  control 
the  power,  which  "can  be  done  in  two  hours.  She  then  sews  on 
rags  until  she  can  sew  straight."  Her  progress  from  the  standpoint 
of  product  is  as  follows:  (1)  Nightdress,  (2)  chemise  or  combination, 
(3)  corset  cover,  (4)  drawers,  (5)  skirt.  From  the  standpoint  of 
process,  she  is  taught  (1)  stitching  and  felling  of  seams,  (2)  putting 
the  hem  on  the  bottom  or  the  lace  on  the  bottom  (sometimes  with  a 
zigzag  machine),  (3)  making  facings  and  bands,  (4)  trimming  the 


INDUSTRIES  FOR  WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS  TRAIN.  231 

neck  and  sleeves  (that  is,  putting  on  the  lace  or  embroidery  some- 
times with  a  zigzag  and  sometimes  with  an  ordinary  machine),  (5) 
tucking  on  the  tucking  machine,  (6)  ruffling  and  putting  on  the 
ruffles,  (7)  making  and  setting  in  the  yokes.  "It  takes  a  girl  a  year 
to  become  experienced  in  this  work." 

COST  OF  TEACHING  IN  THE  FACTORY. 

Employers  have  a  hazy  idea  of  the  cost  of  initiating  a  young 
learner.  An  apron  manufacturer  maintained  it  cost  $20  to  $30  to 
train  a  ne\£  worker  in  his  factory.  A  curtain  manufacturer  claims 
it  costs  him  $35.  As  shown  on  the  basis  of  actual  production,1  an 
inexperienced  worker  was  paid  $22.32  more  than  her  work  was  worth 
during  her  first  six  weeks  in  the  factory,  and  with  the  addition  of  the 
use  of  the  machine,  spoiled  materials,  and  tune  of  the  forewoman,  the 
cost  doubtless  reached,  if  it  did  not  exceed,  the  higher  amount 
named  by  the  employer. 

An  interesting  illustration  of  the  cost  of  teaching  in  the  factory  is 
found  in  a  straw-hat  factory  which  in  1914  took  on  40  new  workers 
in  an  average  force  of  150  women  stitchers.  The  learners  are  taken 
on  October  1,  about  six  weeks  before  the  regular  season  opens. 
They  are  paid  $4.50  a  week  for  two  months,  or  longer  if  necessary. 
Four  experienced  workers  are  assigned  as  teachers  at  $3  a  day,  1 
teacher  to  10  girls.  For  two  months,  they  give  full  time  to  training 
the  learners  to  make  by  hand  the  straw  "tips"  and  to  stitch  straw 
braid  and  shape  it  on  the  form.  After  eight  weeks,  some  of  the  girls 
are  ready  for  semiindependent  work  on  piece  rates  and  two  teachers 
can  take  care  of  the  group.  For  eight  weeks  at  least  the  learners 
simply  sew  braid  together,  producing  nothing  salable.  The  braid  is 
ripped  up  again  and  again  and  sewed  again  for  practice.  If  a  girl 
completes  her  apprenticeship  in  eight  weeks,  the  cost  of  her  training 
is  as  follows : 

$4.50  per  week  for  8  weeks $36.  00 

One  girl's  share  of  teacher's  salary  ($18  per  week  for  8  weeks  for  10  girls) 14.  40 

Total  cost  (not  including  cost  of  materials  used  or  depreciation  of 
machines) '. 50.  40 

Thirty- three  of  the  forty  girls  "made  good,"  thus  increasing  the 
proportional  cost  for  each  successful  worker.  This  employer  main- 
tains it  costs  him  about  $2,000  a  season  to  train  his  new  workers. 

Many  of  the  young  workers  are  not  capable  of  doing  productive 
work  at  the  close  of  their  eight  weeks'  training.  The  following  table 
shows  the  weekly  record  of  two  sisters,  cases  A  and  B,  and  of  a  third 
woman,  case  C,  who  were  initiated  into  the  factory  at  the  same  time. 

1  See  Table  31,  pp.  51,  52. 


232 


INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 


TABLE   137.— WEEKLY  WAGES  OF  THREE  "LEARNERS"  IN  A  STRAW-HAT  FACTORY 

FOR  ONE  SEASON. 

[Figures  above  the  heavy  rule  indicate  earnings  received  as  apprentices,  those  below,  the  earnings  received 
after  the  girl  became  an  independent  worker  on  a  piece  rate,  actually  producing  hats.] 


Week. 

Specified  wage  received 
each  week  by— 

Week. 

Soecified  wage  received 
eaeh  week  by— 

A. 

B. 

C. 

A. 

B. 

C. 

First 

$4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.  50 

$4.50' 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.30 
16.90 
21.95 
20.75 
22.90 
23.05 
13.  75 

$4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4,50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
3.80 
11.80 
5.35 
17.35 
12.30 
7.90 
21.35 
16.70 
15.00 
19.35 
13.  25 
26.70 

Twentieth 

$1.  50 
4.50 
7.55 
7.  55; 
10.  95 
9.65 
8.95 
10.15 
13.80 
8.75 
6.90 
1.15 

$17.  55 
29.55 
26.  05 
23.00 
26.70 
25.  55 
20.25 
25.  95 
27.10 
27.15 
21.45 
13.  75 

$17.85 
23.  05 
21.75 
24.70 
22.90 
22.50 
25.75 
24.15 
29.45 
29.45 
16.25 
18.40 
15.60 
10.60 
3.00 

Second.  .  . 

Twenty-first 

Third  

Fourth  

Fifth  

4.  50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.  50 
4.50' 
4.  50 
4.50 
4.  50 
4.50 
4.50 

Twenty-fourth... 
Twenty  fifth 

Sixth  

Seventh  . 

Twenty-sixth  
Twenty-seventh  
Twenty-eighth 

Eighth 

Ninth  

Tenth 

T  went  v-ni  nth 

Eleventh 

Thirtieth 

Twelfth  

Thirtv-first 

Thirteenth 

Thirty-second  .  .  . 

Fourteenth 

Thirtv-third  

Fifteenth 

Thirtv-fourth  

Total  

180.  20 

470.  65 

507.  75 

Average  wage  

Nineteenth 

5.81 

15.18 

14.93 

As  an  apprentice,  the  girl  simply  sewed  straw  and  ripped  it  up 
again  and  again  until  she  could  be  trusted  to  use  the  straw  which, 
because  expensive  or  because  stylish  that  particular  season,  must 
be  conserved  for  hats  intended  for  sale.  It  is  interesting  to  note 
in  the  case  of  B  and  C,  who  were  put  on  a  producing  basis  in  a  shorter 
period  than  A,  that  both  fell  back  the  first  week  on  piece  rate,  then 
jumped  to  a  wage  almost  four  times  as  large  the  second  week. 

Case  A  was  21  years  and  case  B,  23  years  of  age.  Case  A  worked 
five  months  as  an  apprentice,  her  wage  alone  thus  costing  her  employer 
$94.50  instead  of  the  standard  amount  of  $36.  Case  B  worked  12 
weeks  as  an  apprentice,  her  wage  during  her  training  thus  amount- 
ing to  $54.  Case  C,  a  woman  of  25  years,  was  put  on  a  producing 
basis  after  seven  weeks'  apprenticeship.  The  record  of  these  workers 
for  the  season  also  illustrates  the  wide  variations  in  returns  as  a  result 
of  this  expenditure  of  time  and  money  in  training.  Case  A  earned  a 
total  of  $180.20  for  the  season  of  31  weeks.  Case  B  earned  $470.65 
during  the  same  period.  Case  C,  who  was  very  quick  in  learning, 
earned  $507.75  for  a  season  of  34  weeks, 

AMOUNT  OF  SHIFTING  AMONG  FACTORY  EMPLOYEES. 

The  extent  to  which  a  factory  takes  in  inexperienced  workers 
largely  determines  the  amount  of  shifting  discovered  on  the  pay 
roll.  In  one  dress  factory  the  pay  roll  showed  that  of  117  women 
employed  during  the  year,  73  had  held  their  places  only  from  one  to 
five  weeks.  Fourteen  had  left  at  the  end  of  the  first  week  and  18 
more  at  the  end  of  the  second  week.  In  a  curtain  factory  the  pay 


INDUSTRIES  FOR  WHICH   TRADE   SCHOOLS  TRAIN.  233 

roll  showed  152  women  employed  during  the  year,  of  whom  G5  had 
worked  less  than  12  months.  These  women  were,  however,  not 
quite  so  transitory  as  those  of  the  dress  factory,  as  only  22  of  them 
left  under  five  weeks,  and  27  were  in  the  factory  15  weeks  or  more. 
In  an  underwear  factory  which  takes  young  learners,  53  per  cent  of 
a  total  of  347  women  appearing  on  the  pay  roll  during  the  year 
stayed  less  than  12  weeks,  and  42.1  per  cent  stayed  less  than  8 
weeks.  In  the  year  1910  in  this  factory  65.8  per  cent  of  a  total  of 
315  stayed  less  than  12  weeks. 

SUMMARY. 

A  survey  of  the  sewing  trades  shows  the  importance  and  the 
need  of  trade  training  for  young  workers.  The  emphasis  on  train- 
ing for  the  custom  sewing  trades  and  the  neglect  of  the  factory 
trades,  however,  seems  surprising,  since  the  whole  evolution  within 
the  industry  is  in  the  opposite  direction.  While  the  school  has  failed 
to  take  cognizance  of  the  decreasing  opportunities  for  young  work- 
ers in  the  custom  sewing  trades,  the  experience  of  its  pupils  shows 
that  they  are  bearing  the  brunt  of  these  industrial  changes.  The 
general  lack  of  information  as  to  conditions  and  opportunities  in  the 
factory  trades  probably  explains  this  lack  of  adjustment.  Acquaint- 
ance with  the  many  different  trades  which  constitute  the  clothinr: 
industry  is  essential  to  successful  trade  training,  for  the  product 
determines  whether  the  demands  made  on  the  workers  are  primarily 
for  technical  knowledge  of  garment  construction,  manipulative  skill, 
trade  knowledge,  or  speed.  Proficiency  in  one  trade  may  mean 
inefficiency  in  another.  Since  the  high-grade  factories  manufac- 
turing a  product  requiring  technical  skill  seldom  take  inexperienced 
workers,  the  young  girl  who  learns  in  industry  must  begin  on  unre- 
lated processes  or  enter  factories  producing  low-grade  product,  which 
may  train  her  away  from  rather  than  toward  the  better  types  of 
factories.  The  workers  shift  very  little  from  one  product  to  the 
other.  Moreover,  there  is  a  heavy  dropping  out  of  young  learners 
in  the  industry.  The  expense  involved  in  training  the  young  worker 
in  the  factory  and  the  uncertainty  of  securing  the  benefits  of  this 
training  make  the  majority  of  employers  unwilling  to  develop  a 
systematic  plan  of  training.  The  school's  great  opportunity  at  pres- 
ent lies  in  this  field. 


CHAPTER  VIII.— SUMMARY  AND  CONCLUSIONS. 

The  new  type  of  vocational  education  is  judged  by  the  ability  of 
its  pupils  to  meet  the  demands  of  the  vocation  for  which  it  offers 
training.  Popular  interest,  whether  favorable  or  adverse,  desires 
concrete  information  on  the  experience  of  the  pupils  trained.  The 
trade  school  from  the  beginning  has  tried  to  develop  a  system  for 
keeping  in  touch  with  its  former  pupils,  (1)  by  an  annual  canvass  by 
letter  asking  for  a  statement  of  position  and  wage,  (2)  by  the  mainte- 
nance of  a  placement  bureau,  and  (3)  by  personal  contact  through  its 
social  organizations,  such  as  clubs  and  reunions. 

The  pressure  of  more  insistent  daily  problems  and  the  difficulty  of 
keeping  in  touch  with  all  pupils,  however,  have  made  a  scientific  and 
complete  system  of  records  impossible.  Nor  have  educators  fully 
appreciated  the  importance  of  a  comprehensive  and  concrete  knowl- 
edge of  the  situation  as  a  whole.  "We  don't  need  statistics/7  "We 
haven't  time  for  investigations,"  "We  know  the  girls'  needs,"  are 
statements  frequently  heard.  The  school  has  drawn  up  long  lists 
of  individual  pupils  and  their  wages,  but  these  in  themselves  have 
little  significance  for  educators  or  for  the  general  public.  For  the 
real  significance  of  wages  is  dependent  on  many  factors,  nor  does  a 
knowledge  of  wages  alone  necessarily  provide  the  school  with  the 
most  vital  type  of  information  for  intelligent  and  successful  procedure. 

Industrial  education  is  so  new  that  it  is  neither  fan*  nor  safe  to 
draw  sweeping  conclusions  as  to  future  possibilities  of  this  type  of 
training.  But  popular  interest  and  the  rapid  spread  of  this  form 
of  education  seem  to  call  for  a  clearer  understanding  of  its  purpose. 
Where  and  under  what  conditions  can  it  be  profitably  developed  and 
realize  its  fullest  possibilities  ?  Trade  training  for  girls  is  generally 
conceded  to  offer  the  most  difficult  problem  connected  with  indus- 
trial education,  as  well  as  the  one  in  which  least  progress  has  been 
made  toward  a  solution.  Yet  the  need  for  a  solution  is  increasingly 
evident. 

The  great  development  in  mechanical  processes  which  means  in- 
creased opportunity  for  the  boy,  results  in  decreasing  demand  for 
the  fine  handiwork  and  individuality  of  product  in  which  the  woman, 
.heretofore,  has  found  her  opportunity. 

Educational  institutions  of  any  kind  have  usually  kept  in  touch 
with  their  successful  pupils,  but  lost  sight  of  the  failures.  Present- 
day  democratic  and  social-minded  people  are  asking,  "What  propor- 
tions succeed  and  what  proportions  fail  ? "  More  than  one- third,  36.3 

235 


236  INDUSTRIAL    EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

per  cent,  of  the  2,500  girls  going  out  from  the  three  trade  schools  in 
Massachusetts  used  their  training  in  a  wage-earning  capacity.  More 
than  one-third  (38.6  per  cent)  of  the  2,044  girls  going  out  from  the 
Boston  Trade  School  during  its  10  years'  existence,  more  than  one- 
fourth  (27.4  per  cent)  of  the  343  girls  going  out  from  the  Worcester 
Trade  School  during  its  three  and  one-half  years'  existence,  and  less 
than  one-fourth  (23  per  cent)  of  the  113  girls  going  out  from  the 
Cambridge  Trade  School  during  its  two  years'  existence  entered  their 
trades. 

What  proportion  should  be  expected  to  use  their  training? 
Curiously,  the  vocational  schools  have  collected  little  data  on  which 
to  base  a  comparison.  The  proportion  from  the  three  trade  schools 
using  their  trades,  one-third,  is  higher  than  is  found  among  those 
taking  the  four  years'  course  of  the  Girls'  Practical  Arts  High  School, 
or  among  the  pupils  of  the  Industrial  Schools  for  Boys  in  Worcester 
and  New  Bedford.  Some  advocates  of  trade  schools  object  to 
judging  their  success  by  their  ability  to  induct  their  pupils  into  the 
trades  for  which  they  train;  if,  however,  a  school  can  not  do  this, 
is  it  a  trade  school  ?  No  one  would  expect  that  all  pupils  or  even  a 
large  proportion  of  the  pupils  trained  in  any  vocational  school  would 
permanently  remain  in  their  first  vocation.  But  unless  a  reasonable 
proportion  utilize  their  training,  several  questions  are  pertinent. 
(1)  Are  the  schools  drawing  the  type  of  pupil  which  can  meet  the 
demands  of  the  trades  for  which  they  offer  training?  (2)  Are  the 
trades  for  which  the  schools  train  well  chosen?  That  is,  (a)  Can 
they  utilize  the  numbers  trained  in  the  trade  school?  (b)  Do  they 
offer  adequate  opportunities  from  the  standpoint  of  skill  and  advance- 
ment to  justify  the  expenditure  of  time  and  money  involved  in  train- 
ing for  them  ? 

To  appreciate  fully  the  significance  of  these  figures — the  survival  of 
one- third — we  must  know  (1)  what  types  come  for  training,  (2)  how 
long  they  remain,  (3)  what  are  the  requisites  of  success,  and  (4) 
what  are  the  local  trade  opportunities.  A  most  serious  adminis- 
trative and  educational  difficulty  is  encountered  at  the  outset  in  the 
wide  range  in  equipment  of  the  pupils  who  apply  for  training.  From 
the  standpoint  of  maturity,  34.9  per  cent  were  under  15  years  of  age, 
28.8  per  cent  were  15  but  under  16,  29.3  per  cent  were  16  years  and 
under  18,  and  7  per  cent  were  18  years  and  over  at  entering  trade 
school.  From  the  standpoint  of  schooling,  48.2  per  cent  had  not 
graduated  from  grammar  school,  31.3  per  cent  were  grammar-school 
graduates,  and  20.5  per  cent  had  previously  attended  a  secondary 
school.  The  trade  school  is  confronted  on  the  one  side,  therefore,  with 
a  group  of  immature  pupils  who  present  a  wide  range  in  capacity  for 
training,  44.6  per  cent  of  whom  leave  under  the  age  of  16  years,  and 
70  per  cent  of  whom  in  Boston  and  Worcester  remain  less  than  12 


SUMMARY   AND   CONCLUSIONS.  237 

months.  On  the  other  side  comes  the  demand  from  the  trade  for 
general  intelligence,  maturity,  and  experience. 

The  significance  and  reality  of  these  trade  demands  arc  apparent 
from  a  study  of  their  bearing  on  the  girl's  utilization  of  her  training. 
Education  is  important.  Only  23.1  per  cent  of  the  girls  not  graduat- 
ing from  grammar  school  as  compared  with  52.6  per  cent  of  the 
grammar-school  graduates,  used  their  trade.  Maturity  has  a  still 
more  direct  bearing  on  the  girl's  opportunity  to  use  her  training. 
Only  7.7  per  cent  under  15  years  of  age  at  the  time  of  leaving 
school,  34.4  per  cent  15  and  under  16  years,  and  45.3  per  cent  16 
and  under  17  years  used  then*  training,  while  55.8  per  cent  17  and 
under  18  years  and  63.1  per  cent  18  and  under  19  years  of  age  at 
leaving  the  trade  school  used  their  trade.  At  least  a  minimum  of  trade 
training  and  repetition  of  processes  is  fundamental.  Of  those  trained 
in  the  sewing  courses  in  the  three  schools,  only  8.4  per  cent  of  those 
remaining  in  the  trade  school  less  than  six  months,  and  43.4  per  cent 
of  those  remaining  six  months  and  less  than  12  entered  the  trade,  but 
84.2  per  cent  of  those  remaining.12  months  and  less  than  18  used  their 
training.  Study  of  trade  conditions  shows  that  these  proportions  are 
not  merely  fortuitous.  Of-  100  dressmakers  who  had  acquired  their 
experience  in  the  trade,  only  24.7  per  cent  had  not  graduated  from 
grammar  school,  47.4  per  cent  had  graduated  from  grammar  school 
but  gone  no  further,  and  27.8  per  cent  had  attended  high  school. 
Only  11.8  per  cent  of  the  dressmakers  reported  by  the  United  States 
Census  of  1910  were  under  21  years  of  age. 

The  choice  of  the  trades  for  which  training  is  offered,  therefore,  is 
fundamental,  and  it  seems  curious,  in  the  light  of  the  census  returns 
of  1910,  to  find  that  almost  three-fourths  of  the  girls  enrolled  in  the 
three  trade  schools  in  1915  were  registered  in  the  dressmaking  course. 

Another  very  important  question,  and  one  which,  curiously  enough, 
educators  have  apparently  little  appreciated,  is  that  of  ability  to 
persist  in  the  trade  for  which  training  has  been  acquired.  Yet  it 
throws  light  on  two  most  vital  points:  (1)  It  provides  an  index  to 
opportunity  from  the  standpoint  of  numbers  and  requisites  of  the 
workers,  and  (2)  it  should  provide  the  educator  with  a  standard  for 
measurement  of  the  strength  or  weakness  of  the  training.  In  Boston, 
by  the  end  of  the  first  year,  a  little  more  than  four-fifths  of  the  744 
who  were  found  by  investigation  to  have  used  their  trades  were  still 
in  their  trade ;  by  the  end  of  the  second  year,  three-fifths  and  by  the 
end  of  the  third  year  a  little  over  two-fifths  of  this  selected  group 
still  persisted.  Nor  is  this  sifting  due  to  marriage,  as  is  popularly 
supposed,  for  two-thirds  in  their  seventh  year  were  still  engaged 
in  wage-earning  occupations.  Trade  conditions  predominate  as  the 
most  important  cause  of  leaving,  for  the  sewing  trades  present  two 
serious  problems,  (1)  the  inherent  hardships  involved  in  the  long 


238  INDUSTRIAL   EXPERIENCE    OF    TRADE-SCHOOL   GIRLS. 

process  of  acquiring  requisite  skill  and  in  the  short  seasons,  and  (2) 
the  decreasing  opportunity  for  young  inexperienced  workers.  Never- 
theless, in  comparison  with  the  young  unskilled  workers  whose 
records  may  be  read  from  the  educational  certificates  in  the  school 
offices,  these  young  trade-school  girls  show  remarkable  permanence 
in  trade,  position,  and  establishment.  Nor  should  a  failure  to  per- 
sist in  the  trade  necessarily  be  taken  to  indicate  retrogression.  On 
the  contrary  it  may  mean  betterment  for  the  girl  with  higher  educa- 
tional advancement.  Nevertheless,  should  not  the  school  establish 
for  its  own  guidance  and  as  a  test  of  its  success,  a  certain  fairly 
definite  proportion  which  should  be  expected  to  succeed  and  persist 
in  the  trades  for  which  it  offers  training  ? 

This  survey  covering  the  study  of  the  three  trade  schools  for  girls 
in  Massachusetts,  and  of  the  working  experience  of  all  their  pupils 
who  used  their  training  one  week  or  more  and  of  all  others  who 
attended  the  trade  school  nine  months  or  more,  suggests  certain  con- 
crete conclusions. 

I.  For  the  general  public: 

1.  The  trade  school  does  not  cater  to  "the  masses,"  but,  never- 
theless, reaches  a  new  type  of  girl  very  similar  in  the  three  cities, 
whose  educational  needs  hitherto  had  not  been  specifically  met. 
The  trade-school  girl  comes  from  a  family  less  comfortably  circum- 
stanced than  the  high-school  girl,  but  more   comfortable  than  the 
girl  who  applies  for  a  working  certificate  at  the  age  of  14  years.     The 
large  majority  come  directly  from  the  grammar  school;  they  corre- 
spond, from  the  standpoint  of  nativity,  to  the  total  15  to  20  year  old 
school  population,  and  a  fair  degree  of  economic  comfort  is  indicated 
in  their  contribution  to  the  home,  number  of  other  wage  earners,  and 
comparatively  few  dependents  in  the  home.     A  reasonable  degree  of 
economic  comfort  might  be  expected,  since 

(a)  The  trade  school  is  a  secondary  school  in  which  the  majority 
must  remain  one  year  or  more  to  succeed  in  their  trade. 

(b)  The  trade  school  trains  for  a  few  specific  trades  which  demand 
(1)  a  comparatively  high  degree  of  education;  (2)  a  comparatively 
long  course  of  training  with  a  rather  high  minimum  of  skill  and 
practice  in  the  processes;  (3)  increasing  maturity,  and  (4)   a  par- 
ticular type  of  manual  skill  and  technical  knowledge. 

(c)  The  custom  sewing  trades  have  marked  seasons  and  do  not 
offer  steady  or  continuous  employment. 

2.  Trade  schools  for  girls,  as  yet  conceived,  train  primarily  for  the 
custom  sewing  trades  and  can  not  fulfill  their  purpose  where  there  are 
no  sewing  trades,  or  where  very  limited  opportunities  are  open  to  the 
young,    partially  equipped    worker.     The    recent    development    of 
courses  in  "trade  cooking"  or  "catering"  is  most  interesting,  but 
the  opportunity  to  utilize  this  training  La  any  other  capacity  than 


SUMMARY   AND   CONCLUSIONS.  239 

ordinary  domestic  service  is  very  limited  because  of  the  extreme 
immaturity  of  the  girls  trained.  When  they  become  older  they 
encounter  the  competition  of  girls  from  "  practical  arts  high  schools," 
or  from  the  colleges  of  domestic  arts,  with  longer  and  more  complete 
training.  If  established  for  or  giving  home  training,  these  schools 
should  be  frankly  so  designated  and  generally  recognized  as  such  by 
the  parents  who  send  their  daughters  for  training.  Growth  out  of 
local  needs  and  adjustment  to  local  demands  is  the  fundamental 
basis  for  a  trade  school's  success. 

3.  The  custom  sewing  trades  are  undergoing  a  tremendous  indus- 
trial reorganization  resulting  in  continually  decreasing  opportunities 
for  the  young  inexperienced  worker.     They  must  be  recognized  more 
and  more  as  (a)  a  vocation  for  girls  who  can  afford  to  spend  a  longer 
time  in  acquiring  financial  independence;  (6)  as  wholly  inadequate 
in  most  cities,  in  the  demands  for  numbers  alone,  to  constitute  the 
primary  basis  for  a  system  of  trade  training,  and  (c)  as  demanding  a 
definite  type  of  worker  with  some  general  education,  maturity,  skill, 
and  experience. 

4.  The  so-called  ' 'trade-school  girl"  therefore  represents  a  fairly 
high  degree  of  selection,  since,  first,  she  was  able  to  attend  a  sec- 
ondary school;  second,  she  survived  the  training  in  the  trade  school 
in  a  ratio  of  1  to  3;  and,  third,  she  has  been  able  to  persist  in  a 
trade  which  has  short  working  seasons   and  requires  special  trade 
qualifications  and  a  long  stage  of  preparation. 

II.  For  the  trade  educator: 

1.  Trade  training  must  develop  in  accordance  with  the  trend  of 
industrial  evolution.     Since   the  whole  industrial   trend  is   toward 
increasing  development  of  machine  processes,  an  extended  system  of 
trade  training  for  hand  processes  will  not  reverse  the  tendency. 

2.  The  trade  school  must  grow  out  of  the  needs  of  the  community. 

3.  The  trade  school  for  girls  gives  a  real  advantage  to  its  pupils 
when  established  as  a  result  of  local  demands. 

(a)  It  provides  a  place  (1)  where  the  girl  can  secure  specific 
training  for  wage  earning  during  the  years  from  14  to  16,  during  which 
years  the  skilled  industries  are  practically  closed  to  her,  and  (2)  where 
she  can  be  tested  out  under  favorable  circumstances  and  sympa- 
thetic teachers. 

(6)  It  levels  up  the  inadequate  background  of  the  girl  with  a  lower 
educational  standard  through  correlation  of  its  allied  courses,  and 
equips  her  to  compete  with  the  girl  who  has  had  better  educational 
opportunities. 

(c)  It  lifts  the  girl  over  the  unskilled,  unrelated  processes  by  pro- 
viding her  with  the  fundamental  principles  and  some  trade  skill, 
enabling  her  to  begin  at  a  higher  initial  wage  on  the  processes  leading 
directly  to  advancement  and  skill.  The  initial  advantage  is  its  real 


240  INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE   OF   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 

contribution.  When  once  established  in  the  trade,  advancement 
depends  on  individual  capacity  to  profit  by  the  opportunities  which 
arise. 

(d)  It  provides,  through  its  placement  bureau,  a  valuable  connect- 
ing link  between  school  and  industry,  and  gives  the  girl  the  protection 
of  an  organized  institution  in  securing  work.     This  phase  of  voca- 
tional training  offers  much  greater  opportunities  than  have  yet  been 
appreciated  or  developed.     If  systematically  organized,  the  depart- 
ment for  placement  should  enable  the  school  (1)  to  keep  in  close 
touch  with  industry  and  its  rapid  changes  in  processes,  and  with  its 
demands  from  the  standpoint  of  numbers  and  qualifications  of  work- 
ers;  (2)  to  learn  through  the  experience  of  its  pupils  in  industry,  and 
(3)  to  develop  in  accordance  with  changing  demand. 

(e)  It  provides  a  place  to  which  the  former  pupil  may  return  in  dull 
season  or  unemployment  for  supplementary  or  advanced  training. 
This  phase  of  trade  training,  too,  is  just  in  its  infancy,  but,  if  sys- 
tematically developed,  it  will  make  some  of  the  most  valuable  con- 
tributions in  vocational  training. 

4.  The  type  of  girl  which  succeeds  hi  gaining  access  to  the  trade 
seems  to  be  the  grammar-school  graduate,  with  a  minimum  age  of  16 
years,  a  trade-school  course  of  at  least  a  year,  and  with  sufficient 
economic  support  to  tide  over  the  first  three  years  necessary  to  become 
established- in  the  trade. 

5.  When  once  established  in  the  trade,  maturity,  experience,  and 
capacity  to  assume  responsibility  and  initiative  determine  the  girl's 
advancement.     At    beginning    work,     increased    maturity    shows 
increased  wage  returns.     Less  than  three-fifths  (58.9  per  cent)  of  the 
Boston  Trade  School  girls  beginning  work  at  14  years  and  under  16, 
earned  $6  or  more  at  the  end  of  the  first  year.     Almost  two-thirds 
(64.1  per  cent)  of  those  beginning  at  16  years  and  under  18  and  more 
than  two-thirds  (70.7  per  cent)  of  those  beginning  at  18  years  and  over 
earned  $6  or  more  at  the  end  of  the  first  year.     A  similar  correlation 
between  maturity  and  wage  is  discovered  for  the  trade-trained  girls. 
By  the  end  of  the  third  year,  in  neither  group  has  the  girl  beginning 
work  at  18  years  maintained  her  advantage,  but  in  both  groups,  the 
girl  beginning  at    16   years  maintains   an   advantage   over  the  girl 
beginning  at  14. 

Thus  the  age  of  16  to  18  years,  which  because  of  child-labor  legisla- 
tion is  automatically  becoming  the  minimum  age,  is  apparently  the 
most  propitious  age  for  entering  these  trades.  Changing  conditions 
in  the  custom  trades,  however,  raise  the  question  if  this  will  be  true 
during  the  next  10  years.  The  business  of  the  trade  educators  is  to 
know  the  facts,  no  matter  how  fast  they  may  change. 

While  ' 'common  sense"  is  a  very  insistent  demand  from  employers, 
just  how  close  is  the  relation  between  education  and  advancement 


SUMMARY   AND   CONCLUSIONS.  241 

is  not  so  clear  as  the  relation  between  age  and  advancement  perhaps, 
because  of  the  comparatively  small  proportion,  one-fourth,  who  have 
had  more  than  a  grammar-school  education.  The  girl  with  a  high- 
school  education  finds  more  profitable  employment  in  the  business 
pursuits.  On  the  limited  basis  of  one-fourth,  the  high-school  girl 
who  has  learned  in  the  trade  maintains  a  decided  advantage  over  the 
grammar-school  trade-trained  girl.  The  difference  in  opportunity 
is  less  obvious  in  the  trade-school  group.  This  may  be  due  to  the 
ability  of  the  school  to  supplement  the  inadequate  preparation  of  its 
girls  who  have  a  low  educational  equipment.  At  the  end  of  the  first 
year's  experience,  the  trade-school  girl  who  has  previously  attended 
high  school  seems  to  have  no  advantage,  but  by  the  end  of  the  third 
year,  an  advantage  becomes  apparent.  Since  a  certain  type  of 
manual  skill  and  technical  knowledge  is  the  fundamental  requisite 
for  success,  variation  in  educational  background  seems  to  have  little 
significance  at  first.  When  the  necessary  skill  has  been  acquired, 
however,  advancement  depends  on  ability  to  think,  to  plan,  and  to 
originate.  If  academic  education  develops  this  ability,  it  will  provide 
the  girl  with  very  important  qualifications. 

6.  A  surprising  similarity  in  wage  and  advancement  is  discovered 
for  the  trade-school  girl  and  for  the  girl  who  has  learned  in  the  trade 
which  should  give  the  trade  educator  an  impetus  for  a  closer  study 
of  the  demands  of  these  trades.  The  trade-school  girl  starts  with  a 
decided  initial  advantage.  Her  year's  training  in  the  trade  school 
enables  her  to  enter  the  trade  as  a  producer,  rather  than  as  a  learner, 
and  she  can  thus  begin  at  a  higher  initial  wage  than  the  untrained 
girl.  She  does  not,  however,  maintain  a  correspondingly  higher 
wage  throughout  her  working  career.  Like  the  trade-trained  girl,  she 
reaches  an  average  wage  of  $8  by  the  third  year,  and  approximately 
$9  by  the  end  of  the  fourth  year.  The  short  seasons  in  the  sewing 
trades,  however,  seriously  lower  the  annual  income.  While  the  girls 
who  remain  in  their  trade  maintain  an  apparently  higher  wage  scale, 
the  longer  working  year  of  those  who  leave  for  other  occupation 
doubtless  results  in  more  satisfactory  financial  returns. 

III.  Development  and  expansion  of  trade  training  for  girls  can 
be  realized  only  with  a  wider  selection  of  trades.  The  most  obvious 
opportunity  is  found  in  the  factory  sewing  trades.  Not  until  there 
has  been  a  pedagogical  analysis  of  the  trades,  such  as  has  been  made  in 
the  custom  sewing  trades,  can  success  in  this  field  be  realized.  A 
fundamental  difference  confronts  the  young  trade-school  worker  on 
entering  these  two  divisions  of  the  clothing  trades.  In  the  custom 
trade,  she  enters  as  a  young  helper  who  works  under  the  close  super- 
vision and  with  the  aid  of  a  skilled  worker.  In  the  factory  trades, 
and  especially  in  the  manufacture  of  the  high-grade  product,  she  must 
85225°— 17— Bull.  215 16 


242  INDUSTRIAL  EXPERIENCE    OF   TRADE-SCHOOL  GIRLS. 

be  equipped  to  enter  as  an  independent  worker.  She  must  have  a 
minimum  age  of  16  years  and  sufficient  skill,  trade  knowledge,  and 
technical  training  for  independent  production  with  a  minimum  degree 
of  speed  and  accuracy.  This  industry  is  made  up  of  many  sub- 
trades,  each  making  widely  different  demands  and  offering  a  great 
variety  of  opportunities  for  a  satisfactory  wage  and  advancement. 

But  trade  training  for  women  must  find  a  wider  foundation  than 
the  sewing  trades  to  justify  its  establishment  in  a  great  many  cities. 
For  in  many  localities  these  trades  are  practically  nonexistent,  and 
particularly  in  their  opportunity  for  employment  of  young,  inex- 
perienced workers.  The  real  problem  in  trade  training  for  women 
to-day  is  to  discover  the  educational  possibilities  in  a  wider  variety  of 
trades. 

IV.  Industrial  education  for  girls  has  a  real  opportunity  from 
both  an  educational  and  an  industrial  standpoint.  Modern  industrial 
competition  makes  adequate  training  in  the  factory  increasingly 
difficult  and  unsatisfactory.  Conditions  within  the  industry  change 
so  fast,  however,  that  it  is  difficult  for  an  outside  organization  to  keep 
pace  with  them.  Since  successful  vocational  education  necessitates 
closest  study  of  the  needs  and  conditions  of  the  vocation,  tune  and 
opportunity  must  be  allowed  teachers  and  placement  agents  to  visit 
and  study  the  girl  and  the  industry.  Every  means  which  simplifies 
and  smooths  the  transition  from  school  to  industry  should  be  devel- 
oped, and  this  can  be  effected  only  through  closest  connection  and 
mutual  understanding  between  school  and  employers.  Trade  schools, 
as  has  been  discovered,  can  also  perform  an  important  service  in  sup- 
plementing the  girl's  general  education.  Their  real  problem  is  to  so 
expand  the  content  of  their  training,  that  the  girl  may  know,  while 
receiving  the  secondary  schooling,  that  she  is  at  the  same  time  pre- 
paring herself  directly  for  wage  earning. 


APPENDIX    A.— COURSES    AND    ADMINISTRATION    OF    THE 
TRADE  SCHOOLS  FOR  GIRLS  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 

COURSES  IN  THE  TRADE  SCHOOLS. 

Courses  in  trade  schools  were  originally  designed  with  a  double 
intent — trade  training  and  training  for  the  home.  "The  training  not 
only  contributes  to  the  making  of  efficient  tradeswomen,  but  it  also 
contributes  to  efficient  home  service."  l  The  importance  of  training 
for  home  making  is  recognized  still,  but  the  trade  schools  have  found 
it  increasingly  difficult  to  make  this  teaching  anything  but  inci- 
dental, because  of  the  youth  of  the  pupils,  the  short  time  they  can 
spend  at  the  trade  schools,  and  the  exacting  demands  of  the  indus- 
tries for  which  they  train  their  pupils. 

The  principal  trade  taught  in  each  school  is  dressmaking,  which 
is  divided  into  preliminary  and  advanced  courses.  The  object  of  the 
preliminary  courses  is  to  develop  skill  in  handling  materials  and 
facility  in  the  use  of  the  different  stitches.  Although  most  of  the 
trade-school  pupils  have  had  some  sewing  in  the  grades,  it  has  not 
been  systematic  or  extended  enough  to  prepare  pupils  to  do  real 
dressmaking.  Trade  schools  assume  that  the  pupils  are  unac- 
quainted with  all  sewing  processes,  and  teach  the  proper  way  of  work 
from  the  start.  An  interesting  system  of  correlation  is  being  devel- 
oped in  Somerville,  where  the  director  of  the  vocational  school  for 
girls  has  charge  of  the  sewing  in  all  the  schools.  She  is  thus  able 
to  plan  the  sewing  courses  from  the  fifth  grade  in  the  grammar  school 
through  the  vocational  school  or  the  high  school  in  logical  sequence. 
The  teachers  in  this  preliminary  sewing  in  the  trade  school  are,  as  a 
rule,  academically  trained,  because  they  are  able  to  interest  young 
and  immature  pupils  better  than  trade-trained  teachers,2  who  are  apt 
to  be  impatient  with  beginners. 

Two  methods  of  teaching  are  at  present  in  use.  In  the  Boston 
Trade  School  the  pupil  practices  a  stitch  until  she  can  do  it  well,  when 
she  makes  it  on  a  sampler.  This  becomes  a  notebook  of  her  progress. 
When  she  can  do  the  elementary  stitches,  she  begins  work  on  the 
salable  product.  In  Worcester,  where  a  salable  product  is  insisted 
on  from  the  start,  the  pupil  begins  with  the  simple  hem  on  a  dish- 

1  Worcester,  Keport  of  Trustees  of  Independent  Industrial  Schools  for  the  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1911, 
p.  622.    See  also  Fourth  Annual  Report,  Boston  Trade  School  for  girls,  December,  1908,  p.  19;  Fifth  Annual 
Report,  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls,  December,  1909,  p.  12;  Report  of  Boston  School  Committee,  1909, 
Document  15,  p.  11. 

2  Academically  trained  teachers  have  received  instruction  in  vocational  colleges  and  have  had  a  limited 
trade  experience.    Trade  teachers  have  gained  their  knowledge  from  experience  in  the  trade. 

243 


244  APPENDIX   A. 

cloth  and  completes  a  number  of  articles  in  a  given  order,  each  article 
more  complicated  than  the  preceding  and  involving  old  processes  as 
well  as  a  few  new  ones.  As  soon  as  the  pupil  is  able  to  handle  mate- 
rials deftly  and  use  stitches  accurately  and  intelligently  she  takes 
up  more  advanced  sewing — first  infants',  next  children's,  and  last 
women's  clothing.  At  the  start  the  teacher  exercises  very  close  super- 
vision, but  gradually  she  demands  greater  independence  on  the  part 
of  the  pupils.  The  object  of  the  advanced  work  is  to  teach  the  girls 
to  apply  their  knowledge  of  stitches  and  the  handling  of  material  to 
more  difficult  problems,  with  little  direction  from  anyone.  For  this 
reason  trade-trained  teachers  familiar  with  shop  methods  are  given 
charge  of  the  advanced  work.  They  are  able  to  teach  short-cut 
methods  in  sewing,  "the  tricks  of  the  trade,"  which  produce  the 
effect  desired  with  the  minimum  expenditure  of  time.  In  the 
advanced  sewing  the  value  of  speed  is  emphasized,  and  the  girls  are 
taught  by  means  of  time  cards  to  see  how  much  their  time  is  really 
worth.  The  course  in  dressmaking  is  incomplete,  since  cutting  and 
fitting  are  not  systematically  taught,  first,  because  there  will  be  no 
demand  on  the  pupils  for  this  kind  of  knowledge  for  some  time  after 
they  leave  school,  and,  second,  because  the  girls  are,  for  the -most 
part,  too  immature  to  be  trusted  with  the  responsibility  of  cutting 
expensive  materials,  even  if  they  could  be  taught  the  principles 
involved.  The  purpose  of  the  training  in  dressmaking  is  to  fit  the 
girls  for  dressmakers'  assistants. 

The  object  of  the  course  in  millinery  is  to  train  girls  as  milliners' 
helpers.  In  most  of  the  trade  schools  the  tendency  is  to  curtail  the 
numbers  who  take  the  millinery  course,  because  of  the  seasonal  char- 
acter of  the  trade.  In  the  preliminary  course  the  stitches  used  in 
millinery  are  taught  on  cotton  materials.  The  girls  are  taught  the 
several  kinds  of  frame  making  and  wiring. 

They  are  next  taught  to  cover  hats  with  silk,  velvet,  and  straw, 
and  are  given  some  instruction  in  bow  making.  No  attempt  is  made 
to  teach  trimming  of  hats.  An  effort  has  been  made  in  one  of  the 
schools  to  teach  the  making  of  fancy  articles,  like  neckwear,  as  a 
dull-season  occupation. 

Power-machine  operating  on  cloth  holds  trade  possibilities  greater 
than  dressmaking  or  millinery  for  the  majority  of  workers,  but 
its  demands  are  less  understood  than  are  those  of  the  custom  sew- 
ing trades.  The  work  has  not,  as  a  whole,  been  so  carefully  ana- 
lyzed, nor  have  the  possibilities  for  success  open  to  a  well-equipped 
worker  been  emphasized.  In  Boston  there  has  been  some  agita- 
tion for  a  factory  school,  but  with  no  tangible  results.  The  great 
difference  lies  in  the  requirements  of  the  worker.  The  young  dress- 
maker or  milliner  begins  as  a  helper  under  the  direction  of  an  experi- 
enced worker.  The  young  power-machine  operator  is  expected  to 


COURSES  AND  ADMINISTRATION    OF   GIRLS '   TRADE   SCHOOLS.       245 

be  an  independent  worker.  Thus,  the  young  trade-school  girl  enter- 
ing a  dressmaking  or  millinery  shop  finds  herself  in  conditions  more 
like  those  in  the  school  than  does  the  girl  entering  a  factory. 

The  school  aims  to  train  pupils  to  become  intelligent  workers 
who  have  established  automatically  correct  habits  of  work.  It 
teaches  the  girls  to  use  several  makes  of  ordinary  power  machines  and 
special  machines,  to  handle  materials  and  put  them  together  without 
basting.  It  also  gives  such  training  as  it  can  in  the  assembling  of 
complex  garments.  In  Worcester,  the  girls  do  two-needle  joining 
on  corsets,  and  make  children's  dresses  and  women's  house  dresses. 
In  the  trade  itself,  short-cut  methods  seem  to  be  part  of  the  secret  of 
success,  and  the  school  teaches  economy  of  motion  as  far  as  it  can. 
To  gain  speed,  the  girls  are  required  to  keep  time  cards,  and  if  a  girl 
can  not  make  a  garment  in  the  standardized  time,  she  must  try 
again.  When  an  order  comes  for  a  large  number  of  garments  of  one 
pattern,  the  girls  are  allowed  to  compete  with  one  another  for  speed 
and  accuracy.  Employers  think  that  the  time  allowed  by  the  school 
for  the  course  is  too  long  for  the  advancement  attained.  The  pupils, 
to  succeed,  need  a  certain  degree  of  maturity  and  a  sturdy  physique, 
the  lack  of  which  accounts  perhaps  for  the  failure  of  many  to  re- 
main in  their  trade. 

Power-machine  operating  on  straw  hats,  which  is  offered  in  the 
Boston  Trade  School,  makes  the  same  demands  on  the  worker  for 
speed  and  ability  to  work  with  little  supervision.  The  wage  oppor- 
tunities in  straw-hat  making  in  Boston  are  good,  but  the  work  is 
extremely  seasonal.  The  object  of  the  course  in  straw  stitching  is 
to  equip  pupils  to  handle  all  kinds  of  straw  and  make  all  kinds  of 
" blocks. "  They  are  taught  to  do  the  "tips"  at  first,  then  crowns 
and  brims  of  simple  blocks  and  finally  the  more  complicated  pro- 
cesses. The  straw  stitcher  can  usually  do  power-machine  operat- 
ing on  cloth,  but  it  is  not  a  part  of  the  course. 

Trade  cooking  or  catering,  very  recently  introduced  in  trade 
schools,  aims  to  teach  pupils  to  be  intelligent  assistants  in  tea  and 
lunch  rooms.  In  Cambridge,  the  girls  do  "  accomodating, "  which  is 
catering  for  small  dinners.  They  obtain  orders  from  customers  for 
cake  and  cookies  and  execute  these  orders  in  the  school  kitchen. 
The  Boston  Trade  School  serves  luncheons  in  several  factories  and 
schools,  giving  the  girls  the  practice  they  need.  In  Worcester,  the 
girls  hi  trade  cooking  serve  luncheons  at  the  Boys'  Trade  School. 
The  girls,  as  a  rule,  work  under  very  close  supervision.  They  are 
taught  a  system  of  accounting,  and  are  required  to  show  a  profit  on 
their  work.  Little  effort  is  made  to  teach  the  reason  for  food  com- 
binations, but  correct  principles  are  taught  by  practice.  The  pop- 
ular prejudice  against  domestic  work  makes  the  outcome  of  these  ven- 
tures into  trade  cooking  rather  dubious.  The  trade-school  girls  are 


246  APPENDIX  A. 

too  immature  to  compete  successfully  with  women  trained  in  catering 
in  vocational  colleges,  and  domestic  work  seems  the  only  alternative. 

Trade  design,  taught  only  in  the  Boston  Trade  School,  has  for  its 
aim  the  teaching  of  girls  to  fill  positions  as  designers  in  factories  and 
shops.  The  girls  have  been  too  young  to  use  the  training  directly. 
The  successful  designers  found  in  Boston  shops  and  factories  are 
trade  workers  who  know  the  demands  of  the  industry  because  of 
having  worked  up  through  the  ranks.  At  present,  the  trade  in 
Boston  makes  use  of  only  a  few  original  designers,  and  these  have  had 
superior  art  training,  as  well  as  trade  experience. 

The  supplementary  courses  in  academic  branches,  art,  cookery,  and 
physical  training4 follow  in  their  methods  ordinary  school  principles. 
The  academic  and  art  teachers  obtain  their  problems  from  trade  work. 
The  course  in  cookery  is  supposed  to  teach  the  girls  what  combina- 
tions of  food  will  produce  the  greatest  efficiency  in  a  trade  worker. 
The  physical  training  course  is  designed  to  foster  group  activities  and 
to  teach  girls  the  principles  of  hygienic  living. 

The  analysis  of  trades  to  discover  fundamental  processes  and  the 
proper  sequence  for  teaching,  the  search  for  new  trades  to  be  taught, 
the  development  of  supplementary  courses — all  these  have  meant 
pioneer  work  in  education,  and  work  which  has  been  subjected  to 
direct  and  immediate  tests.  Trade-school  courses  are  still  variable 
in  all  particulars;  and  a  course  eminently  successful  in  one  city  may 
prove  a  complete  failure  in  another. 

COURSES  OF  DEPARTMENTS  IN  THE  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL.1 

Four  trades  are  taught  at  the  Worcester  Girls'  Trade  School,  dress- 
making, millinery,  power-machine  operating,  and  business  cooking. 
In  addition  to  the  trade  training  each  girl  has  lessons  in  business  Eng- 
lish and  arithmetic,  civics,  industrial  history,  applied  art,  and  physical 
education.  All  girls  except  those  in  cooking  have  home-cooking  les- 
sons and  the  cooking  pupils  have  home-sewing  lessons. 

Eighty  per  cent  of  the  time  spent  in  school  is  given  to  physical 
work  and  the  remainder  is  divided  into  periods  for  the  allied  sub- 
jects. About  35  hours  a  week  are  taken  up  in  school  work. 

A  fundamental  method  in  all  trade-school  teaching  is  to  lead  the 
pupil  gradually  from  one  process  to  another,  giving  practice  in  the 
new  process  just  previous  to  applying  it  in  the  construction  of  some- 
thing useful.  Anticipatory  work  too  far  in  advance  is  apt  to  fail  in 
functioning. 

The  following  courses  show  how  this  is  worked  out;  each  article 
made  is  based  on  a  process  already  mastered  or  one  just  learned  on 
practice  pieces. 

i  This  section  on  the  Courses  of  departments  in  the  Worcester  Trade  School  was  prepared  by  Miss 
Helen  R.  Hildreth,  principal,  Worcester  Girls'  Trade  School,  Worcester,  Mass. 


COURSES  AND  ADMINISTRATION    OP   GIRLS '  TRADE   SCHOOLS.       247 

DRESSMAKING. 

The  following  statement  shows  in  tabular  form  the  processes  taught 
in  the  dressmaking  department: 

DRESSMAKING  COURSE  IN  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL  FOR  GIRLS. 


Problem. 

Process. 

New  process. 

Remarks. 

1.  Pincushion,  vel- 

Basting; backstitching;  over- 

vet. 

handing;  use  of  gauge. 

2.  Crash  towels  

O  verhanding 

Napery  hem 

Second  one  for  speed. 

3.  Work  cover, 

Napery  hem  

Outline  stitch  

Softer  material. 

lawn. 

4.  Sewing    apron, 
lawn. 

Basting;    over- 
handing. 

Gathering;    plain    hemming; 
band  by  hand  ;  sewing  on  lace  . 

Placing  gathers  is  a  difficult 
problem. 

5.  Kitchen  apron, 

Basting;  hemming 

Plain  seam;  locked  corners; 

First  machine  work. 

gingham. 

on  machine. 

machine  stitching;  pocket; 

band  by  machine. 

6.  Cooking  apron, 
percale. 

Basting;  machine 
stitching. 

Flat  seam;  French  seam:  bias 
facing;   buttonhole;  sewing 

Idea  of  true  and  garment  bias 
facing  and  bias  side  of  gore. 

on  button;  fitted  hem. 

7.  Child's      petti- 

Flat seam;  button- 

Tucking   with   gauge;    hem- 

Allowance for  tucks  and  creas- 

coat, muslin. 

holes;  gathering 
ruffle;    straight 

ming  placket;  ruffle  on  bot- 
tom; bias  band  to  head  ruffle. 

ing  them. 

hem. 

8.  Girl's  petticoat, 

Gathering    ruffle; 

Overcasting;  bound  placket; 

First  use  of  skirt  gores. 

muslin. 

shaped  hem; 

ruffle  set  under  tuck;  ma- 

plain seam. 

chine     tucker;     bias     and 

straight  in  same  seam;  bias 

facing  to  finish  top  of  skirt; 

adjustment  of  tape  in  top  of 

skirt. 

9.  Bungalow 

French  seam; 

Vertical  tucks;  flat  facing  on 

Kimono  sleeve. 

apron,      per- 

pockets; button 

outside  of  apron. 

cale. 

and        button- 

holes, etc. 

10.  Middy    blouse, 

Pocket;  flat  seam; 
French  seam. 

Facing  front;  making  collar; 
sleeve    with    cuff;    lapped 

seam  in  setting  in  sleeve: 

eyelets. 

A  fair  idea  of  construction  is  given  by  this  course  and  the  stitches 
learned  are  repeated  many  times  in  undergarments  and  children's 
clothing  until  their  use  becomes  automatic.  Some  of  the  simple 
fancy  stitches  used  as  decoration  are  also  learned.  With  this  the 
elementary  sewing  is  completed,  and  a  few  weeks  are  devoted  to 
work  on  children's  dresses,  which  approaches  dressmaking  in  many 
respects. 

The  preparatory  dressmaking  course  involves  the  making  of  shirt 
waists  and  simple  skirts,  a  model  waist  lining,  and  a  skirt  showing 
several  different  ways  of  finishing  the  waist  line  and  bottom.  After 
making  nurses'  uniforms  and  other  house  dresses  the  girls  are  put  in 
the  advanced  dressmaking  class,  usually  at  the  second  year,  and  then 
all  the  training  is  given  on  orders  for  such  dresses  as  are  taken  in  any 
good  dressmaking  shop.  In  this  way  the  use  of  a  great  variety  of 
material  is  made  possible;  for,  with  the  previous  instruction,  the  girl 
now  needs  to  be  given  an  endless  number  of  opportunities  to  apply 
what  she  has  acquired  since  entering  school. 

No  attempt  is  made  to  teach  cutting  and  fitting  in  the  courses  in 
this  trade,  for  the  majority  of  the  girls  are  under  16  years  of  age  and 


248 


APPENDIX   A. 


are  too  young  to  understand  it  from  a  trade  point  of  view.  From 
intelligent  observation,  most  of  the  girls  are  able  to  make  their  own 
clothes  and  those  of  their  family. 

POWER-MACHINE  OPERATING. 

As  all  processes  in  operating  are  carried  out  with  no  basting,  the 
lower  piece  of  the  goods  lies  loosely  against  the  feed  and  will  be  car- 
ried along  faster  than  the  upper  piece  unless  this  is  prevented.  This 
"pull"  of  the  feed  must  be  controlled  where  ends  should  come  even. 
It  may,  however,  be  used  as  an  aid  where  fullness  is  desired.  It  is 
the  central  factor  in  operating,  and  the  pull  of  the  cloth  necessitated 
by  it  must  be  learned  to  insure  success  as  a  tradeswoman. 

Elementary  operating  consists  of:  (1)  Knowledge  and  care  of  the 
machine;  (2)  control  of  the  power;  (3)  simple  processes  and  seams; 
(4)  necessary  muscle  control  and  coordination. 

The  pupil  learns  in  the  first  few  days,  more  or  less,  according  to 
individual  ability,  how  to  clean  and  oil  the  machine,  how  to  thread, 
names  of  parts,  how  to  wind  bobbin  while  running  machine  and 
doing  other  work,  proper  tension  or  appearance  of  stitch,  sound  of 
machine  (because  if  it  varies  something  is  wrong) ,  position  and  use  of 
knee  lifter,  use  of  chaser,  position  of  foot  while  running  the  machine 
and  while  at  rest,  and  the  proper  position  in  the  chair  to  avoid  back- 
ache and  round  shoulders. 

POWER-MACHINE  OPERATING  COURSE  IN  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL  FOR  GIRLS. 


Problem. 

Process. 

New  process. 

Remarks. 

1    Straight  lines  

a.  Pupil  follows  lines  in 

Elain  gingham,  us- 
ig  colored  thread, 
b.  Ruled  lines  on  white 

Pupil  learns  divisions  of  inch 

cotton    cloth,    col- 
ored thread. 

c   Stitching  to  measure 

in  use  of  measure,  both 
tape  and  ruler.  Alternate 
periods  of  ruling  and  ma- 
chine stitching. 

2.  Machine  apron.  .. 
3   Towels  of  crash 

by  use  of  tape  on 
unbleached  muslin; 
bias  stitching. 
Stitching  to  measure  un- 
bleached muslin,  col- 
ored thread,  following 
warp  and  woof  threads. 

Hem'  corner  finish 

Stitching  to  design,  bias  or 
diagonal;  hem;  corner; 
control  of  feed's  pull; 
square  patch  pocket. 

Seam  put  in  by  teacher  to 
give  demonstration  of 
quick,  good  work.     Feed 
control  needs  much  prac- 
tice at  first,  but  "soon  be- 
comes mechanical. 
Stiff,  heavy   material  gives 

4    Dust  cloths  of 

Long  hem'  corners 

practice  in  feed  control  and 
edge  stitching,  an  essential 
factor. 
Soft  thin  material  in  above 

cheesecloth. 
5.  Dishcloths    o  f 
cheesecloth. 

6.  Holders  of  calico 

Straight  lines;  even  edges 
Several  thicknesses 

Several  thicknesses  quilt- 
ing; even  edges  in  fold- 
ing. 

Plain  seams 

processes. 
Control    of    easily    slipping 
material.      Bias    stitching 
preparatory     to     garment 
bias  seams. 

or   gingham 
with  flannel- 
ette lining. 
7.  Kitchen    apron, 

Plain  seams;  hem  

Gathered  bv  hand;  band; 

Gathering  bv  hand  to  de- 

gingham. 

locked  corners;  straight 
patch  pocket. 

velop  dexterity  of  many 
muscles  at  onetime. 

COURSES  AND  ADMINISTRATION   OF  GIRLS*   TRADE   SCHOOLS.      249 


POWER-MACHINE  OPERATING  COURSE  IN  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL  FOR  GIRLS- 

roncluded. 


Problem. 

Process. 

New  process. 

Remarks. 

8.  Cooking    apron, 
calico. 

Patch  pocket;  curved... 

French  seam;  set-on  gores; 
curved  hem;  bias  facing 

Reasons  for  mitering  shape 
of  garment,  gores,  etc. 

neck  and  arm  size;  mi- 

tered    corner;    button 

sewed  on. 

9.  Waitress  apron, 
percale. 

French  seam;  m  u  c  h- 
curved  hem;  straight 
hem;   band  set  over 
plain   material;    bias 

Bib  set  on  band  with  flat 
seam;     square     mitred 
corner;  fullness  fed  in. 

Gores  begin   work   of  skirl 
making.     Use  of  feed  to 
give  fullness  by  allowing  to 
pull;  much  practice  of  edge 

on  bib;  square  corners; 

stitching,  many  curves.  , 

buttons. 

10.  Child's  drawers 

French  seam;  flat  seam; 

Bound  placket;  tucks;  ruf- 

(Hill  cotton, 

band. 

fle  set  under  tuck;  right 

Fruit   of  the 

and  left  parts. 

Loom,    Cam- 

eo,    2,000; 

Hamburg    or 

nainsook    for 

ruffle). 
11.  Misses'  drawers. 

Bound    placket;    ruffle 

Yoke  in  front;  tucks  above 

Yoke  setting  and  reasons  for 

under   tuck;    French 

ruffle. 

it.     Tucks  are  made  by 

seam;  flat  seam;  band 

measure  to  aid  in  develop- 

at back;  buttons. 

ing  accuracy  and  eye  train- 

ing- 

12.  Ladies'  drawers. 

French  seam  

Ruffle  under  braid  or  tape; 

strapped    seam;    faced 

center  darts;  facing  with 

tape  as  finish  at  top. 

13.  Petticoat    .     . 

French    seams;    bound 

Putting  5  gores  together; 

Reason  for  5  gores  shown  on 

placket;  tucks;  faced 

deeper  hem. 

form     and     direction     oJ 

band;  darts. 

threads  in  each.    Garment 

bias.    Handling  of  deeper 
hem. 

14.  Corset  cover 
with  peplum, 

French  seam;  hem  top 
of  cover;  hem  around 

Box  plait;  setting  lace;  set- 
ting peplum. 

Use  of  cover  gives  reason  for 
shape  and  material.    Rea- 

lace trim. 

shaped  arm  size  and 

sons  for  curves,  shape  o. 

peplum;  tape  run  in; 

person  and  lines  of  cover. 

buttons;  hand  gathers. 

15.  Corset  cover 

As  above 

Hem  bottom;  tape  around 

Different  finish  of  waist  linf 

without  pep- 

waist. 

gives  variety  in  treatment 

lum. 

and  process. 

16.  Nightdress  

French  seam  on  set-in 
gores;  lace  setting. 

Sleeve    setting;    binding 
over  curved  top  of  gown  . 

Set-in  sleeve  gives  relation  o 
curves  to  each  other  and 

reasons.      Low  neck  and 

short  sleeve  are  followed  by 

high  neck  and  long  sleeve 

.  with  cuff  as  more  difficult 

process. 

Having  completed  these  garments  the  pupils  have  control  of  the 
machine  and  have  mastered  the  fundamental  processes;  they  must 
then  apply  them  in  many  different  styles  of  garments,  using  a  great 
variety  of  materials  and  trimmings. 

Those  who  show  ability  are  given  training  on  special  machines  and 
taught  to  do  special  kinds  of  construction.  As  in  dressmaking,  the 
idea  is  to  give  innumerable  opportunities  to  apply  the  knowledge 
acquired  in  the  elementary  class. 

The  ability  to  make  use  of  the  facts  one  has  learned  is  the  most 
vital  thing  hi  any  line  of  education. 


MILLINERY. 


Millinery  does  not  lend  itself  to  the  same  outlining  that  garmen 
making  does  and  so  the  course  is  worked  out  by  topics  rather  thai, 
in  a  sequence  and   the   pupil  attacks   the  simpler  parts  first,  bu. 
according  to  the  season  in  which  she  begins. 


250 


APPENDIX   A. 


The  following  topics  are  required  to  be  mastered  during  the  course ; 
MILLINERY  COURSE  IN  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOL  FOR  GIRLS. 


Bandeaux: 

Straight. 

Curved. 

Circular. 
Stitches: 

Running. 

Backstitch. 

Plain  hemming. 

Rolled  hemming. 

Buttonhole. 

Blindstitch. 

Cross-stitch. 

Catstitch. 

Fold  stitch. 

Tie  stitch. 
Frames: 

Wire,  from  measurements  or  models. 

Buckram. 
Covering: 

Straw,  plain  and  fancy. 

Velvet,  silk,  etc. 

Net  or  lace,  plain  or  shirred. 
Facing,  plain  and  shirred: 

Velvet. 

Silk. 

Chiffon. 


Bindings: 

Snapped. 

Blindstitched. 

Stretched. 

Puffed. 

Corded. 

Flange. 
Trimming: 

(a)  Making — 

Folds,  French  and  plain. 
Wiring  ribbon. 
Ornaments. 
Mourning  veils. 

(6)  Applying  to  hats  and  bonnets. 
Renovating: 

Hats. 

Velvet. 

Ribbon. 

Crepe. 

Curling  feathers. 
Designing. 
Color  combinations. 
Salesmanship. 


Having  worked  out  these  subjects  in  dolls'  hats,  as  well  as  full-sized 
hats,  the  last  spring  season  in  school,  the  girls  are  placed  in  local 
shops,  where  they, get  the  experience  in  the  trade  which  the  school 
can  not  give  to  the  extent  desired.  Millinery  is  becoming  so  much 
a  wholesale  proposition  that  custom  trade  is  very  fickle,  and  a  school 
can  not  secure  sufficient  patronage  to  carry  all  the  order  work  the 
pupils  should  have. 

TRADE  COOKING. 

The  trade  cooking  class  has  prepared,  served,  and  " accounted" 
the  luncheons  at  the  Boy's  Trade  School.  This  training  has  been 
in  the  form  of  counter  service  and  that  in  the  table  service  has  been 
gained  by  the  service  of  dinners  once  or  twice  a  month  in  the  school 
library  room,  to  clubs,  and  school  dinner  parties.  As  the  class  de- 
velops, the  work  of  serving  in  families  and  doing  catering  of  various 
kinds  will  be  taken  up. 

ACADEMIC,  ART,  AND  COOKING  (GENERAL)  COURSES,  AND  PHYSICAL  EDUCATION. 

The  academic,  art,  and  cooking  (general)  courses,  and  physical 
education  are  for  the  general  development  of  the  pupils  and  are 
sometimes  of  a  cultural  nature,  but  usually  are  closely  allied  to  the 
trade  which  is  the  major  subject,  and  so  differ  in  content  for  each 


COURSES  AND  ADMINISTRATION   OF  GIRLS*   TRADE   SCHOOLS.      251 

group  of  girls.     The  main  topics  are  the  same,  but  the  details  within 
them  vary  to  suit  the  peculiarities  of  the  business  which  is  involved 

in  the  trade. 

ACADEMIC  COURSES. 
First  year: 

1.  Arithmetic,  workroom  methods,  necessary  drills,  etc.,  given  only  part  of  the 

year  except  with  low-grade  pupils. 

2.  English,  oral  and  written,  as  related  to  trades. 

3.  Spelling — trade  terms  and  phrases  and  words  in  common  use. 

4.  Writing. 

5.  Citizenship. 

6.  Industrial  history  and  geography  for  advanced  girls. 
Second  year: 

1.  Advanced  trade  arithmetic. 

a.  Shop  organization. 

b.  Estimates  for  materials. 

c.  Economy  in  cutting — relation  of  width  of  material  to  cost,  etc. 

d.  Estimating  costs  of  single  garments  and  garments  duplicated  in  quantity. 

2.  English. 

a.  Written  and  oral  directions  for  making  garments  or  parts  of  garments. 

b.  Business  letters,  orders,  application  for  positions,  etc. 

3.  Textiles. 

a.  Study  of  quality,  weaves,  textures,  adulterations,  etc.,  through  simple 

practical  tests. 

b.  Short  history  of  the  development  of  textiles  in  common  use  with  their 

relation  to  women's  work. 

4.  Industrial  history  and  geography  as  related  to  women's  work. 

5.  Appordgnment  of  income — expenditure. 

All  academic  courses  are  arranged  to  fit  the  needs  of  various  groups,  both 
as  to  trade  and  as  to  the  ability  of  the  pupils. 

ART  COURSES. 
First  year: 

1.  Color  scales. 

2.  Form,  spacing,  proportion,  and  line  by  arrangement  of  tucks,  trimmings,  etc. 

3.  Designs  for  trimmings — embroidery,  etc. 
Second  year  (elective) : 

1.  Applied  design — advanced  work. 

2.  Costume  designing. 

3.  Designing  of  hats. 

GENERAL  COOKERY  COURSES. 
First  year. 

1st  period,  9.00  to  10.30  a.  m. 

1.  Care  of  supplies  from  the  market.    Preparation  of  vegetables,  meats,  des- 

serts and  soups  that  require  more  than  one  hour  for  preparation  and 
cooking.  Cooking  of  these  dishes  begins  during  the  first  period  of  the 
morning  and,  if  incomplete,  is  finished  by  next  class. 

2.  Shaping  and  setting  rolls  to  rise. 
2d  period,  10.30  a.  m.  to  12  m. 

1.  Preparation  of  meats,  desserts,  quick  soups,  quick  breads  (such  as  biscuit, 

muffins,  etc .),  requiring  less  than  an  hour  for  cooking. 

2.  Packing  luncheon  to  be  sent  to  the  boys'  school. 

3.  Baking  of  rolls  and  breads  set  previously. 

4.  Arrangement  of  dining  room. 

5.  Serving  luncheon  to  pupils  and  teachers. 


252  APPENDIX  A. 

First  year — Concluded. 

3d  period,  1.00  to  2.30  p.  m. 

1.  Washing  dishes,  care  of  sink,  refrigerator,  towels,  etc. 

2.  Preparation  of  stock  soups. 

3.  Care  of  left-over  food. 

4.  Setting  bread  and  rolls  for  breakfast  next  day. 

5.  Desserts,  such  as  lemon  jelly,  blancmange,  etc. 

6.  Cooking  of  foods  that  require  slow  cooking,  such  as  ham,  which  can  con- 

tinue cooking  without  special  attention. 
Second  year  (elective). 

1.  Planning  menus  to  given  costs. 

2.  Buying,  cooking,  serving  of  meals  from  six  to  eight  people. 

3.  Canning,  preserving,  pickling. 

4.  Elementary  food  chemistry. 

Second-year  classes  meet  in  the  afternoon  and  give  more  time  to  theory  and 
independent  work  than  first-year  pupils. 

PHYSICAL    EDUCATION. 

1.  Light  gymnastics. 

2.  Dancing. 

3.  Personal  hygiene — care  of  eyes,  teeth,  the  throat  and  ears,  etc. 

4.  Corrective  exercises. 

PROGRAM. 

Each  girl's  program  in  the  day  classes  includes: 

FIRST   YEAR. 

I.  Trade  work  in  one  trade — 22  to  25  hours  per  week. 
II.  Cookery — 2  lessons  of  1£  hours  each  per  week. 

III.  Class  instruction — 3  to  4£  hours  per  week. 

1.  Trade  arithmetic  (not  given  all  year  except  to  girls  backward  in  arithmetic). 

2.  English — oral  and  written. 

a.  Business  letters. 

b.  Compositions  based  on  trade  work. 

3.  Spelling — trade  terms,  phrases  and  words  in  common  use. 

4.  Writing. 

5.  Citizenship — social  ethics. 

The  above  subjects  are  not  necessarily  presented  parallel  to  each  other. 
One  subject  such  as  arithmetic  is  presented  for  one  term  of  14  weeks  or  two 
terms,  as  necessary,  and  another  substituted  as  advisable. 
IV.  Art. 

1.  Color  scales. 

2.  Line,  such  as  arrangement  of  tucks,  rows  of  insertion,  etc. 

3.  Spacing  and  proportion  by  arrangement  of  trimmings,  etc. 

4.  Designs  for  garments,  trimmings,  hats,  etc. 

V.  Physical  education — 2  lessons  of  45  minutes  each  per  week. 

1.  Short  drills  in  marching,  wand  drills,  etc.,  for  cooperation. 

2.  Games  such  as  tag,  pass  ball,  volley  ball,  etc. 

3.  Folk  dancing. 
3.  Hygiene. 

SECOND   YEAR. 

I.  Trade  work — 22  to  25  hours  per  week. 

II.  Advanced  cooking  (elective) — 2  lessons  of  1^  hours  each  per  week. 


COURSES  AND  ADMINISTRATION   OF   GIRLS '   TRADE   SCHOOLS.       253 

III.  Class  instructions — 3  to  4$  hours  per  week. 

1.  Advanced  trade  arithmetic  given  for  one  term  of  14  weeks. 

a.  Shop  organization. 

b.  Estimates  of  material  for  garments. 

c.  Economy  of  material. 

d.  Estimates  for  prices  on  single  garments  and   large  orders  such  as 

underwear,  etc. 

2.  English. 

a.  Accurate  descriptions  of  work,  etc. 

b .  Directions  for  making  garments  or  parts  of  garments. 

3.  Textiles. 

a.  Study  of  weaves,  textures,  adulterations,  etc.,  through  practical  tests. 

b.  Short  history  of  common  textiles — cotton,  linen,  wool,  and  silk. 

4.  Industrial  history  and  geography  as  related  to  women's  work. 

5.  Citizenship — practical  civics. 

6.  Apportionment  of  income — expenditure. 

IV.  Art  (elective). 

1.  Applied  design — designs  for  dress  trimmings,  hat  trimmings,  buckles,  bands, 

etc. 

2.  Costume  designing. 

3.  Designing  of  hats. 
V.  Physical  education. 

1.  Continuation  of  first  year's  work. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  GIRLS'  TRADE  SCHOOLS. 

Since  all  of  the  girls'  trade  schools  in  Massachusetts  must  be 
approved  by  the  State  board  of  education  as  to  organization  and 
courses  of  study  in  order  to  receive  State  aid,  they  resemble  one  an- 
other in  general  plan  of  administration.1  The  city  furnishes  the 
school  plant,  and  the  State  pays  annually  half  the  net'  cost  of  mainte- 
nance.2 Two  systems  of  local  administration  of  trade  schools  are 
in  operation,  unit  control  in  Boston  and  Cambridge  and  dual  control 
in  Worcester.  In  Boston  and  Cambridge,  trade  schools  are  a  part  of 
the  regular  public-school  system  and  are  administered  by  the  school 
committee.  In  Worcester,  the  boys'  and  girls'  trade  schools  are 
under  the  control  of  the  board  of  trustees  of  the  independent  indus- 
trial schools,  and  are  entirely  independent  of  the  school  committee. 
This  board  of  trustees  is  composed  of  nine  persons,  chosen  by  the  city 
council  from  the  city  at  large.  At  present,  seven  of  the  nine  mem- 
bers are  employers  and  the  other  two  are  employees.  The  question 
of  the  type  of  control  best  adapted  to  the  administration  of  industrial 
schools  is  still  unsettled.3  The  advocates  of  unit  control  believe  that 
division  of  authority  in  the  school  system  tends  to  decrease  its 
effectiveness  and  to  obscure  the  essentially  educational  features  of 

1  Massachusetts  Acts  of  1911,  ch.  471,  sees.  8  and  9. 

2  Net  maintenance  sum  is  the  total  sum  expended  for  maintenance,  less  the  amount  of  tuition  claims 
and  receipts  from  the  work  of  pupils  and  sale  of  products. 

s  See  Manual  Training  and  Vocational  Education,  Vol.  XVI,  No.  7,  March,  1915,  pp.  420-430. 


254  .      APPENDIX   A. 

trade  training.  Those  who  favor  dual  control  claim  that  trade 
schools  under  the  control  of  the  ordinary  school  committee  tend  to 
make  trade  courses  cultural  rather  than  strictly  vocational,  and  to 
lose  the  connection  with  industries  which  is  essential  to  their  success. 
The  Boston  and  Worcester  trade  schools  have  advisory  committees 
chosen  from  employers  and  other  persons  interested  in  trade  schools, 
which  assist  the  schools  in  relating  their  work  to  the  needs  of  the 
community. 

Girls'  trade  schools  are,  in  one  aspect,  business  organizations 
which  manufacture  and  sell.  The  cost  of  the  plant  is  not  excessive. 
The  furniture  and  equipment  of  the  Worcester  Trade  School  for 
Girls  was  valued  at  $5,475  November  30,  1914;  in  addition  to  this, 
the  school  has  " material  and  made-up  stock"  to  the  value  of  $2,000.1 

The  maintenance  cost  of  trade  schools  is  heavy  for  several  reasons: 
(1)  Salaries  are  high,  because  the  school  hours  are  long  and  the 
equipment  of  trade  teachers  enables  them  to  command  good  wages 
as  forewomen.  The  school  has  to  offer  them  as  much  as  they  can 
earn  in  the  trade.  (2)  The  number  of  teachers  is  relatively  large,  to 
insure  small  classes  and  the  requisite  individual  teaching.  (3)  The 
cost  of  supplies  is  great.  The  per  capita  cost  of  instruction  is  ascer- 
tained by  dividing  the  total  cost  of  maintenance  by  the  average 
membership.  The  term  is  the  regulation  40  weeks'  school  year 
in  Boston  and  42  weeks  in  Worcester.  By  the  year,  girls'  trade 
schools  cost  far  more  for  maintenance  than  any  other  type  of 
public  education.  However,  the  long  school  day  means  almost 
one-third  more  hours  of  instruction  than  are  offered  at  the  Prac- 
tical Arts  High  School  of  Boston.  Considered  on  this  basis,  the 
cost  of  girls'  trade  schools  is  almost  identical  with  the  cost  of  the 
Practical  Arts  High  School.  Under  private  management,  the  ex- 
penditure for  maintenance  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  ranged  from 
$109.50  to  $150  for  each  girl,2  while  Table  138  shows  that,  in  the  years 
for  which  data  are  given,  for  the  period  under  public  management 
the  per  capita  cost  ranged  from  $101.85  to  $119.47,  indicating  that 
the  cost  of  trade  schools  tends  to  diminish  as  they  become  better 
established.  The  per  capita  cost  is  based  on  the  total  expenditure 
for  maintenance.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  real  cost  is  much  smaller 
because  of  the  revenue  derived  from  the  sale  of  product.  The  ratio 
of  value  of  product  to  cost  of  maintenance  varies  from  year  to  year, 
from  about  one-fifth  to  one-fourth. 

1  Worcester  Auditor's  Annual  Report  for  the  financial  year  ending  Nov.  30, 1914,  p.  236. 

2  See  first  four  annual  reports  of  the  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls. 


COURSES  AND  ADMINISTRATION    OF   GIRLS '   TRADE   SCHOOLS.      255 


TABLE  138^-PER  CAPITA  COST  OF  BOSTON  AND  WORCESTER  TRADE  SCHOOLS  FOR 
GIRLS  AND    THE    PRACTICAL    ARTS   HIGH    SCHOOL    OP   BOSTON. 


.   School. 

Cost  per  year  tor  each  pupil.1 

1909-10 

1910-11 

1911-12 

1912-13 

1913-14 

Worcester  Trade  School  2  

$194.  64 
114.  45 
74.60 

$201.97 

«?«, 

$154.  84 

(V« 

Boston  Trade  School  3      

$101.  85 
85.66 

$119.  47 
78.46 

Practical  Arts  Trade  School  8 

»  Forty  weeks  in  Boston,  42  weeks  in  Worcester. 

»  Data  furnished  by  the  Worcester  Trade  School  for  Girls. 

3  Data  obtained  from  the  document  containing  the  report  of  the  business  agent  in  the  report  of  the  Boston 
school  committee  for  specified  years. 

<  The  accounts  of  the  trade  school  for  girls,  regular  and  summer  term,  and  the  girls'  evening  trade  school 
were  consolidated  Apr.  1, 1912,  and  no  data  on  the  per  capita  cost  of  the  day  school  have  since  been  available. 

The  income  from  the  sale  of  product  at  the  Worcester  Trade  School 
shows  an  interesting  variation.  The  dressmaking  department  pro- 
duces the  largest  revenue,  and  is  the  largest  department  in  the  school. 
The  receipts  from  cooking,  that  is,  " supplementary"  cooking,  a 
course  taken  by  all  pupils,  come  next.  The  revenue  is  derived  from 
the  lunches  served  to  pupils  and  teachers.  Power-machine  operating 
shows  a  decided  increase  during  the  two  years,  1912-13  and  1913-14. 

TABLE  139.— REVENUE   FROM  SALE   OF  PRODUCTS  OF  EACH  DEPARTMENT  Of  THE 
WORCESTER    TRADE    SCHOOL. 


Year. 

Revenue  from  product  sold. 

Dress- 
making. 

Milli- 
nery. 

Power- 
machine 
operat- 
ing. 

Cooking. 

1911  12 

$582.  28 
1,661.90 
3,199.93 

$290.89 
276.68 
278.  41 

$300.53 
569.  86 
753.30 

$1,183.54 
2,426.34 
2,  213.  13 

1912-13  

1913-14                  .   .   . 

The  several  departments  of  the  trade  schools  execute  orders,  but 
the  school  office  controls  the  financial  transactions  of  the  school. 
The  different  departments  set  the  selling  price  on  stock  work  or 
orders.  The  primary  basis  for  this  is  the  current  market  price. 
The  article  is  sold  at  this  set  price,  if  possible,  but  it  sometimes  has 
to  be  disposed  of  for  a  smaller  amount.  The  school  office  assumes 
all  the  responsibility  of  ob taming  orders  and  collecting  .debts. 

The  making  of  a  salable  product  involves  a  great  deal  of  account- 
ing and  demands  business  ability  on  the  part  of  the  school  director. 
It  has  proved  to  be  the  only  means  of  giving  the  pupils  the  necessary 
trade  practice,  but  can  never  be  sufficient  in  amount  to  render  the 
school  even  approximately  self-supporting. 


256 


APPENDIX  A. 


TABLE  140.— ANNUAL  REVENUE  FROM  SALE  OF  PRODUCT  AND  COST  OF  MAINTENANCE 
OF    BOSTON    AND    WORCESTER    GIRLS'    TRADE    SCHOOLS, 


Per 

Per 

Year. 

Cost  of 
mainte- 
nance.1 

Value  of 
product 
sold. 

cent 
reve- 
nue 
is  of 

Year. 

Cost  of 
mainte- 
nance.1 

Value  of 
product 
sold. 

cent 
reve- 
nue 
is  of 

cost. 

cost. 

BOSTON     TRADE 

WORCESTER  TRADE 

SCHOOL.2 

SCHOOL. 

1911  3.  . 

$24,611.58 

$7,  262.  26 

29.5 

1912*..  , 

7  $16,  018.  73 

s  $2  357.24 

14  7 

1912* 

535,535.25 

9.655.57 

27.2 

1913*. 

t  24  483.  27 

8  4  934  78 

20  2 

1913  4 

5  42  611  03 

6  10  633  07 

25  0 

1914  *    * 

7  28  S66  06 

8  6  444  82 

22  3 

1914  «  

5  49,  999.  88 

11.551.82 

23.1 

1  Exclusive  of  new  buildings,  rents,  repairs,  administration,  supervision. 

2  The  data  for  Boston  were  obtained  from  the  document  containing  the  report  of  the  business  agent  ia 
the  reports  of  the  Boston  school  committee  for  the  specified  years. 

s  Ten  months'  school  session. 

4  Twelve  months'  school  session. 

6  Includes  cost  of  evening  trade  schools. 

6  Includes  sale  of  product  of  evening  school. 

7  Data  obtained  from  ^he  report  of  the  Worcester  auditor  for  specified  year. 
'Data  furnished. by  the  Worcester  Trade  School  for  Girls. 


APPENDIX  B.— EVENING  INDUSTRIAL  SCHOOLS  FOR  GIRLS. 

Evening  industrial  schools  for  girls  differ  from  girls'  trade  schools 
in  personnel  and  in  methods  of  teaching,  also  in  intent.  Girls'  trade 
schools  are,  in  the  main,  preparatory,  although  the  Boston  Trade 
School  also  offers  continuation  courses  to  its  own  pupils  when  they 
are  out  of  work,  giving  somewhat  advanced  courses  to  accredited 
pupils  who  have  had  trade  experience.  The  Boston  Evening  Trade 
School  for  Girls  is  wholly  planned  to  meet  the  needs  of  trade  workers 
for 'continuation  training  which  shall  supplement  their  experience. 
The  practical  arts  training  in  the  evening  schools  in  Boston  and 
Worcester  consists  of  home-making  rather  than  trade  courses.  The 
problem  of  selection  of  courses  and  the  proper  sequence  of  processes 
to  be  taught  is  somewhat  the  same  in  both  day  trade  schools  and 
evening  industrial  schools.  The  evening  trade  schools  offer  a  field 
for  valuable  experiment  in  trade  continuation  work  for  mature 
pupils.  The  value  of  the  study  of  such  types  of  evening  industrial 
schools  as  are  already  in  operation  lies  in  the  information  obtained 
as  to  the  kind  of  supplementary  education  needed  by  working  women 
17  years  of  age  and  older  and  the  methods  of  teaching  these  older 
pupils  which  have  been  most  successful. 

The  Massachusetts  laws  provide  for  two  types  of  State-aided  even- 
ing vocational  schools  for  women.  One,  operating  under  the  law  of 
1911,1  offers  " trade  extension"  courses  to  women  employed  during 
the  day  in  occupations  for  which  they  receive  training  at  night. 
The  second  and  predominant  type,  operating  under  the  law  of  1912,2 
offers  " practical  arts"  courses  to  "all  women  over  17  years  of  age 
who  are  employed  in  any  capacity  during  the  day." 

The  act  of  1911  was,  doubtless,  aimed  at  the  solution  of  the 
problem  of  the  boys'  rather  than  of  the  girls'  continuation  or  supple- 
mentary trade  training.  The  short  time  devoted  to  acquiring 
the  training  in  the  evening  classes  made  it  impossible  fully  to  train 
a  worker.  To  avoid  crowding  the  labor  market  with  partially 
trained  workers,  attendance  was  limited  to  those  employed  in  the 
trade,  "in  order  that  instruction  in  the  principles  and  the  practice 
of  the  arts  may  go  on  together."  3<  The  school  was  expected  to  supply 
the  principles,  while  the  day  occupation  provided  the  practice. 

In  1912  an  "Act  to  provide  for  the  establishment  and  maintenance 
of  evening  classes  in  the  practical  arts  for  women"  was  passed  to 

1  Massachusetts  Acts  of  1911,  ch.  471,  sec.  1,  art.  6. 

2  Massachusetts  Acts  of  1912,  ch.  106. 

3  Massachusetts  Acts  of  1911,  ch.  471,  sec.  3. 

85225°— 17— Bull.  215 17  257 


258 


APPENDIX  B. 


legalize  and  provide  for  State  aid  to  the  many  evening  industrial 
schools  which  did  not  conform  to  the  law  of  1911. 

Not  until  1913-14  was  a  girls'  evening  industrial  school  organized 
to  operate  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  law  of  1911.  In 
that  year  the  Boston  Evening  Trade  School  for  Girls  was  reorganized 
on  a  " trade  extension"  basis  for  women  employed  during  the  day 
in  occupations  for  which  training  was  offered  in  the  evening;  it  is 
still,  in  1915,  the  only  evening  school  for  girls  in  the  State  operating 
under  this  law.  As  shown  in  the  following  table,  the  change  in 
purpose  and  requirements  resulted  in  a  decrease  of  50.2  per  cent  in 
the  enrollment  in  1913-14,  since  all  who  desired  the  practical  arts 
course  must  go  to  other  schools. 

TABLE  141.-TOTAL  REGISTRATION  IN  THE  BOSTON  EVENING  TRADE  SCHOOL 
FROM  1912  TO  1914,  AND  PER  CENT  OF  INCREASE  OR  DECREASE  IN  EACH  YEAR 
AS  COMPARED  WITH  PRECEDING  YEAR. 


Per  cent  of 

increase  (+) 

Number  of 

or  de- 

School year. 

pupils 
registered. 

crease  (—) 
compared 

with  pre- 

ceding year. 

1911-12  

1  191 

1912-13  

2  331 

+  73  3 

1913-14 

3  165 

4  _5Q  2 

1  Report  of  Boston  School  Committee,  1912,  Document  6,  p.  39. 

2  Report  of  Boston  School  Committee,  1913,  Document  9,  p.  39. 
8  Report  of  Boston  School  Committee,  1914,  Document  6,  p.  39. 

*  Decrease  due  to  change  in  requirements  for  admission,  that  all  pupils  be  working  in  allied  trades 
during  the  day. 

According  to  the  law,  an  <;  evening  class  in  an  industrial,  agri- 
cultural, or  household  arts  school  shall  mean  a  class  giving  such 
training  as  can  be  taken  by  persons  already  employed  during  the 
working-day,  and  which,  in  order  to  be  called  vocational,  must  in 
its  instruction  deal  with  the  subject  matter  of  the  day  employment 
and  be  so  carried  on  as  to  relate  to  the  day  employment."1  The 
interpretation  of  this  clause,  however,  is  elastic.  The  announce- 
ment of  courses  of  the  Boston  Evening  Trade  School  in  1914-15 
offers  to  power-machine  operators,  dressmakers,  or  milliners, 
machine  operating  on  ordinary  machines,  special  machines  and 
straw-hat  machines;  to  dressmakers,  costume  sketching,  designing, 
and  the  making  of  garments;  to  dressmakers  and  milliners  different 
processes  of  millinery;  to  needleworkers,  garment  construction  and 
embroidery;  to  housekeepers,  plain  and  fancy  cooking.2 

Even  more  liberal  is  the  actual  working  out  of  the  law.  In  the 
power-machine  operating  room  of  the  school  a  saleswoman  in  a 
millinery  establishment  struggled  with  the  elementary  processes  of 


1  Massachusetts  Acts  of  1911,  ch.  471,  sec.  I,  art.  6. 

2  Boston  Trade  School,  Evening  Trade  School  Announcement  of  Courses,  1914-15. 


EVENING   INDUSTRIAL   SCHOOLS   FOR  GIRLS. 


259 


straw  power-machine  operating.  Shoe  stitchers  aad  cloth  machine 
operators  made  straw  hats  in  tho  evening  school.  The  day  dress- 
maker who  went  from  house  to  house  learned  and  practiced  power- 
machine  operating.  Whilo  this  training  was  undoubtedly  valuable 
to  these  women,  they  did  not  have  the  opportunity  to  practice  during 
the  day  the  principles  acquired  in  the  evening,  and  because  of  the 
short  session  and  short  hours  they  did  not  have  adequate  time  to 
acquire  a  working  knowledge  of  a  new  trade.  Since  tha  school  is 
in  session  only  three  evenings  a  week  from  October  to  April  and  each 
session  is  only  two  hours  long,  a  pupil  by  attending -every  session 
could  receive  only  144  hours  of  instruction,  the  equivalent  of  16 
working-days. 

Of  necessity,  the  group  system  of  teaching  must  be  employed, 
and  yet  the  differences  in  equipment,  age,  and  occupation  of  the 
pupils  make  a  great  deal  of  individual  instruction  necessary,  since 
the  enrollment  is  too  small  to  group  successfully  those  needing 
similar  teaching.  The  Worcester  Trade  School  has  to  solve  the  prob- 
lem for  the  practical  arts  courses,  but  this  is  not  so  difficult  as  for 
the  trade-extension  course,  where  every  worker  needs  instruction 
in  a  specific  process,  and  where  no  two  may  need  exactly  the  same 
thing. 

In  the  Boston  Evening  Trade  School,  the  course  chosen  by  the 
pupil  is  pursued  during  the  whole  winter.  It  is  very  elastic,  however, 
since  the  women  may  receive  instruction  in  any  specific  trade  process 
which  they  need  in  their  day  work  whenever  this  need  arises,  with- 
out regard  to  the  regular  sequence  of  processes  in  the  school  course. 

The  report  of  the  ages  of  the  workers  coming  to  the  evening  trade 
school  for  supplementary  training  shows  a  very  small  proportion 
of  young  workers.  This  is  indicated  in  the  following  table: 

TABLE  143.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  PUPILS  IN  SPECIFIED  AGE  GROUPS  IN  THE 
EVENING  INDUSTRIAL  SCHOOLS  FOR  GIRLS  IN  BOSTON,  WORCESTER,  AND  CAM- 
BRIDGE, 1913-14.1 


Age  group.2 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Boston. 

Wor- 
ces- 
ter. 

Cam- 
bridge. 

Total. 

Boston. 

Wor- 
ces- 
ter. 

Cam- 
bridge. 

Total. 

Even- 
ing 
trade 
school. 

Home- 
mak- 
ing 
school. 

Even- 
tide 
school. 

10.  a 
6.9 
10.5 
72.1 

Home- 
making 
school. 

17  to  18  years                 * 

18 
12 
18 
124 

160 
206 
110 
770 

98 
183 
210 
333 

13 

66 
108 
297 

289 
467 
446 
1,524 

12.9 
16.5 
8.8 
61.8 

11.9 
22.2 
25.5 
40.4 

2.7 
13.6 
22.3 
61.4 

10.6 
17.1 
16.4 
55.  9 

18  to  21  years  

21  to  25  years 

Over  25  years 

Total  

»172 

s  1,  246 

824  |        484 

2,726 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

i  Seventy-eighth  Annual  Report,  Massachusetts  Board  of  Education,  1913-14. 
"Age  groups  are  as  given  in  report. 

3 "Total  enrollment  will  not  equal  total  different  numbers  since  some  arc  enrolled  in  more  than  one 
course."   Seventy-eighth  Annual  Report,  Massachusetts  Board  of  Education,  p.  262,  note. 


260  APPENDIX   B. 

Almost  three-fourths  (72.1  per  cent)  of  the  pupils  enrolled  in 
1913-14  were  over  25  years  of  age,  and  82.6  per  cent  were  21  years 
and  over.  Thus,  instead  of  drawing  a  proportionately  larger  group 
of  young  workers,  as  might  be  expected,  only  17.4  per  cent  in  the 
evening  trade  school  were  under  21,  while  in  all  Boston  manufacturing 
industries,  27.6  per  cent  and  in  the  sewing  trades  19.3  per  cent  were 
in  this  young  group.  The  trade  school  is  drawing  an  abnormally 
large  proportion  of  older  women,  for  only  72.4  per  cent  of  the  women 
in  all  manufacturing  and  mechanical  pursuits  and  80.7  per  cent  in 
the  sewing  trades  in  Boston  were  21  years  and  over.1  A  wide  varia- 
tion is  also  found  in  the  several  courses  in  the  Boston  Evening  Trade 
School.  As  shown  in  Table  143,  in  cloth  power-machine  operating 
87.1  per  cent  of  the  pupils  were  21  years  and  over  and  80  per  cent  over 
25,  showing  the  largest  proportion  to  be  older  women,  a  condition 
contrary  to  that  in  the  trade,  for  the  census  of  1910  showed  that,  of 
the  four  trades  taught  in  the  trade  school,  this  trade  had  the  largest 
proportion  (30.6  per  cent)  of  workers  under  21  years  of  age.2  Over 
83  per  cent  (83.3)  of  those  enrolled  in  dressmaking  and  76.2  per  cent 
in  millinery  were  21  years  of  age  or  more,  corresponding  more  nearly 
to  proportions  in  the  trade  itself,  where  87.5  per  cent  in  dressmak- 
ing 3  and  77.6  per  cent  in  millinery  4  were  21  years  and  over. 

In  the  Boston  Evening  Trade  School  for  Girls  both  the  materials 
and  the  finished  product  are  the  property  of  the  school.  During  the 
last  few  lessons  of  the  course  the  pupils  are  allowed,  in  some  cases, 
to  make  garments  of  their  own  materials,  which  are  then  then?  own 
property.  They  are  allowed  to  buy  the  garments  they  have  made 
during  the  first  part  of  the  course  at  the  cost  of  materials.  This 
system  of  making  up  product  which  shall  belong  to  the  school, 
and  which  also  prevails  in  the  day  trade  school,  has  the  advantage 
of  securing  uniformity  of  product  and  standardization  of  course, 
although  the  differing  needs  and  abilities  of  the  pupils  really  result 
in  an  output  which  is  varied  in  character.  The  disadvantage  of  the 
system  is  that  the  women  lack  the  incentive  to  good  work  and 
regular  attendance  which  exists  when  they  are  making  something 
for  themselves. 

The  following  table  shows  the  relation  of  the  age  of  pupils  to  the 
courses  taken  in  the  evening  industrial  and  trade  schools  of  Boston, 
Worcester,  and  Cambridge  in  1913-14: 

1  United  States  Census,  1910,  Vol.  IV,  Occupations,  p.  540.     "Sewing-machine  operators"  and  "semi- 
skilled operatives  in  suit,  coat,  cloak,  and  overall  factories"  are  combined  here  with  dressmakers,  milliners, 
and  tailoresses. 

2  United  States  Census,  1910,  Vol.  IV,  Occupations,  p.  540.     Sewers  and  sewing-machine  operators, 
and  semiskilled  operatives  in  suit,  coat,  cloak,  and  overall  factories  are  combined. 

3  Idem.    Dressmakers,  seamstresses  and  tailoresses. 
<  Idem.    Milliners  and  millinery  dealers. 


EVENING   INDUSTRIAL   SCHOOLS   FOR   GIRLS. 


261 


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02  PL, 

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8 


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10  03  JO  50 


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Embro 
Milline 
Power- 


Dres 


262  APPENDIX   B. 

The  second  type  of  evening  schools,  providing  instruction  in  house- 
hold and  other  practical  arts,  is  open  to  women  17  years  of  age  who 
are  employed  in  any  capacity  during  the  day.  To  this  group  belong 
the  evening  industrial  schools  in  Cambridge,  Worcester,  and  Boston. 
Almost  three-fourths  of  the  pupils  (71.6  per  cent)  in  these  schools 
were  21  years  of  age  or  more.  In  1913-14,  70.6  per  cent  of  the  women 
in  these  classes  in  Boston,  65.9  per  cent  in  Worcester,  and  83.7  in 
Cambridge  were  21  years  of  age  and  over.  An  older  group  is  to  be 
expected  in  this  particular  type  of  school  as  the  women  come  to 
make  their  own  clothes.  Two  types  of  schools  offering  "practical 
arts"  courses  have  developed;  evening  classes  in  ordinary  public 
schools,  with  home  standards  of  work  and  a  long  course  lasting 
through  the  season,  and  the  Worcester  plan,  with  a  systematically 
arranged  course  of  short  units  and  the  product  approximating  the 
trade  standard  in  finish. 

The  evening  industrial  schools  in  Worcester  attract  a  younger 
group  than  those  of  Cambridge  and  Boston.  In  Worcester  in  1913- 
14, less  than  two-fifths  (39.1  per  cent)  of  the  pupils  enrolled  in  dress- 
making were  over  25  years  of  age  while  in  the  Boston  Evening  Trade 
School  two-thirds  (66.6  per  cent),  in  the  Boston  evening  practical 
arts  courses  one-half  (52.2  per  cent),  and  in  the  Cambridge  practical 
arts  courses  about  two-thirds  (61.1  per  cent),  were  over  25  years  of 
age.  In  the  millinery  about  the  same  proportions  in  the  Boston 
Evening  Trade  School  (57.1  per  cent)  and  in  the  Worcester  evening 
school  (51.3  per  cent)  were  over  25  years  of  age.  In  the  Boston 
practical  arts  courses,  74.8  per  cent  and  in  the  Cambridge  practical 
arts  courses  66.7  per  cent  of  those  taking  millinery  were  over  25  years. 
The  Worcester  evening  school  showed  the  largest  percentage  of 
pupils  from  17  to  21  years  of  age,  one-third  (34.1  per  cent)  being  less 
than  21  years  old,  while  in  the  Boston  Evening  Trade  School  17.4  per 
cent,  in  the  Cambridge  practical  arts  courses  16.3  per  cent,  and  in  the 
Boston  practical  arts  courses  29.4  per  cent  were  from  17  to  21  years 
of  age.  The  tendency  in  Worcester,  however,  seems  to  be  toward  an 
increase  in  the  age  of  pupils.  In  1913-14, 40. 4  per 'cent  and  in  1914-15, 
one-half  (51.1  per  cent)  of  the  pupils  were  25  years  of  age  and  more. 


EVENING   INDUSTRIAL  SCHOOLS  FOB  GIRLS. 


263 


144.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  GIRLS  IN  SPECIFIED  AGE  GROLI'S 
ENROLLED  IN  THE  WORCESTER  GIRLS'  INDEPENDENT  EVENING  TRADE  SCHOOL 
IN  1913-14  AND  IN  1914-15. 


Age  group.1 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

1913-14 

1914-15 

1913-14 

1914-1.') 

17-1S  years  of  age     .        ...         

98 
183 
210 
333 

37 
136 
171 
360 

11.9 
22.2 
25.5 
40.4 

5.3 
19.3 
24.3 
51.1 

18-21  years  of  age 

21-25  years  of  age 

Over  25  years  of  age  

Total 

824 

704 

100.0 

100.0 

1  These  age  groups  are  given  in  the  form  used  in  the  report  of  the  Massachusetts  Board  of  Education. 

The  surprisingly  large  proportion  (72.3  per  cent)  of  women  more 
than  21  years  of  age  in  these  industrial  evening  classes  in  Boston, 
Worcester,  and  Cambridge  is  quite  unlike  that  existing  in  other  types 
of  evening  schools.  In  February,  1914,  5,501  girls,  excluding  the 
non-English-speaking  pupils,  were  registered  in  all  the  Boston 
evening  schools.1  Of  these,  36.2  per  cent  were  21  years  of  age  and 
over.  A  study  of  working  girls  in  the  New  York  evening  schools 
made  in  1910-11  showed  23.4  per  cent  21  years  of  age  and  over.2  In 
the  evening  classes  of  the  Manhattan  Trade  School  in  1913,  38.3  per 
cent  of  the  pupils  were  21  years  or  over.3 

The  adaptation  of  a  course  to  the  varying  needs  of  so  mature  a 
group  presents  a  serious  problem.  The  very  fact  that  so  few  young 
girls  enroll  in  the  evening  industrial  classes  should  be  suggestive  as 
it  seems  to  show  that  any  sort  of  trade  continuation  work  designed 
to  reach  young  people  must  be  offered  in  working  hours,  with  an 
arrangement  by  which  the  girl  can  attend  without  loss  of  pay,  such  as 
has  be"en  in  operation  in  Boston  for  children  of  14  to  16  years  of 
age  since  September,  1914.  Girls  under  21  years  of  age  evidently 
will  not  give  up  their  evenings  to  supplementary  trade  training 
either  because  they  have  not  yet  appreciated  the  benefit  of  it  or 
because  they  are  too  tired  physically,  or  because  they  are  unwilling 
to  spend  their  evenings  in,  trade  atmosphere.  Although  it  seems 
probable  that  young  women  more  than  older  ones  need  instruction 
in  their  trades,  it  is  the  older  women  in  Massachusetts  who  attend 
trade-extension  courses  with  trade  standards  as  well  as  the  courses 
in  practical  arts. 

It  is  difficult  to  find  any  relation  between  the  occupations  of 
women  attending  evening  industrial  schools  and  the  courses  they 
choose  at  the  school.  Almost  all  varieties  of  occupation  were  repre- 

1  Report  of  the  Boston  School  Committee,  1914,  Document  6,  pp.  45,  46. 

2  Mary  Van  Kleeck:  Working  girls  in  evening  schools,  p.  29. 

3  Idem,  p.  133. 


264 


APPENDIX  B. 


sented  in  the  Worcester  Girls'  Independent  Evening  Trade  School  in 
1914-15.     This  is  shown  in  the  table  which  follows: 

TABLE  145r-NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  IN  EACH  OCCUPATION  OF  GIRLS  ENROLLED  IN 
SPECIFIED  COURSES  IN  WORCESTER  GIRLS'  INDEPENDENT  EVENING  TRADE 
SCHOOL,  1914-15. 


Occupation. 

Number  of  girls  enrolled  in  courses  in  preliminary  dressmaking. 

Plain  sewing. 

Plain  waist  and 
skirt. 

Plain 

sewing 
and 
waist 
or 
skirt. 

Total. 

One 

course. 

Two 
courses. 

One 

course. 

Two 

courses. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Earning. 

Manufactures: 
Custom  clothing 

1 

4 
4 

1 
33 
55 

0.4 
12.6 
20.9 

Needle  trades  

6 
5 

6 
17 

5 
5 

12 
24 

Other  manufactures 

Total  

11 

23 

9 

10 

36 
1 
2 
17 
1 
1 

89 
2 
8 
50 

4 
24 

33.9 
.8 
3.0 
19.0 
1.5 
9.1 

Transportation  

Trade  

2 

12 
1 
10 

2 

9 

2 

6 
1 

Clerical  occupations 

6 
1 
2 

Professional  service 

Domestic  service       

10 

Total 

36 

44 

19 

20 

58 

177 

85 
1 

67.3 

32.3 
.4 

Not  earning. 
A  t  home       .  .  . 

17 

12 

18 

10 

28 
1 

At  school 

Total 

17 

12 
56 

18 

10 

29 

87 

86 
263~ 

32.7 
100.0 

Grand  total  

Occupation. 

Number  of  girls  enrolled  in  courses  in  intermediate  dressmaking. 

Without 
plain 
sewing. 

In  addi- 
tion to  pre- 
liminary 
course. 

Followed 
by  ad- 
vanced 
course. 

Power- 
machine 
operat- 
ing. 

Total. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

Earning. 

Manufactures: 
Needle  trades 

36 

25 

7 
1 

IS 
6 

61 
32 

21.4 
11.2 

Other  manufactures 

Total 

61 
1 
3 
35 
4 
8 

8 

24 

93 
1 
4 
42 
5 
12 

32.6 
.4 
1.4 
14.7 
1.8 
4.2 

Transportation 

Trade 

1 
6 
...„ 

1 
1 

Professional  service 

Total  

112 

19 

2 

24 

157 

55.1 

Not  earning. 
At  home 

116 
2 

4 

2 

4 

126 
2 

44.2 
.7 

At  school 

Total  

118 

4 

2 

4 

128 

44.9 

Grand  total 

!      230 

23 

4 

2S 

285 

100.0 

EVENING   INDUSTRIAL   SCHOOLS  FOR   GIRLS. 


265 


TABLE  145.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  IN  EACH  OCCUPATION  OF  GIRLS  ENROLLED 
IN  SPECIFIED  COURSES  IN  WORCESTER  GIRLS'  INDEPENDENT  EVENING  TRADE 
SCHOOL,  1914-15— Concluded. 


Occupation. 

Number  of  girls  enrolled  in— 

Grand 
total. 

Courses  in  advanced 
dressmaking. 

Courses  in  millinery. 

With- 
out 
plain 
sew- 
ing. 

In  ad- 
dition 
to  pre- 
limi- 
nary 
course. 

Total. 

One 

course. 

Two 

courses. 

Com- 
bined 
with 
dress- 
mak- 
ing. 

To 

Num- 
ber. 

tal. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

cent. 

Per 

cent. 

Earning. 

Manufactures: 
Custom  clothing  

3 

3 
9 
5 

6.7 
20.0 
11.1 

2 
13 
6 

2 
14 
9 

1.8 
12.6 
8.1 

6 
117 
101 

0.9 
16.6 
T4.3 

Needle  trades 

8 
2 

1 
3 

1 
3 

Other  manufactures.  . 
Total 

13 

4 

17 

37.8 

4 

21 

25 

22.5 

224 
3 
15 
115 
24 
44 

31.8 
.4 
2.1 
16.4 
3.4 
6.3 

Transportation 

Trade 

1 

4 
3 

1 
5 
3 

4 

2.2 
11.1 
6.7 
8.9 

2 

11 

6 

2 
18 
12 

4 

1.8 
16.2 
10.8 
3.6 

Clerical  occupations 

1 

5 
5 
3 

2 
1 

1 

Professional  service  

Domestic  service  

4 

Total  

25 

12 
1 

5 

30 

14 
1 

66.7 

31.1 
2.2 

17 
15 

40 
34 

4 

61 

50 

54.9 
45.1 

425 

275 
4 

60.4 

39.1 

.5 

Not  earning. 
At  home 

2 

, 

At  school 

Total  

13 

2 

15 

33.3 

15 

32~ 

34 
74 

1 

50 

45.1 

279 

39.6 

Grand  total 

38 

7 

45 

100.0 

5 

111 

100.0 

704 

100.0 

As  indicated  in  the  above  table,  about  one-third  (31.8  per  cent)  of 
the  pupils  were  in  manufacturing  industries  (corsets,  underwear 
mattresses,  shoes,  and  envelopes).;  more  than  one-fourth  (28.6  per 
cent)  were  in  occupations  other  than  manufacturing,  while  almost 
two-fifths  (39.6  per  cent)  were  not  earning,  but  were  in  their 
own  homes.  About  one-half  of  those  in  manufacturing  were  in 
the  needle  trades,  from  which  were  drawn  only  17.5  per  cent  of 
the  704  enrolled.  One-sixth,  then,  of  the  number  enrolled  in  the 
Worcester  evening  school  in  1914-15  were  engaged  during  the  day 
in  occupations  allied  to  the  courses  taken  in  the  evening,  which  is 
almost  the  same  as  the  proportion  (16.4  per  cent)  engaged  in  clerical 
occupations. 

One-fifth  (22.1  per  cent)  of  the  women  enrolled  in  intermediate 
and  advanced  sewing  and  13  per  cent  of  the  women  enrolled  in  pre- 
liminary dressmaking  were  engaged  during  the  day  in  the  needle 
trades.  The  knowledge  of  sewing  gained  from  their  day  occupations 
would  seem  to  give  these  women  some  advantage  in  taking  the 
advanced  courses.  But  just  as  the  women  attending  evening  indus- 
trial schools  belong  to  a  group  too  advanced  in  age  to  profit  most 
by  the  teaching,  so  they  follow,  to  a  large  extent,  during  the  day, 
occupations  not  at  all  allied  to  the  evening  courses. 


266  APPENDIX  B. 

One  hundred  and  seventy-five  of  the  704  women  enrolled  in  the 
Worcester  evening  school  were  married ;  all  but  four  of  these  were  at 
home.  The  variety  of  occupation,  age,  and  marital  condition  of  the 
pupils  makes  the  problem  of  successful  grouping  extremely  difficult; 
but  the  effort  is  made  to  keep  women  of  about  the  same  age  and 
occupation  in  the  same  classes. 

The  question  of  irregularity  of  attendance  at  evening  schools 
seems  almost  hopeless  of  solution  as  long  as  the  pupils  are  busy  in 
some  capacity  during  the  day.  The  Boston  Evening  Trade  School 
serves  a  supper  at  small  cost,  so  that  the  women  may  come  direct 
from  work  to  school.  The  Worcester  evening  school  offers  short 
courses,  which  terminate  at  fixed  dates,  and  it  requires  a  completion 
of  one  course  before  another  is  undertaken,  thus  putting  a  premium 
on  regularity  of  attendance.  This  scheme  has  been  very  successful, 
as  an  average  of  88  per  cent  of  the  women  enrolled  are  present  at  each 
session,  and  those  who  can  not  come  habitually  telephone  or  send 
their  excuse. 

The  chief  problems,  then,  which  are  presented  to  educators  in  the 
evening  vocational  schools  are  how  to  attract  (1)  a  larger  proportion 
of  young  workers,  and  (2)  a  larger  number  of  women  employed  in 
allied  trades  during  the  day;  that  is,  how  to  present  the  advantages 
of  the  school  to  the  classes  most  in  need  of  them.  Many  workers 
engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  clothing  or  straw  hats  were  visited 
who  wished  there  were  some  place  where  they  could  learn  special 
machines  or  could  work  up  speed.  Although  in  some  cases  they 
lived  within  a  few  blocks  of  the  trade  school,  they  had  never  heard 
of  it.  Another  problem  is  to  secure  regularity  of  attendance,  so  that 
the  lessons  may  be  of  some  real  value  to  the  worker.  The  successful 
development  of  these  evening  vocational  courses  must  follow  the 
line  of  the  demands  of  the  worker,  which  depend  on  the  demands 
of  the  trade.  These  demands  point  to  regularly  organized  short-unit 
courses  with  pupils  having  the  same  background  and  the  same  needs 
grouped  together,  and  to  close  connection  with  the  trade. 

The  length  of  term  in  all  evening  schools  is  from  October  1  to 
April  1 .  In  the  Boston  Evening  Trade  School,  the  pupils  are  expected 
to  come  three  evenings  and  in  the  Worcester  evening  school  two 
evenings  a  week.  In  Worcester,  the  school  is  in  session  four  evenings 
a  week,  but  the  same  classes  meet  on  alternate  evenings,  and  the 
session  lasts  two  hours.  In  the  Boston  and  Cambridge  evening 
practical  arts  courses  a  course  lasts  through  a  school  year.  In 
Worcester,  a  short-unit  system  has  been  developed,  each  unit  com- 
plete in  itself.  The  units  are  so  arranged  that  it  is  possible  to  progress 
from  one  subject  to  another,  or  to  enter  after  the  beginning  of  the 
term,  when  a  new  unit  is  begun.  The  units  range  in  length  from  eight 


EVENING   INDUSTRIAL   SCHOOLS  FOR  GIELS.  2G7 

to  twenty-four  lessons.  Millinery  has  four  units  of  eight  lessons 
each,  two  in  the  fall  and  two  in  the  spring.  During  the  whiter 
the  pupil  in  this  course  may  take  sewing,  but  only  a  few  do  so. 
Each  pupil  makes  or  trims  a  hat  during  each  of  the  courses,  and 
some  make  more  than  one.  In  plain  sewing,  which  must  be  taken 
by  all  women  who  know  nothing  about  needlework,  there  are  four 
courses  of  12  lessons  each,  the  second  half-year  repeating  the 
work  of  the  first.  Pupils  work  from  the  start  on  garments  rather 
than  on  samplers,  as  in  the  Boston  Evening  Trade  School.  The 
garments  made  are  an  apron,  dressing  sack,  corset  cover,  and  night- 
gown. The  plain  skirt  and  plain  waist,  12  lessons  each,  are  both 
repeated  four  times.  The  courses  in  fancy  waists  and  plain  one- 
piece  dresses  are  16  lessons  each,  repeated  twice,  while  advanced 
dressmaking,  repeated  once,  is  given  in  24  lessons.  This  last  course 
was  designed  primarily  for  dressmakers,  but  had  to  be  taught  in  a 
more  elementary  way  than  was  anticipated.  One- third  of  the  pupils 
enrolled  in  this  course  were  at  home  and  only  6  per  cent  were  dress- 
makers. This  is  of  interest  because  there  is  said  to  be  a  real  need 
for  more  independent  dressmakers  who  will  go  from  house  to  house. 
The  natural  supposition  would  be  that  such  a  course  would  attract 
women  who  aspired  to  meet  this  demand.  Children's  clothing  was 
offered,  but  as  no  one  chose  this  course,  it  was  discontinued. 

Eachxpupil  furnishes  her  own  material  for  garments.  The  school 
supplies  cotton  cloth  from  which  a  flat  bag  with  strings  is  made.  At 
night  the  women  fold  their  work  and  place  it  in  their  bags  which  are 
piled  up  and  wrapped  in  bundles,  which  take  little  room  and  are  free 
from  dust.  Each  garment  must  be  finished  and  inspected  by  the 
teacher  in  charge  of  the  class  and  by  the  supervisor  of  the  night  work, 
who  grades  each  garment,  criticises  it,  and  occasionally  requires  that 
some  part  be  done  over  before  it  is  taken  home.  The  standard  of 
finish  is  that  of  the  shop.  The  advantages  claimed  for  the  system, 
aside  from  the  regularity  of  attendance  secured,  are  .the  interest  of 
the  pupils  and  its  adaptability  to  their  need.  Some  enter  for  only 
one  or  two  units  in  September,  while  some  enter  in  other  months. 
Two-thirds  (67  per  cent)  of  the  whole  number  came  hi  September, 
and  about  one-tenth  (11.8  per  cent)  in  November,  when  the  second 
units  began.  The  school  plans  to  offer  the  courses  the  pupils  want 
most.  This  year  the  one-piece  dress  proved  most  popular.  For 
next  year  the  school  plans  to  offer  a  course  in  cutting  and  fitting  for 
its  own  graduates  and  others  who  are  qualified  to  take  such  work. 

The  two  tables  which  follow  show,  first,  the  plan  of  short-unit 
courses  of  the  Worcester  Girls'  Independent  Evening  Trade  School 
and,  second,  the  number  and  per  cent  who  entered  th«  school  hi 
specified  months  from  September,  1914,  to  March,  1915. 


268 


APPENDIX   B. 


TABLE  146.— PLAN  OF  SHORT-UNIT  COURSES  OF  THE  WORCESTER  GIRLS'  INDE- 
PENDENT EVENING  TRADE  SCHOOL,  OCTOBER,  1914,  TO  APRIL,  1915. 


Week  beginning- 

Courses  in  dressmaking. 

Courses 
in 
millin- 
ery. 

Preliminary. 

Inter- 
mediate. 

Advanced. 

Plain 
sewing. 

Plain 
skirt. 

Unlined 
waist, 

Chil- 
dren's 
cloth- 
ing. 

Plain 

dress. 

Fancy 
waist. 

Ad- 
vanced 
dress- 
making. 

Sept  28 

12 
lessons. 

12 

lessons. 

12 

lessons. 

2  lessons. 

16 
lessons. 

16 
lessons. 

24 

lessons. 

8  lessons. 

Oct   5   .    . 

6  lessons. 

Oct   12 

Oct.  19    ... 

Oct  26 

Nov.  2  

4  lessons. 

8  lessons. 

Nov  9 

Nov  16 

12 
lessons. 

12 
lessons. 

12 

lessons. 

6  lessons. 

Nov.  23.... 

16 
lessons. 

16 

lessons. 

Nov.  30 

Dec.  7.  ... 

6  lessons. 

Dec  14 

Jan.4  

12 
lessons. 

12 

lessons. 

12 
lessons. 

2  lessons. 

24 
lessons. 

Jan  11 

Jan.  18.  . 

6  lessons. 

Jan.  25 

Feb  1 

Feb.  8  

4  lessons. 

16 
lessons. 

16 
lessons. 

8  lessons. 

Feb  15 

Feb.  22 

12 

lessons. 

12 
lessons. 

12 
lessons. 

6  lessons. 

8  lessons. 

Mar.l  

Mar  8 

Mar.  15 

6  lessons. 

Mar.  22  

TABLE  147.— NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF  PUPILS  WHO  ENTERED  THE  WORCESTER 
GIRLS'  INDEPENDENT  EVENING  TRADE  SCHOOL  IN  SPECIFIED  MONTHS, 
1914-15. 


Month. 

Women  entering  school 
in  specified  months. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

September  ... 

472 
58 
83 
2 
44 
41 
4 

67.1 
8.2 
11.8 
.3 
6.2 
5.8 
.6 

October 

November  

December  

Januarv.  . 

February 

March 

Total  

704 

100.0 

In  the  Boston  Evening  Trade  School,  the  day  trade  teachers  give 
their  services  in  the  evening.  They  are  thoroughly  familiar  with  the 
subjects  to  be  taught  and  the  best  way  of  presenting  them.  On  the 
other  hand,  their  hours  in  the  day  school  are  long,  and  they  are  not  able 
to  give  to  their  work  the  freshness  of  energy  which  teachers  from  out- 
side the  school  can  bring.  In  Worcester,  the  school  obtains  its  even- 
ing teachers  from  the  trades.  They  are  used  to  directing  workers, 
but  are  less  familiar  than  are  the  regular  teachers  with  the  pedagogy 


EVENING   INDUSTRIAL   SCHOOLS   FOR  GIRLS.  269 

of  the  subject,  and  hence  are  apt  to  emphasize  product  rather  than 
correct  methods.  The  day  trade-school  teachers  are  not  tired  by 
evening  work  for  their  regular  duties.  Under  this  arrangement  some 
one  official  must  be  given  general  supervision  of  the  evening  school 
work,  as  the  teachers  are  not  accustomed  to  the  standardization  of 
work  necessary  in  a  school.  When  the  day  trade-school  teachers 
serve  at  night,  this  supervision  is  unnecessary. 

The  method  of  teaching  in  the  evening  industrial  schools  is  that  of 
practice,  with  so  much  of  the  theory  as  comes  naturally  with  the 
lessons.  The  classes  are  small,  the  teacher  supervises  the  women 
individually,  making  a  class  lesson  of  individual  problems  which 
apply  to  the  work  of  all.  In  the  Worcester  evening  school  the  pupils 
do  all  the  cutting  and  fitting.  The  teacher  supervises  both  processes. 
One  pupil  helps  another  with  the  draping;  sometimes  the  teacher 
drapes  one  side  of  a  waist  on  the  form  and  the  pupil  drapes  the  other. 
The  whole  idea  in  the  Worcester  school  is,  not  to  help  the  women  to 
get  cheap 'dressmaking  and  millinery  done,  but  to  teach  them  the 
principles  of  both  processes.  In  Boston  each  pupil  is  given  all  possi- 
ble help  on  points  of  individual  difficulty. 

A  study  of  the  evening  industrial  schools  for  girls  in  Massachusetts, 
then,  means  a  consideration  of  two  types  of  school;  first,  the  type 
which  offers  trade  extension  courses  for  women  in  allied  trades  during 
the  day;  second,  practical  arts  courses  for  women  employed  in  any 
capacity  during  the  day.  In  both  types  of  school  the  women  over 
21  years  of  age  predominate,  and  in  both  there  are  relatively  few 
women  enrolled  in  courses  which  will  help  them  directly  in  their  day 
occupations.  The  evening  industrial  schools  are,  therefore,  not  yet 
fulfilling  the  need  for  advanced  training  of  women  workers  in  the 
trades.  The  tendency  in  the  evening  industrial  schools,  however,  is 
toward  greater  systematization  of  teaching  and  standardization  of 
product.  There  is  yet  to  be  developed  a  systematized  program  for 
continuation  work  of  a  really  advanced  character  for  young  workers 
already  in  various  trades.  The  short-unit  method  seems  to  be  the 
most  satisfactory  system. 


INDEX. 


A. 

Page. 

Academic  courses  of  Worcester  Trade  School 251 

Administration  of  girls'  trade  schools 253-256 

At  beginning  work,  as  a  factor  determining  wage  advancement 133-138 

At  beginning  work,  as  affecting  wages  of  Worcester  Trade  School  girls 162 

At  beginning  work,  effect  on  wages  of  trade-school  girls 133-136 

At  beginning  work,  effect  on  wages  of  trade-trained  girls 136-138 

At  leaving  school,  relation  of,  to  utilization  of  trade  training 27-30 

Boston  Trade  School  girls,  in  relation  to  permanence  in  trade 84,85 

Employment  and,  of  Worcester  Trade  School  girls 154 

Industrial  distribution  and,  of  Worcester  Trade  School  girls  studied 149, 150 

Industrial  distribution,  wages,  and,  of  Cambridge  Trade  School  girls 169-171 

Length  o f  working  experience  and,  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls  studied 70-72 

Previous  schooling  and,  of  pupils  entering  the  trade  schools 22-2G 

Pupils  leaving  the  Boston  Trade  School,  under  private  management,  1904  to  1909,  and  under 

public  management,  1909  to  1914 30 

Trade-school  girls,  at  beginning  work 186-188 

Aprons  and  rompers,  opportunities  and  requirements  in  factories  manufacturing 226 

Area  from  which  Boston  Trade  School  girls  are  drawn 173, 174 

Art  courses  of  Worcester  Trade  School 251 

Average  wages.    (See  Wages.) 

B. 

Basis  of  trade  training 195 

Boston  Evening  Trade  School  for  Girls: 

Age  of  pupils  in 259-262 

Courses  of .x 258 

Enrollment  in 258 

Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls: 

Age  and  length  of  working  experience  of  girls  from , 70-72 

Age  of  girls  entering 22, 23 

Age  of  girls  in  relation  to  permanence  in  trade 84, 85 

Area  from  which  girls  are  drawn 173, 174 

Average  wages  of  girls  compared  with  those  of  trade-trained  girls 105, 106 

Average  weekly  wages  of  girls  in  successive  years 98-106 

Classified  weekly  wages  of  girls  in  successive  years  in  sewing  trades 107-113 

Comparative  wages  of  trade-school  and  trade-trained  dressmakers  and  factory  sewers  at  specified 

periods 124-127 

Courses  offered  in  —  t 19, 20 

Distance  from  school  of  girls,  and  persistence  in  attendance 174, 175 

Distance  from  school  of  girls,  and  use  of  trade 175, 176 

Effect  of  length  of  working  experience  of  girls  in  determining  wage  advancement 127-133 

Effect  on  wages  of  girls  of  age  at  beginning  work 136-138 

Enrollment  in  specified  courses  in 20, 21 

Establishment  of 8 

Girls  who  used  trade  for  which  trained 75-95 

Growth  of  enrollment  in 15, 16 

Industrial  distribution  of  girls  at  end  of  specified  periods  out  of  school 77, 78 

Initial  wage  of  girls 114-116 

Length  of  working  season  of  girls  by  trades 143-145 

Movement  of  girls  from  one  trade  to  another,  or  from  one  position  to  another 88-90 

Number  and  per  cent  of  girls  who  did  not  use  trade  for  which  trained 72-75 

Placement  of  pupils  by 41-44 

Policy  in  respect  to  initial  wage 114, 115 

Previous  schooling  of  pupils  of ' 24, 25 

Rate  of  advance  in  wages  of  girls  in  different  groups 101, 102 

Rate  of  wage  advance  of  girls  compared  with  initial  wage 115, 116 

Reasons  of  girls  for  leaving  primary  trade 93-95 

Reasons  of  girls  for  never  using  their  trades -. 73, 74 

Relation  of  wages  of  individual  workers  to  average  wage 102, 103 

Secondary  employments  of  girls 90-93 

Shifting  in  industry  of  individual  girls 85-88 

Stability  in  industry  of  girls  who  used  their  trades 75-78 

Stability  of  girls  in  trade  for  which  trained 78-90 

Time  required  by  different  groups  of  girls  to  reach  $8  a  week • 101 

Wages  and  length  of  working  season  of  girls 143-146 

Wages  and  occupations  of  girls  at  specified  periods  in  their  working  experience 117-127 

Wages  and  occupations  of  girls  never  using  trade  for  which  trained 124 

Wages  of  girls  (Chapter  IV) ,  m  "."97-147 

Wages  of  girls  remaining  in  trade  for  which  trained  and  of  those  leaving  it  for  other  occupations . .      99. 

100, 117-123 
Wages  of  girls  trained  for  sewing  trades,  classified  according  to  length  of  working  season  and 

trades 145j  14^ 

Wages  of  girls  who  never  used  trade  for  which  trained lOOl  101 

Wages  of  trade-school  dressmakers  classified  according  to  previous  schooling 138-141 

271 


272  INDEX. 

c. 

Page. 

Cambridge  evening  industrial  schools  for  girls,  ages  of  pupils  in 259-262 

Cambridge  Girls'  Trade  School: 

Age,  industrial  distribution,  and  wages  of  girls  studied 169-171 

Age  of  girls  entering 22, 23 

Courses  offered  in : 19, 29 

Enrollment  in  specified  courses  in 21 

Establishment  of 8 

Previous  schooling  of  pupils  of 24-26 

Children's  dresses,  opportunities  and  requirements  in  factories  manufacturing 222, 223 

Conclusions  suggested  by  survey 238-242 

Cookery,  general,  courses  in,  Worcester  Trade  School 251, 252 

Cost: 

Maintenance,  of  trade  schools 254 

Of  teaching  in  the  factory 231, 232 

Of  Worcester  Trade  School  plant 254 

Per  capita,  of  trade  schools 254, 255 

Courses: 

Academic,  of  Worcester  Trade  School 251 

Art,  of  Worcester  Trade  School 251 

Boston,  Worcester,  Cambridge,  and  Somerville  trade  schools 19,20 

Customs  sewing  trades,  reasons  for  relatively  high  enrollment  in 21, 22 

Departments  in  the  Worcester  Trade  School 246-253 

Physical  education  in  Worcester  Trade  School 252 

Short-unit,  Worcester  Girls'  Independent  Evening  Trade  School 266-268 

Summer-school,  offered  by  B  oston  and  Worcester  trade  schools 35 

Trade  schools 243-246 

Trade  schools,  relative  demand  for  the  different 20-22 

Courses  and  administration  of  the  trade  schools  for  girls  in  Massachusetts  (Appendix  A) 243-241 

Curtains,  opportunities  and  requirements  in  factories  manufacturing 227 

Custom  dressmaking.    (See  Dressmaking;  Sewing  trades.) 

Custom  sewing  trades.    (See  Dressmaking;  Sewing  trades.) 

Custom  work,  decrease  of,  and  growth  of  factory  work  in  millinery 205-208 

D. 

Dresses  and  waists,  opportunities  and  requirements  in  factories  manufacturing 217-221 

Dressmaking: 

Course  in,  of  Worcester  Trade  School 247,248 

Custom,  attitude  of  employers  toward  beginners 201,202 

Custom,  attitude  of  employers  toward  trade  schools  and  trade-school  girls 202-205 

Custom,  evolution  of 200-205 

Factory  sewing  trades  and  comparative  wages  of  trade-school  and  trade-trained  girls  in,  at 

specified  periods 124-127 

Stability  in,  of  girls  trained  in  Boston  Trade  School 80 

Time  required  by  Boston  Trade  School  girls  to  reach  $8  a  week  in 101 

Wages  of  trade-school  and  trade-trained  girls  classified  according  to  previous  schooling 141, 142 

(See  also  Sewing  trades.) 

Dual  control  of  trade  schools 253, 254 

E. 

Earnings.    (See  Wages.) 

Economic  status  of  families  of  trade-school  girls 182-188 

Education.    (See  Schooling.) 

Education,  academic,  and  trade-school  training  as  affecting  wages  of  Worcester  Trade  School  girls. .  162, 163 

Education,  academic,  as  a  factor  determining  wage  advancement 138-142 

Employers,  cooperation  between,  and  trade  school 63, 64 

Employment  of  Worcester  Trade  School  girls  in  successive  years 150-153 

Enrollment  in  specified  courses  in  Boston,  Worcester,  and  Cambridge  trade  schools 20, 21 

Enrollment  in  trade  schools  and  other  public  schools,  comparison  of  growth  of 15, 16 

Enrollment  in  trade  schools,  growth  of 15, 16 

Evening  industrial  schools  for  girls  (Appendix  B) 257-2 

Evening  industrial  schools  for  girls,  method  of  teaching  in 268, 269 

Evening  schools.    (See  Boston  Evening  Trade  School  for  Girls;  Worcester  Girls'  Independent  Even- 
ing Trade  School.) 
Evening  vocational  schools.     (See  Vocational  schools.) 

F. 

Factors  affecting  wages  of  Worcester  Trade  School  girls  -. 160-163 

Factors  determining  wage  advancement 127-142 

Family  condition  of  trade-school  girls 188, 18i 

Family  income,  contribution  to,  by  trade-school  girls 189-192 

G. 

Girl  who  has  been  trained  in  the  trade  school,  the  (Chapter  VI) 173-194 

H. 

High  School  of  Practical  Arts  in  Boston,  enrollment  and  number  of  graduates  using  trades  taught. .        65 

I. 

Income.    (See  Family  income;  Wages.) 

Industrial  distribution,  age,  and  wages  of  Cambridge  Trade  School  girls  studied 169-171 

Industrial  distribution  and  age  of  Worcester  Trade  School  girls  studied 149,  lo( 

Industrial  distribution  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls  at  end  of  specified  periods  out  of  school 77, 78 


INDEX.  273 

Page. 

Industrial  education,  new  questions  Involved  in 9,10 

Industrial  experience: 

Boston  Trade  School  girls  (Chapter  III) 67-96 

Length  of,  and  age  of  Boston  Trade  Schoolgirls 70-72 

Length  of,  as  a  factor  determining  wage  advancement 127-133 

Trade-school  girls,  statistical  basis  of  study  of 69 

Wages  and,  of  Worcester  and  Cambridge  trade-school  girls  (Chapter  V) 149-172 

Industrial  needs  and  opportunities,  necessity  for  understanding  and  recognition  by  trade  edu- 
cators   • 171 , 172 

Industries  for  which  trade  schools  train  (Chapter  VII) 195-233 

M. 

Marriage  as  an  interruption  to  working  career  of  trade-school  girls 192, 193 

Massachusetts  State-aided  evening  vocational  schools  for  women,  types  of 257, 258 

Massachusetts,  trade  schools  for  girls  in,  growth  of 8, 9 

Methods  by  which  trade-school  pupils  secure  positions 64, 65 

Methods  of  learning  in  the  power-machine  sewing  trades 230, 231 

Millinery: 

Attitude  of  employers  toward  trade-schoolgirls 208,209 

Course  in,  of  Worcester  Trade  School 249,250 

Evolution  of  trade 205-21 0 

Growth  of  factory  and  decrease  of  custom  work  in 205-208 

Stability  in,  of  girls  trained  in  Boston  Trade  School 80 

Time  required  by  Boston  Trade  School  girls  to  reach  88  a  week  in 101 

Movement  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls  from  one  trade  to  another,  or  from  one  position  to  another. .  88-90 

N. 

Nativity  of  trade-school  girls ^ 176-181 

Neckwear,  opportunities  and  requirements  in  factories  manufacturing 221, 222 

O. 

Occupations'and  wages  at  specified  periods  of  Worcester  Trade  School  girls 157-160 

Occupations  and  wages  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls  at  specified  periods  in  their  working  experi- 
ence    1 17-127 

Occupations  of  fathers  of  trade-school  girls 182-184 

P. 

Physical-education  courses  in  Worcester  Trade  School 252 

Placement  of  pupils  by  Boston  Trade  School 41-44 

Power-machine  operating: 

Course  in,  of  Worcester  Trade  School 248, 249 

Relative  cost  to  employer  of  training  a  trade-school  girl  and  an  untrained  girl 51, 52 

Stability  in,  of  girls  trained  in  Boston  Trade  School 80,81 

Time  required  by  Boston  Trade  School  girls  to  reach  $8  a  week  in 101 

Program  of  each  girl  in  day  classes  of  Worcester  Trade  School 252,253 

R. 

Reasons  for  leaving  primary  trade .  given  by  Boston  Trade  School  girls 93-95 

Reasons  for  not  using  trade  given  by  Worcester  Trade  School  girls 154, 155 

Reasons  given  by  Boston  Trade  School  girls  for  never  using  their  trades, 73, 74 

Reasons  given  by  girls  for  entering  trade  schools 25, 26 

Reasons  given  by  girls  for  leaving  trade  schools <. 44-46 

Rompers.    (See  Aprons  and  rompers.) 

S. 

School  problem,  the  (Chapter  II) 15-46 

School  tests  for  ascertaining  trade  ability 55-58 

Schooling: 

Previous,  and  age  of  pupils  entering  the  trade  schools 22-26 

Previous,  relation  between  and  tendency  to  enter  trade  for  which  trained 30-34 

Previous,  wages  of  trade-school  dressmakers  classified  according  to 138-141 

Schools.  (See  Boston  Evening  Trade  School  for  Girls;  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls;  Cambridge 
Girls' Trade  School;  High  School  of  Practical  Arts  in  Boston;  Somerville  Vocational  School  for 
Girls-  Trade  schools  for  girls;  Worcester  Girls'  Independent  Evening  Trade  School;  Worcester 
Girls' Trade  School.) 

Scope  of  trade-school  work,  prevailing  misconceptions  of 46-48 

Secondary  employments  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls 90-93 

Sessions,  day,  of  trade  schools,  hours  of,  and  time  devoted  to  specified  studies 35 

Sewing  trades: 

Academic  education  an  important  factor  in  success  of  women  in 32-34 

Classified  weekly  wages  in  successive  years  in,  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls 107-113 

Custom,  courses  in,  reasons  for  relatively  high  enrollment  in 21, 22 

Custom,  effect  of  changes  in,  upon  opportunities  for  trade-school  girls 209, 210 

Custom,  evolution  of  custom  dressmaking 200-205 

Custom,  evolution  of  millinery  trade 205-210 

Power-machine,  amount  of  shifting  among  employees 232, 233 

85225°— 17— Bull.  215 -18 


274  INDEX. 

Sewing  trades— Concluded.  page 

Power-machine,  analysis   of  characteristics   of  production  in  factories  making   light-weight 

products 214-217 

Power-machine,  cost  of  teaching  in  the  factory 231  232 

Power-machine,  extent  and  character  of,  in  Boston  and  Worcester ! .  213'  214 

Power-machine,  extent  to  which  taught  in  trade  schools 210 

Power-machine,  list  of  subtrades 211 

Power-machine,  methods  of  learning  in 230  231 

Power-machine,  need  of  training  for '.',  211-213 

Power-machine,  opportunities  and  requirements  in  different  branches  of 217-230 

Trade-trained  girls  in,  Worcester 165-168 

Wages  of  trade-school  girls  trained  for,  classified  according  to  length  of  working  season  and  trades.  145, 146 
(See  also  Dressmaking;  Millinery;  Power-machine  operating.) 

Shifting  among  factory  employees,  amount  of 232, 233 

Shifting  in  industry  of  individual  Boston  Trade  School  girls 85-88 

Shifting  in  industry  of  untrained  girls 87, 88 

Shirts,  opportunities  and  requirements  in  factories  manufacturing 225 

Short-unit  courses  of  Worcester  Girls'  Independent  Evening  Trade  School 266-268 

Sifting-out  process  in  schools 75-77 

Skirts,  opportunities  and  requirements  in  factories  manufacturing 227, 228 

Somerville  Vocational  School  for  Girls: 

Age  of  girls  entering 22, 23 

Courses  offered  in 19, 20 

Establishment  of 8 

Stability  in  industry  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls  who  used  their  trades 75-78 

Stability  in  trade  for  which  trained  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls 78-90 

Stability  of  trade-school  girls  in  trade  positions 60-63 

State-aided  evening  vocational  schools  for  women  in  Massachusetts,  types  of 257, 258 

Straw  hats,  opportunities  and  requirements  in  factories  manufacturing 229, 230 

Summary  and  conclusions  (Chapter  VIII) 235-242 

Summer-school  courses  offered  by  Boston  and  Worcester  trade  schools 35 

Survey,  conclusions  suggested  by 238-242 

Survey,  purpose,methpds,  and  scope  of 10-13 

Systems  of  local  fiaininistration  of  trade  schools  in  operation 253 

T. 

Test  applied  to  vocational  schools 67 

Time  actually  spent  in  trade  school  by  pupils 35-38 

Trade  ability,  school  tests  for  ascertaining 55-58 

Trade  cooking,  course  in,  of  Worcester  Trade  School 250 

Trade  demands,  special  methods  for  adapting  trade-school  pupils  to 58-60 

Trade-school  experience,  facts  shown  by 66 

Trade-school  training,  difficulty  of  determining  effectiveness  of 67-09 

Trade  schools  for  girls: 

Aim  of  leaders  in  movement  to  establish 15 

Cooperation  between,  and  employers 63, 64 

Courses  in 243-246 

Courses  in,  and  administral  ion  of,  in  Massachusetts 243-246 

Establishment  of  first,  in  United  States 8 

Growth  of,  in  Massachusetts 8, 9 

Maintenance  and  per  capita  cost  of 254, 255 

Methods  by  which  pupils  of,  secure  positions 64, 65 

Noncompetitive  character  of 16-18 

Reasons  given  by  pupils  entering  summer  session  for  not  remaining  for  full  session 57 

Reasons  of  pupils  for  leaving 44-46 

Revenue  from  sale  of  product  of 255. 256 

Special  methods  for  adapting  pupils  to  trade  demands 58-60 

Stability  of  pupils  of,  in  trade  positions .*- 60-63 

(See  also  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls;  Cambridge  Girls'  Trade  School;  Somerville  Vocational 

School  f9r  Girls;  Worcester  Girls'  Trade  School.) 
Trade-school  girls: 

Adjustment  of,  to  the  trade , 48-55 

Age  at  beginning  work 186-188 

Contribution  of,  to  family  income 189-192 

Effect  of  changes  in  custom  sewing  trades  upon  opportunities  for 209, 210 

Employment  of,  during  interval  between  grammar-school  and  trade-school  attendance 184-186 

Family  condition  of 188, 189 

Marriage  as  an  interruption  to  working  career  of 192, 193 

Nativity  of 176-181 

Occupations  of  fathers  of 182-184 

(See  also  Boston  Trade  School  for  Girls;  Cambridge  Girls'  Trade  School;  Somerville  Vocational 
School  for  Girls;  Worcester  Girls'  Trade  School.) 

Trade-school  training,  length  of,  effect  upon  permanence  in  trade 40, 41 

Trade-school  work,  prevailing  misconceptions  of  scope  of 46-48 

Trade-trained  dressmakers,  wages  of,  classified  according  to  previous  schooling 141, 142 

Trade-trained  girls: 

Average  wages  of,  Boston 103-105 

Average  wages  of,  compared  with  those  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls. 105, 106 

Classified  weekly  wages  in  successive  years  in  sewing  trades,  Boston 111-113 

Effect  of  length  of  working  experience  in  determining  wage  advancement,  Boston 127-1J 

Effect  on  wages  of  age  at  beginning  work : " 136-138 

Occupations  and  wages  of  sewing  girls  in  Worcester 165-168 

Trade  training  for  girls: 

Basis  of 195 

Degree  to  which  utilized 26, 27 

Length  of,  distribution  of  girls  using  their  trades  by 38-41 

Problem  of 7,8 

Relation  of  age  at  leaving  trade  school  to  utilization  of 27-30 

Trades  taught  in  Boston,  Worcester,  Cambridge,  and  Somerville  trade  schools 19, 20 

Trades  to  be  taught  in  trade  schools,  bases  of  selection  of 19 


INDEX.  275 

u. 

Page. 

Underwear,  opportunities  and  requirements  in  factories  manufacturing 223-225 

Unit  control  of  trade  schools 253 

V. 

Vocational  schools: 

Evening,  for  women  in  Massachusetts,  State-aided,  types  of 257,258 

Evening,  problems  of ^ 28C 

Sifting-out  process  in v ~ 75-77 

Test  applied  to •« 67 

w. 

Wage  advancement,  factors  determining 127-142 

Age,  industrial  distribution,  and,  of  Cambridge  Trade  School  girls 169-171 

Average,  at  specified  periods,  of  Worcester  Trade  School  girls 155-157 

A  range,  of  trade-trained  workers  in  Boston 103-105 

Average  weekly,  in  successive  years,  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls 98-106 

Boston  Trade  School  girls  (Chapter  IV) 97-147 

Boston  Trade  School  girls  remaining  in  trade  for  which  trained  and  those  leaving  it  for  other 

occupations 99,100,117-123 

Boston  Trade  School  girls  who  never  used  trade  for  which  trained 100, 101 

Classified,  at  specified  periods,  of  Worcester  Trade  School  girls 157 

Classified  weekly,  in  successive  years  in  sewing  trades,  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls 107-113 

Comparative,  9f  Boston  Trade  School  and  trade-trained  dressmakers  and  factory  sewers,  at 

specified  periods 124-127 

Industrial  experience  and,  of  Worcester  and  Cambridge  trade-school  girls  (Chapter  V) 149-172 

Initial,  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls 114-116 

Initial,  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls,  compared  with  rate  of  wage  advance 115, 116 

Initial,  policy  of  Boston  Trade  School  as  to 114-116 

Length  of  working  season  and,  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls 143-146 

Length  of  working  season  and,  of  Worcester  Trade  School  girls 163-165 

Occupations  and,  at  specified  periods,  of  Worcester  Trade  School  girls 157-160 

Occupations  and,  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls,  at  specified  periods  in  their  working  experience  117-127 

Occupations  and.  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls  never  using  trade  for  which  trained 124 

Rate  of  advance  in  different  groups  by  Boston  Trade  School  girls 101 

Relation  of  wages  of  individual  workers  to  average  wage,  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls 102, 103 

Trade-school  dressmakers,  classified  according  to  previous  schooling 138-141 

Trade-school  girls,  effect  on,  of  age  at  beginning  work ". 133-136 

Trade-school  girls,  trained  for  sewing  trades,  classified  according  to  length  of  working  season  and 

trades 145, 146 

*  Trade-trained  dressmakers,  classified  according  to  previous  schooling 141, 142 

Trade-trained  girls,  effect  on,  of  age  at  beginning  work 136-138 

Trade-trained  girls,  in  sewing  trades  in  Worcester 167, 168 

Worcester  Trade  School  girls,  age  at  beginning  .work  as  affecting 162 

Worcester  Trade  School  girls,  as  affected  by  academic  and  trade-school  training 162, 163 

Worcester  Trade  School  girls,  as  affected  by  length  of  working  experience 160-162 

Worcester  Trade  School  girls,  factors  affecting 160-163 

Waists.    (See  Dresses  and  waists.) 
Women's  clothing  trades: 

Decrease  in  number  of  custom  workers : 196 

Decrease  in  proportion  of  young  workers  employed. 197-199 

Growth  of  factory  product  in 197 

(See  also  Sewing  trades.) 
Worcester  Girls'  Independent  Evening  Trade  School: 

Ages  of  pupils  in 259-263 

Occupations  of  girls  enrolled  in  specified  courses  in 264, 265 

Short-unit  courses  of 2661268 

Worcester  Girls'  Trade  School: 

Age  and  distribution  of  girls  studied 149, 150 

Age  and  employment  of  girls 154 

Age  of  girls  at  beginning  work  as  affecting  wages 162 

Age  of  girls  entering 22. 23 

Average  wages  of  girls  at  specified  periods 155, 156 

Classified  wages  oi  girls  at  specified^  periods 157 

Courses  of  departments  of 246-253 

Courses  offered  in 19, 20 

Employment  of  girls  in  successive  years .• 150-153 

Enrollment  in  specified  courses  in 20, 21 

Establishment  of 8 

Factors  affecting  wages  of  girls 160-163 

Growth  of  enrollment  in 15, 16 

Length  of  working  experience  and  employment  of  girls 153, 154 

Previous  schooling  of  pupils  of '. 24 

Reasons  given  by  girls  for  not  using  trade ; 154, 155 

Wages  and  length  of  working  season  of  girls 163-165 

Wages  and  occupations  of  girls  at  specified  periods 157-160 

Wages  of  girls,  how  affected  by  academic  and  trade-school  training 162, 163 

Wages,  how  affected  by  length  of  working  experience 160-162 

Working  experience,  length  of,  and  employment  of  Worcester  Trade  Sehool  girls 153, 154 

Working  experience,  length  of.  as  affecting  wages  of  Worcester  Trade  School  girls 160-162 

Working  season,  length  of,  and  wages  of  Boston  Trade  School  girls 143  -146 

Working  season,  length  of,  and  wages  of  Worcester  Trade  School  girls 163-165 

Working  season,  length  of,  by  trades,  for  trade-school  girls 143-146 


O 


THIS  BOOK  IS  DUE  ON  THE  LAST  DATE 
STAMPED  BELOW 


AN  INITIAL  FINE  OF  25  CENTS 

WILL  BE  ASSESSED  FOR  FAILURE  TO  RETURN 
THIS  BOOK  ON  THE  DATE  DUE.  THE  PENALTY 
WILL  INCREASE  TO  5O  CENTS  ON  THE  FOURTH 
DAY  AND  TO  $1.OO  ON  THE  SEVENTH  DAY 
OVERDUE. 


MAY  8  1934 


KTD     JUL  1 


1982 


LD  21-100m-7,'33 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


